Zambia Country Report BTI 2016
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Situation Report Last Updated: 9 Dec 2020
ZAMBIA Situation Report Last updated: 9 Dec 2020 HIGHLIGHTS (9 Dec 2020) The Ministry of Health has confirmed 17,916 COVID- 19 cases and 364 deaths as of 7 December. The number of districts reporting COVID-19 infections had increased from 68 in September to 96, as of 30 November. Education partners report that 16 per cent of nearly 39,000 learners in Eastern and Southern provinces have dropped a reading level during COVID-19 school closures.. The food security situation remains of major concern, Community sensitization on COVID-19 in Chawama Market amid a infestation of the African Migratory Locusts in in Lusaka. Photo: ©UNICEF/Mulikita 14 districts across Central, Southern and Western provinces. Nearly 2 million people are facing severe food insecurity between October 2020 and March 2021, despite increased crop production in most areas. KEY FIGURES FUNDING CONTACTS Laura Hastings 10.1M 6.2M $132.9M $66.2M Humanitarian Affairs Officer, Zambia people in need people targeted requested (May-Oct received [email protected] 2020) Guiomar Pau Sole 27 Head of Communications & Information partners operational 51.7% Management, Regional Office for funded Southern & Eastern Africa [email protected] INTERACTIVE (29 Oct 2020) Emergency Appeal Financial Tracking https://reports.unocha.org/en/country/zambia/ Page 1 of 15 Downloaded: 9 Dec 2020 ZAMBIA Situation Report Last updated: 9 Dec 2020 View this interactive graphic: https://bit.ly/ZambiaAppealFunding BACKGROUND (9 Dec 2020) Situation Overview Since the first case of COVID-19 on 18 March 2020, the Ministry of Health (MOH) has confirmed over 17,916 cases with 364 deaths (case fatality rate of 2 per cent) as of 7 December 2020. -
Zambia » Levy Mwanawasa
» Biografías Líderes Políticos (Only in spanish) » África » Zambia » Levy Mwanawasa Levy Mwanawasa © UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe Zambia Updatte:: 8 Febrruarry 2016 Presidente de la República (2002-2008) Levy Pattriick Mwanawasa Term off offffiice:: 2 jjanuarry 2002 -- 19 augustt 2008 Biirtth:: Muffulliirra,, prroviinciia de Copperrbelltt,, 3 septtemberr 1948 Decease:: Parríís,, Frranciia,, 19 augustt 2008 Polliittiicall partty:: Moviimiientto porr lla Democrraciia Mullttiiparrttiidiistta ((MMD)) Proffessiion:: Abogado Edited by: Roberto Ortiz de Zárate Presentation En agosto de 2008 fallecía a los 59 años, víctima de un derrame cerebral, el presidente de Zambia desde 2002, tercero desde la independencia y segundo del partido Movimiento por la Democracia Multipartidista (MMD). Aupado al poder en unas elecciones que recibieron consistentes denuncias de fraude pero reelegido sin sombra de ilegitimidad en 2006, Levy Mwanawasa gobernó este país africano muy castigado por la pobreza y el desempleo con una reputación de probidad, modestia y sensibilidad social, manifiestas en sus prudentes reformas macroeconómicas y sus medidas anticorrupción, obtuvo la reducción de la deuda externa y legó una economía en crecimiento basada en la minería del cobre. En casa cortó amarras con su corrupto predecesor, Frederick Chiluba, y de puertas a fuera fue un elocuente defensor de la democracia en la vecina Zimbabwe. Biography 1. Vicepresidente de la República discrepante con el oficialismo 2. Contestado sucesor de Chiluba en 2002 3. Un presidente comprometido con la democracia y el desarrollo 4. Enfermedad y fallecimiento en 2008 1. Vicepresidente de la República discrepante con el oficialismo Perteneciente al pequeño grupo étnico lenje y segundo de diez hermanos, recibió la educación primaria en varios centros de la populosa provincia minera de Copperbelt y la secundaria en la Escuela Chiwala de Ndola, en los tiempos en que Zambia era el protectorado británico de Rhodesia del Norte. -
African Democratic Transitions Tracker Technical Appendix
African Democratic Transitions Tracker Technical Appendix Contents Definitions ..................................................................................................................................................... 2 Notes ............................................................................................................................................................. 3 Data Sources for Individual Countries .......................................................................................................... 4 1 Definitions Multi‐party election ‐ two or more political parties have affiliated candidates participating in an election. Single party election ‐ only one political party has an affiliated candidate participating in an election. Other transitions ‐ assumption of power via: Appointment by parliament, presidential council, military junta, clan leaders, etc Appointment as an interim or “acting” head of state A plebiscite, national referendum, change to the constitution, etc. Conflicting claims for leadership or no recognized government Coups or assassination ‐ a segment of the state apparatus takes over the rest of the government and/or the current leader is assassinated . Deaths in office ‐ a leader dies of causes, unrelated to a coup or assassination. Resignation from office ‐ a ruler leaves power on his or her own accord. Total elections ‐ either a single‐ or multi‐party election. Note: Coups/assassinations, deaths and resignations are considered to be discrete events; distinct from how a following -
The Power of Persistence: Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness
SPINE The Power of Persistence | Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness Reform System Education The Power of Persistence Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness 1875 Connecticut Ave., NW Case Studies in Long-Term Education Reform Washington, DC 20009 [email protected] www.equip123.net EQUIP 2 Publication_Cover F2.indd 1 1/4/11 10:48 AM The Power of Persistence Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness Case Studies in Long-Term Education Reform November 2010 John Gillies EQUIP2 Project Director Case sTudy Teams: El SAlvADoR I Jessica Jester Quijada, John Gillies, Antonieta Harwood EGyPt I Mark Ginsburg, Nagwa Megahed, Mohammed Elmeski, Nobuyuki tanaka NAMIbIA I Donna Kay leCzel, Muhamed liman, Sifiso Nyathi, Michael tjivikua, Godfrey tubaundule NICARAGUA I John Gillies, Kirsten Galisson, Anita Sanyal, bridget Drury ZAMbIA I David balwanz, Arnold Chengo table of Contents Acknowledgments v Foreword viii Executive Summary 1 Section 1: Introduction 11 Challenges in Education System Reform 14 Evaluating Aid Effectiveness in Education Reform: Exploring Concepts 17 A Systems Approach to Education Reform: What constitutes meaningful change in education systems? 27 Section 2: Lessons from Country Case Studies 43 Summary of Country Case Studies 45 Egypt 49 El Salvador 67 Namibia 85 Nicaragua 99 Zambia 111 Section 3: Summary Findings and Conclusions 131 Findings 133 Conclusions 148 Implications for USAID Policy and Programming. 156 Bibliography 158 Acknowledgments This study is the result of a two-year inquiry into the dynamics of improving the performance of education systems on a sustainable basis, and the role that donor assistance can play in achieving such improvement. The study was focused on the forces that influence how complex policy and institutional changes are introduced, adopted, and sustained in a society over a 20 year period, rather than on the impact of specific policy prescriptions or programs. -
The Chair of the African Union
Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation. -
Information Bulletin – 2016 Annual Meetings
Welcome to the 51st Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors of the African Development Bank and the 42nd Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors of the African Development Fund 23rd MAY – 27th May, 2016 LUSAKA, REPUBLIC OF ZAMBIA INFORMATION BULLETIN TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION _________________________________________________________________ 3 BEFORE ARRIVAL IN ZAMBIA ___________________________________________________ 3 PRE-REGISTRATION ____________________________________________________________ 4 TRAVEL TO AND FROM ZAMBIA _________________________________________________ 5 Reception at Kenneth Kaunda International Airport (KKIA) _______________________________ 5 Visa requirements ____________________________________________________________________ 5 HEALTH TRAVEL ADVISORY TO ZAMBIA _________________________________________ 9 Medical Insurance ____________________________________________________________________ 9 Malaria _______________________________________________________________________________ 9 Ebola ________________________________________________________________________________ 9 Yellow Fever _________________________________________________________________________ 9 Emergency Services __________________________________________________________________ 9 Importation of Drugs _________________________________________________________________ 10 CUSTOMS FORMALITIES _______________________________________________________ 11 HOTEL ACCOMMODATION IN ZAMBIA __________________________________________ 11 ANNUAL MEETINGS INFORMATION -
Post-Populism in Zambia: Michael Sata's Rise
This is the accepted version of the article which is published by Sage in International Political Science Review, Volume: 38 issue: 4, page(s): 456-472 available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512117720809 Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24592/ Post-populism in Zambia: Michael Sata’s rise, demise and legacy Alastair Fraser SOAS University of London, UK Abstract Models explaining populism as a policy response to the interests of the urban poor struggle to understand the instability of populist mobilisations. A focus on political theatre is more helpful. This article extends the debate on populist performance, showing how populists typically do not produce rehearsed performances to passive audiences. In drawing ‘the people’ on stage they are forced to improvise. As a result, populist performances are rarely sustained. The article describes the Zambian Patriotic Front’s (PF) theatrical insurrection in 2006 and its evolution over the next decade. The PF’s populist aspect had faded by 2008 and gradually disappeared in parallel with its leader Michael Sata’s ill-health and eventual death in 2014. The party was nonetheless electorally successful. The article accounts for this evolution and describes a ‘post-populist’ legacy featuring hyper- partisanship, violence and authoritarianism. Intolerance was justified in the populist moment as a reflection of anger at inequality; it now floats free of any programme. Keywords Elections, populism, political theatre, Laclau, Zambia, Sata, Patriotic Front Introduction This article both contributes to the thin theoretic literature on ‘post-populism’ and develops an illustrative case. It discusses the explosive arrival of the Patriotic Front (PF) on the Zambian electoral scene in 2006 and the party’s subsequent evolution. -
Zambia Country Report BTI 2012
BTI 2012 | Zambia Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.96 # 54 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 6.75 # 42 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 5.18 # 75 of 128 Management Index 1-10 5.50 # 47 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Zambia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Zambia 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 12.9 HDI 0.430 GDP p.c. $ 1562 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.6 HDI rank of 187 164 Gini Index 50.7 Life expectancy years 48 UN Education Index 0.480 Poverty3 % 81.5 Urban population % 35.7 Gender inequality2 0.627 Aid per capita $ 98.1 Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Zambia is one of the least developed countries in Africa, with approximately 63.8% of the population living below the international poverty line (below $1). After 27 years of authoritarian leadership with a state-controlled economy, the country began a process of political and economic transformation which started in 1991 when a democratically elected government took office. -
Ethnolinguistic Favoritism in African Politics ONLINE APPENDIX
Ethnolinguistic Favoritism in African Politics ONLINE APPENDIX Andrew Dickensy For publication in the American Economic Journal: Applied Economics yBrock University, Department of Economics, 1812 Sir Issac Brock Way, L2S 3A2, St. Catharines, ON, Canada (email: [email protected]). 1 A Data Descriptions, Sources and Summary Statistics A.1 Regional-Level Data Description and Sources Country-language groups: Geo-referenced country-language group data comes from the World Language Mapping System (WLMS). These data map information from each language in the Ethnologue to the corresponding polygon. When calculating averages within these language group polygons, I use the Africa Albers Equal Area Conic projection. Source: http://www.worldgeodatasets.com/language/ Linguistic similarity: I construct two measures of linguistic similarity: lexicostatistical similarity from the Automatic Similarity Judgement Program (ASJP), and cladistic similar- ity using Ethnologue data from the WLMS. I use these to measure the similarity between each language group and the ethnolinguistic identity of that country's national leader. I discuss how I assign a leader's ethnolinguistic identity in Section 1 of the paper. Source: http://asjp.clld.org and http://www.worldgeodatasets.com/language/ Night lights: Night light intensity comes from the Defense Meteorological Satellite Program (DMSP). My measure of night lights is calculated by averaging across pixels that fall within each WLMS country-language group polygon for each year the night light data is available (1992-2013). To minimize area distortions I use the Africa Albers Equal Area Conic pro- jection. In some years data is available for two separate satellites, and in all such cases the correlation between the two is greater than 99% in my sample. -
Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers. -
VII. Southern Africa
VII. Southern Africa In several countries, the year was dominated by elections, which differed in terms of their legitimacy. Due to the death of Zambian President Mwanawasa in offi ce and the subse- quent ousting of South Africa’s President Thabo Mbeki, SADC had three different chair- persons during the year. The sub-regional body, which welcomed back the Seychelles as its 15th member state during its annual summit, was kept busy with a number of meetings in the reluctant search for a political solution in Zimbabwe, but failed to contribute in a meaningful way to a lasting improvement there. The country remained mired in violence and confl ict, while the situation for the majority of the population deteriorated further. The general stability of SADC and cooperation among its member states was tested by the differences in view over the handling of the Zimbabwe crisis, but the sub-regional bloc avoided a split over these political matters. Swaziland and Angola, next to Zimbabwe, 400 • Southern Africa remained among the worst performers with regard to democracy and human rights, while elections in all three countries testifi ed further to the authoritarian nature of the dominant political culture. Intra-regional economic integration went ahead with the implementation of a FTA, though multiple affi nities among member states with different preferential trade organisations, and the differences over the interim EPAs remained a challenge. The gen- eral economic performance declined considerably towards the end of the year as a result of the global economic crisis, and rising food prices had severe impacts on many people, forcing governments to take relief measures for the poorest. -
Zambia, a 'Christian Nation'
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 6, No. 7; July 2016 Zambia, a ‘Christian nation’ in Post Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) Era, 2011-2016 Austin M. Cheyeka Department of Religious Studies University of Zambia P. O. Box 32379, Lusaka Zambia Abstract The declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation in 1991 has become a field of research because of its many faces, the interpretations it has accrued which generate debate and things it has spawned; numerous Pentecostal churches and political parties with the ‘Christian’ name tag. What is more, it has given birth to organizations such as ‘Christian Nation Coalition’, ‘Christian Nation Foundation’ and most significant, a national chapel (House of Prayer for All Nations Tabernacle) yet to be constructed in the capital city next to State house where the declaration occurred. In this article I extend my research on the Christian nation rhetoric beyond Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) era, by examining its status during the Patriotic Front rule from 2011 to 2016, before the August 11, 2016 general elections. In 2011 the party of the president who declared Zambia a Christian nation lost power to a new party of Mr. Michael Chilufya Sata, a staunch Catholic, who, after his demise, was succeeded by Edgar Chagwa Lungu of unknown religious or denominational affiliation. I argue in the article that while Sata hardly used the Christian nation rhetoric, Lungu made the most of it during his campaign thereby revitalizing the Christian nation fervor and prompting some Pentecostal big men and women to rally around him. My stark conclusion is that: Lung perceptively reconfigured the Christian nation rhetoric for political mileage.