Zambia Zambia at a Glance: 2005-06
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Zambia » Levy Mwanawasa
» Biografías Líderes Políticos (Only in spanish) » África » Zambia » Levy Mwanawasa Levy Mwanawasa © UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe Zambia Updatte:: 8 Febrruarry 2016 Presidente de la República (2002-2008) Levy Pattriick Mwanawasa Term off offffiice:: 2 jjanuarry 2002 -- 19 augustt 2008 Biirtth:: Muffulliirra,, prroviinciia de Copperrbelltt,, 3 septtemberr 1948 Decease:: Parríís,, Frranciia,, 19 augustt 2008 Polliittiicall partty:: Moviimiientto porr lla Democrraciia Mullttiiparrttiidiistta ((MMD)) Proffessiion:: Abogado Edited by: Roberto Ortiz de Zárate Presentation En agosto de 2008 fallecía a los 59 años, víctima de un derrame cerebral, el presidente de Zambia desde 2002, tercero desde la independencia y segundo del partido Movimiento por la Democracia Multipartidista (MMD). Aupado al poder en unas elecciones que recibieron consistentes denuncias de fraude pero reelegido sin sombra de ilegitimidad en 2006, Levy Mwanawasa gobernó este país africano muy castigado por la pobreza y el desempleo con una reputación de probidad, modestia y sensibilidad social, manifiestas en sus prudentes reformas macroeconómicas y sus medidas anticorrupción, obtuvo la reducción de la deuda externa y legó una economía en crecimiento basada en la minería del cobre. En casa cortó amarras con su corrupto predecesor, Frederick Chiluba, y de puertas a fuera fue un elocuente defensor de la democracia en la vecina Zimbabwe. Biography 1. Vicepresidente de la República discrepante con el oficialismo 2. Contestado sucesor de Chiluba en 2002 3. Un presidente comprometido con la democracia y el desarrollo 4. Enfermedad y fallecimiento en 2008 1. Vicepresidente de la República discrepante con el oficialismo Perteneciente al pequeño grupo étnico lenje y segundo de diez hermanos, recibió la educación primaria en varios centros de la populosa provincia minera de Copperbelt y la secundaria en la Escuela Chiwala de Ndola, en los tiempos en que Zambia era el protectorado británico de Rhodesia del Norte. -
Hidden in the Mealie Meal Gender-Based Abuses and Women’S HIV Treatment in Zambia
December 2007 Volume 19, No. 18(A) Hidden in the Mealie Meal Gender-Based Abuses and Women’s HIV Treatment in Zambia I. Summary......................................................................................................................... 1 II. Key Recommendations to the Government of Zambia and Zambia National Assembly ..... 5 III. Methodology................................................................................................................. 7 IV. Background...................................................................................................................9 Gender and HIV/AIDS in Africa........................................................................................ 9 Access and Adherence to Treatment..............................................................................10 Obstacles to Accessing HIV/AIDS Treatment in Zambia..................................................12 Women in Zambia ......................................................................................................... 15 Domestic and Sexual Violence................................................................................. 15 Property Rights ........................................................................................................16 Social, Economic, and Political Indicators of the Status of Women ..........................17 Women’s Political Participation ...............................................................................18 Decision-Making within the Household and Negotiation -
Zambia Page 1 of 8
Zambia Page 1 of 8 Zambia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 Zambia is a republic governed by a president and a unicameral national assembly. Since 1991, multiparty elections have resulted in the victory of the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD). MMD candidate Levy Mwanawasa was elected President in 2001, and the MMD won 69 out of 150 elected seats in the National Assembly. Domestic and international observer groups noted general transparency during the voting; however, they criticized several irregularities. Opposition parties challenged the election results in court, and court proceedings were ongoing at year's end. The anti-corruption campaign launched in 2002 continued during the year and resulted in the removal of Vice President Kavindele and the arrest of former President Chiluba and many of his supporters. The Constitution mandates an independent judiciary, and the Government generally respected this provision; however, the judicial system was hampered by lack of resources, inefficiency, and reports of possible corruption. The police, divided into regular and paramilitary units under the Ministry of Home Affairs, have primary responsibility for maintaining law and order. The Zambia Security and Intelligence Service (ZSIS), under the Office of the President, is responsible for intelligence and internal security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. Members of the security forces committed numerous serious human rights abuses. Approximately 60 percent of the labor force worked in agriculture, although agriculture contributed only 15 percent to the gross domestic product. Economic growth increased to 4 percent for the year. -
Zambia Page 1 of 16
Zambia Page 1 of 16 Zambia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2002 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 31, 2003 Zambia is a republic governed by a president and a unicameral national assembly. Since 1991 generally free and fair multiparty elections have resulted in the victory of the Movement for Multi -Party Democracy (MMD). In December 2001, Levy Mwanawasa of the MMD was elected president, and his party won 69 out of 150 elected seats in the National Assembly. The MMD's use of government resources during the campaign raised questions over the fairness of the elections. Although noting general transparency during the voting, domestic and international observer groups cited irregularities in the registration process and problems in the tabulation of the election results. Opposition parties challenged the election result in court, and court proceedings remained ongoing at year's end. The Constitution mandates an independent judiciary, and the Government generally respected this provision; however, the judicial system was hampered by lack of resources, inefficiency, and reports of possible corruption. The police, divided into regular and paramilitary units operated under the Ministry of Home Affairs, had primary responsibility for maintaining law and order. The Zambia Security and Intelligence Service (ZSIS), under the Office of the President, was responsible for intelligence and internal security. Members of the security forces committed numerous, and at times serious, human rights abuses. Approximately 60 percent of the labor force worked in agriculture, although agriculture contributed only 22 percent to the gross domestic product. Economic growth slowed to 3 percent for the year, partly as a result of drought in some agricultural areas. -
Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers. -
Zambia, a 'Christian Nation'
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 6, No. 7; July 2016 Zambia, a ‘Christian nation’ in Post Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) Era, 2011-2016 Austin M. Cheyeka Department of Religious Studies University of Zambia P. O. Box 32379, Lusaka Zambia Abstract The declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation in 1991 has become a field of research because of its many faces, the interpretations it has accrued which generate debate and things it has spawned; numerous Pentecostal churches and political parties with the ‘Christian’ name tag. What is more, it has given birth to organizations such as ‘Christian Nation Coalition’, ‘Christian Nation Foundation’ and most significant, a national chapel (House of Prayer for All Nations Tabernacle) yet to be constructed in the capital city next to State house where the declaration occurred. In this article I extend my research on the Christian nation rhetoric beyond Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) era, by examining its status during the Patriotic Front rule from 2011 to 2016, before the August 11, 2016 general elections. In 2011 the party of the president who declared Zambia a Christian nation lost power to a new party of Mr. Michael Chilufya Sata, a staunch Catholic, who, after his demise, was succeeded by Edgar Chagwa Lungu of unknown religious or denominational affiliation. I argue in the article that while Sata hardly used the Christian nation rhetoric, Lungu made the most of it during his campaign thereby revitalizing the Christian nation fervor and prompting some Pentecostal big men and women to rally around him. My stark conclusion is that: Lung perceptively reconfigured the Christian nation rhetoric for political mileage. -
Zambia's Independence
Zambia’s Independence In thy cozy loamy soils deeply flowed mine young blood/ In thy sun- scotched patches birth-ed thee a patriotic lad/ How this thought of hilarity mine psyche partly flood/ Thy progeny in hope mine entrails thou maketh glad/ Thy black visage daily mine heart gladly beholdeth/ For thine good, whence mine desire dryly flourisheth/ Oh Zambia, kind Mother to me thou may be more/ Oh land, thy toil, the oil that boileth our common soul! BRIEF INTRODUCTION In this chapter, the author relives the memories of Zambia’s 19th independence celebrations as a child at Mibenge Primary School in Mibenge’s village in Samfya- Mansa district of Luapula Province. It introduces the major theme of independence, the founding fathers of the independent Republic of Zambia, and the promise of a prosperous, democratic and free nation. MAJOR THEME: Independence ≈ History ≈ Politics ≈ §1.1 Mibenge was born on the ninth Christmas after Zambia became independent. My mother told me that she almost named me Mary had I been a girl, but for the second born who was already called by that name in the family. I was born Charles Chushi Zachariah Mwewa to Zachariah I 1 Kalubeya Mwewa and Justina Kunda of Mibenge village in Samfya-Mansa district in the Luapula Province of Zambia.2 I am positioned seventh in an eight-member family of only two girls: John Mwewa, Mary Kalaba, Gilbert Ng’andwe, George (also called Charles Chibwe), Joseph Ng’andwe, Jeremiah Chushi, and Anne Mwewa. When I was born, it was perhaps not a family secret that I was unexpected. -
Zambia's 2001 Elections: the Tyranny of Small Decisions, 'Non-Decisions
Third World Quarterly, Vol 23, No 6, pp 1103–1120, 2002 Zambia’s 2001 elections: the tyranny of small decisions, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ PETER BURNELL ABSTRACT The course of the 1990s witnessed deterioration in the quality of elections held across sub-Saharan Africa. Zambia’s elections for the presidency, parliament and local government held on 27 December 2001 are no exception. They returned the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) to power, but with much reduced popular support and leaving doubts about the legitimacy of the result. A ‘tyranny of small decisions’, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ perpetrated over 12 months or more leading up to these elections combined to influence the outcome. The previous MMD government and the formally autono- mous Electoral Commission were primarily but not wholly responsible. For independent analysts as well as for the political opposition, who secured a majority of parliamentary seats while narrowly failing to capture the presidency, identifying the relevant category of ‘decisions’ to which influences belong and comparing their impact is no straightforward matter. Zambia both illustrates the claim that ‘administrative problems are typically the basis of the flawed elections’ in new democracies and refines it by showing the difficulty of clearly separating the administrative and political factors. In contrast Zimbabwe’s presi- dential election in March 2002, which had the Zambian experience to learn from, appears a more clear-cut case of deliberate political mischief by the ruling party. There is little doubt that in the course of the 1990s the quality of Africa’s elections went into decline. -
AC Vol 43 No 9
www.africa-confidential.com 3 May 2002 Vol 43 No 9 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL NIGERIA II 2 NIGERIA I Khaki blues, business suits The generals’ election The military has helped tear the country apart but civilians still defer There are worries whether President Obasanjo’s army can to the soldiers and politicians hold together against growing It is a measure of Nigeria’s political class that in next year’s presidential election, the two most likely communal and religious clashes candidates – Olusegun Obasanjo and Muhammadu Buhari – are retired generals and former military ahead of next year’s polls. And, if leaders. And Nigeria’s wealthiest and most influential kingmaker, another retired general and military it does, its senior officers may want leader, Ibrahim Babangida, may well offer money to both sides. On 25 April, General Obasanjo, to take back power again. ‘persuaded’ by his supporters, declared he would seek a second term; on the same day, Gen. Buhari joined the biggest opposition group, the All People’s Party, on whose ticket he may stand for President. LIBERIA 3 Buhari and Obasanjo hold strong and contrary religious convictions: Obasanjo is a ‘born again’ Christian who has preached at the fundamentalist Winners’ Chapel; Buhari exudes asceticism, publicly Rebels without a plan supporting the extension of the Sharia criminal code (AC Vol 42 No 17). Obasanjo is Yoruba from Ogun Rebels threaten President Taylor State in the south-west; Buhari is Fulani from Katsina in the far north. and give him a pretext to ban Over this looming battle lurks the ghost of a late military leader, Gen. -
The Plundering of Zambian Resources by Frederick
The plundering of Zambian resources by Frederick Chiluba and his friends: a case study of the interaction between national politics and the international drive towards good governance Donge, J.K.van Citation Donge, J. Kvan. (2009). The plundering of Zambian resources by Frederick Chiluba and his friends: a case study of the interaction between national politics and the international drive towards good governance. African Affairs, 108(430), 69-90. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/14510 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/14510 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). African Affairs, 108/430, 69–90 doi: 10.1093/afraf/adn073 C The Author [2008]. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal African Society. All rights reserved THE PLUNDERING OF ZAMBIAN RESOURCES BY FREDERICK CHILUBA AND HIS FRIENDS: A CASE STUDY OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN NATIONAL POLITICS AND THE INTERNATIONAL DRIVE TOWARDS GOOD GOVERNANCE JAN KEES VAN DONGE ABSTRACT This article analyses the accusations that have emerged since 2001 of predatory behaviour during the presidency of Frederick T. Chiluba (1991– 2001). It advocates a detailed analysis of the practices that have come to light in order to move beyond a generalized interpretation of the persis- tence of predatory elites in Africa. Three specific themes appear. First, there is a danger of oversimplification of these conflicts as between the international community and national governments. The political struggles tend to be more complicated than generally presented, and international involvement meshes with local political struggles. Second, predatory be- haviour or corruption is a social process that is embedded in wider national and international networks. -
'You Can Cage the Singer but Not the Song' Press
‘YOU CAN CAGE THE SINGER BUT NOT THE SONG’ PRESS FREEDOM AND THE ROLE OF THE STATE IN ZAMBIA Hlazo Mkandawire Master in Nordic Media UNIVERSITY OF OSLO 2013 Abstract Zambia has been a democratic country since the first multiparty elections in Noveer 1991 and as a nation it has been a sort of role model for young democracies in Southern Africa, including countries such as South Africa. However, the media in Zambia has not fully enjoyed the fruits of democracy because the government has continued to control and use the media in the manner it was used during the colonial period and one party state. There is government intereference in state owned media and the private media is highly regulated by media laws that are undemocratic in nature and an infringement on press freedom and freedom of expression. This research project is an examination of the weaknesses in the Zambian media laws that infringe on the principles of press freedom and freedom of expression, within the realm of the Social Responsibility and Libertarian theories of a free press. The research also identifies the role played by the Zambian state in media regulation. The findings of the research indicate that most media laws were enacted either during the colonial period or during the time Zambia was under a one party state, hence to a large extent these media laws do not adequately reflect the tenets of democracy and the government has been very reluctant to review these media laws. The media in Zambia has been very active and on several occassions have engaged the government to enact better media laws and review the old media laws now that Zambia is a democratic nation. -
Speech Delivered by His Excellency Mr
Republic of Zambia SPEECH DELIVERED BY HIS EXCELLENCY MR. EDGAR CHAGWA LUNGU PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF ZAMBIA, DURING THE CHURCH SERVICE IN HONOUR OF HIS EXCELLENCY THE LATE DR. LEVY PATRICK MWANAWASA, SC HELD AT THE CATHEDRAL OF THE HOLY CROSS, LUSAKA ON SUNDAY, 19TH AUGUST, 2018 • DR. MAUREEN MWANAWASA, THE FORMER FIRST LADY; • HIS EXCELLENCY MR. RUPIAH BWEZANI BANDA, THE FOURTH REPUBLICAN PRESIDENT; • FORMER VICE-PRESIDENTS PRESENT; • CURRENT AND FORMER MINISTERS; • LEADERS OF OPPOSITION POLITICAL PARTIES PRESENT; • MEMBERS OF THE PRESS; • MY BROTHERS AND SISTERS AND ALL PRESENT: I THANK THE LEVY MWANAWASA FOUNDATION AND THE MWANAWASA FAMILY FOR INVITING US ALL TO COME AND JOIN THEM IN HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR LATE PRESIDENT DR. LEVY PATRICK MWANAWASA, SC. SINCE HE PASSED ON TEN YEARS AGO. A DECADE MAY HAVE PASSED SINCE HIS PASSING ON BUT OUR THOUGHTS ARE STILL FRESH WITH SOME OF HIS IDEALS AND THE MANNER IN WHICH HE MANAGED THE AFFAIRS OF THE STATE. 1 | P a g e OUR PARTY THE PATRIOTIC FRONT, VIVIDLY REMEMBER AND WARMLY FEEL THE BROTHERLY HAND-SHAKE WHICH THE LATE PRESIDENT MWANAWASA EXTENDED TO OUR LATE PRESIDENT MICHAEL CHILUFYA SATA. WE EQUALLY REMEMBER THE ASSISTANCE PRESIDENT MWANAWASA RENDERED TO MR SATA TO ENSURE THAT HE RECEIVED THE MEDICAL ATTENTION AT THE TIME, HE WAS UNWELL. THIS WAS TRULY A SIGN OF A GREAT LEADER IN LATE PRESIDENT MWANAWASA WHOSE GESTURE TRANSCENDED POLITICS. TODAY, THE SEED OF NATIONAL BUILDING WHICH PRESIDENT MWANAWASA PLANTED IS SEEN BY OUR COLLABORATION WITH SOME OF THE MMD MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. MANY OF THE ZAMBIAN PEOPLE WILL STILL REMEMBER HIM FOR HIS SELFLESS DEMEANOUR.