DOCSLIB.ORG

VII. Southern Africa

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
VII. Southern Africa VII. Southern Africa In several countries, the year was dominated by elections, which differed in terms of their legitimacy. Due to the death of Zambian President Mwanawasa in offi ce and the subse- quent ousting of South Africa’s President Thabo Mbeki, SADC had three different chair- persons during the year. The sub-regional body, which welcomed back the Seychelles as its 15th member state during its annual summit, was kept busy with a number of meetings in the reluctant search for a political solution in Zimbabwe, but failed to contribute in a meaningful way to a lasting improvement there. The country remained mired in violence and confl ict, while the situation for the majority of the population deteriorated further. The general stability of SADC and cooperation among its member states was tested by the differences in view over the handling of the Zimbabwe crisis, but the sub-regional bloc avoided a split over these political matters. Swaziland and Angola, next to Zimbabwe, 400 • Southern Africa remained among the worst performers with regard to democracy and human rights, while elections in all three countries testifi ed further to the authoritarian nature of the dominant political culture. Intra-regional economic integration went ahead with the implementation of a FTA, though multiple affi nities among member states with different preferential trade organisations, and the differences over the interim EPAs remained a challenge. The gen- eral economic performance declined considerably towards the end of the year as a result of the global economic crisis, and rising food prices had severe impacts on many people, forcing governments to take relief measures for the poorest. Elections, Democracy and Human Rights This was a rather turbulent year in terms of elections and political life, though as in previ- ous years few lives were lost, with the notable exception of Zimbabwe, where politically motivated violence seemed to remain chronic. During the year, three new heads of state took offi ce, only one of these transfers being planned and anticipated: on 1 April Ian Khama took over the presidency of Botswana from Festus Mogae. Due to an amazingly rapid loss of support and confi dence within his own party, South African President Thabo Mbeki was forced to resign at the end of September and Kgalema Mothlane took over as interim president for the balance of the year and beyond. In Zambia, the death of President Levy Mwanawasa on 19 August led to presidential elections within 90 days, as required by the constitution. From these the former vice president, Rupiah Banda, emerged as a close and somewhat unexpected winner. President Robert Mugabe managed once again to stay in offi ce against all the odds, though this time round it was a diffi cult exercise, test- ing his abilities as a plotter to the fullest, while also suggesting that others in the internal power circle representing the military might already have taken over the decisive role on policy issues. Scheduled parliamentary elections took place in Angola on 5 and 6 September and in Swaziland on 19 September, while parliamentary and presidential elections were held in Zimbabwe on 29 March, with a second round of presidential elections on 27 June. While Zimbabwe’s parliament as a result had a new majority composed of the two factions of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the battle over the presidency raged on with strong suggestions of foul play. The second round of the presidential elec- tion (after a highly dubious and much delayed result from the fi rst round denying Tsvangi- rai the absolute majority of votes that many believed he had actually secured) turned into a farce after Tsvangirai opted out as a result of the systematic use of state terror against supporters of his MDC party. Parliamentary elections in Swaziland were also a mockery of the meaning of the term, as no political parties were allowed to register and campaign. King Mswati III ruled almost as a feudal monarch. Consequently, it was hardly any sur- prise that Zimbabwe and Swaziland remained among the pariah states for their political restrictions, repression and lack of civil liberties. Ongoing disputes over contested parli-.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • African Democratic Transitions Tracker Technical Appendix
    African Democratic Transitions Tracker Technical Appendix Contents Definitions ..................................................................................................................................................... 2 Notes ............................................................................................................................................................. 3 Data Sources for Individual Countries .......................................................................................................... 4 1 Definitions Multi‐party election ‐ two or more political parties have affiliated candidates participating in an election. Single party election ‐ only one political party has an affiliated candidate participating in an election. Other transitions ‐ assumption of power via: Appointment by parliament, presidential council, military junta, clan leaders, etc Appointment as an interim or “acting” head of state A plebiscite, national referendum, change to the constitution, etc. Conflicting claims for leadership or no recognized government Coups or assassination ‐ a segment of the state apparatus takes over the rest of the government and/or the current leader is assassinated . Deaths in office ‐ a leader dies of causes, unrelated to a coup or assassination. Resignation from office ‐ a ruler leaves power on his or her own accord. Total elections ‐ either a single‐ or multi‐party election. Note: Coups/assassinations, deaths and resignations are considered to be discrete events; distinct from how a following
    [Show full text]
  • The Power of Persistence: Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness
    SPINE The Power of Persistence | Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness Reform System Education The Power of Persistence Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness 1875 Connecticut Ave., NW Case Studies in Long-Term Education Reform Washington, DC 20009 [email protected] www.equip123.net EQUIP 2 Publication_Cover F2.indd 1 1/4/11 10:48 AM The Power of Persistence Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness Case Studies in Long-Term Education Reform November 2010 John Gillies EQUIP2 Project Director Case sTudy Teams: El SAlvADoR I Jessica Jester Quijada, John Gillies, Antonieta Harwood EGyPt I Mark Ginsburg, Nagwa Megahed, Mohammed Elmeski, Nobuyuki tanaka NAMIbIA I Donna Kay leCzel, Muhamed liman, Sifiso Nyathi, Michael tjivikua, Godfrey tubaundule NICARAGUA I John Gillies, Kirsten Galisson, Anita Sanyal, bridget Drury ZAMbIA I David balwanz, Arnold Chengo table of Contents Acknowledgments v Foreword viii Executive Summary 1 Section 1: Introduction 11 Challenges in Education System Reform 14 Evaluating Aid Effectiveness in Education Reform: Exploring Concepts 17 A Systems Approach to Education Reform: What constitutes meaningful change in education systems? 27 Section 2: Lessons from Country Case Studies 43 Summary of Country Case Studies 45 Egypt 49 El Salvador 67 Namibia 85 Nicaragua 99 Zambia 111 Section 3: Summary Findings and Conclusions 131 Findings 133 Conclusions 148 Implications for USAID Policy and Programming. 156 Bibliography 158 Acknowledgments This study is the result of a two-year inquiry into the dynamics of improving the performance of education systems on a sustainable basis, and the role that donor assistance can play in achieving such improvement. The study was focused on the forces that influence how complex policy and institutional changes are introduced, adopted, and sustained in a society over a 20 year period, rather than on the impact of specific policy prescriptions or programs.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chair of the African Union
    Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Populism in Zambia: Michael Sata's Rise
    This is the accepted version of the article which is published by Sage in International Political Science Review, Volume: 38 issue: 4, page(s): 456-472 available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512117720809 Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24592/ Post-populism in Zambia: Michael Sata’s rise, demise and legacy Alastair Fraser SOAS University of London, UK Abstract Models explaining populism as a policy response to the interests of the urban poor struggle to understand the instability of populist mobilisations. A focus on political theatre is more helpful. This article extends the debate on populist performance, showing how populists typically do not produce rehearsed performances to passive audiences. In drawing ‘the people’ on stage they are forced to improvise. As a result, populist performances are rarely sustained. The article describes the Zambian Patriotic Front’s (PF) theatrical insurrection in 2006 and its evolution over the next decade. The PF’s populist aspect had faded by 2008 and gradually disappeared in parallel with its leader Michael Sata’s ill-health and eventual death in 2014. The party was nonetheless electorally successful. The article accounts for this evolution and describes a ‘post-populist’ legacy featuring hyper- partisanship, violence and authoritarianism. Intolerance was justified in the populist moment as a reflection of anger at inequality; it now floats free of any programme. Keywords Elections, populism, political theatre, Laclau, Zambia, Sata, Patriotic Front Introduction This article both contributes to the thin theoretic literature on ‘post-populism’ and develops an illustrative case. It discusses the explosive arrival of the Patriotic Front (PF) on the Zambian electoral scene in 2006 and the party’s subsequent evolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia Country Report BTI 2012
    BTI 2012 | Zambia Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.96 # 54 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 6.75 # 42 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 5.18 # 75 of 128 Management Index 1-10 5.50 # 47 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Zambia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Zambia 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 12.9 HDI 0.430 GDP p.c. $ 1562 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.6 HDI rank of 187 164 Gini Index 50.7 Life expectancy years 48 UN Education Index 0.480 Poverty3 % 81.5 Urban population % 35.7 Gender inequality2 0.627 Aid per capita $ 98.1 Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Zambia is one of the least developed countries in Africa, with approximately 63.8% of the population living below the international poverty line (below $1). After 27 years of authoritarian leadership with a state-controlled economy, the country began a process of political and economic transformation which started in 1991 when a democratically elected government took office.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnolinguistic Favoritism in African Politics ONLINE APPENDIX
    Ethnolinguistic Favoritism in African Politics ONLINE APPENDIX Andrew Dickensy For publication in the American Economic Journal: Applied Economics yBrock University, Department of Economics, 1812 Sir Issac Brock Way, L2S 3A2, St. Catharines, ON, Canada (email: [email protected]). 1 A Data Descriptions, Sources and Summary Statistics A.1 Regional-Level Data Description and Sources Country-language groups: Geo-referenced country-language group data comes from the World Language Mapping System (WLMS). These data map information from each language in the Ethnologue to the corresponding polygon. When calculating averages within these language group polygons, I use the Africa Albers Equal Area Conic projection. Source: http://www.worldgeodatasets.com/language/ Linguistic similarity: I construct two measures of linguistic similarity: lexicostatistical similarity from the Automatic Similarity Judgement Program (ASJP), and cladistic similar- ity using Ethnologue data from the WLMS. I use these to measure the similarity between each language group and the ethnolinguistic identity of that country's national leader. I discuss how I assign a leader's ethnolinguistic identity in Section 1 of the paper. Source: http://asjp.clld.org and http://www.worldgeodatasets.com/language/ Night lights: Night light intensity comes from the Defense Meteorological Satellite Program (DMSP). My measure of night lights is calculated by averaging across pixels that fall within each WLMS country-language group polygon for each year the night light data is available (1992-2013). To minimize area distortions I use the Africa Albers Equal Area Conic pro- jection. In some years data is available for two separate satellites, and in all such cases the correlation between the two is greater than 99% in my sample.
    [Show full text]
  • African Studies Keyword: Democracy Nic Cheeseman and Sishuwa Sishuwa
    African Studies Keyword: Democracy Nic Cheeseman and Sishuwa Sishuwa Abstract: Democracy is one of the most contested words in the English language. In Africa, these complexities are compounded by the question of whether democracy is a colonial imposition. Cheeseman and Sishuwa provide a historiography of debates around democracy, track how these narratives have developed over time, and argue that there is widespread public support for a form of what they call “consensual democracy.” This is not to say that democracy is universally loved, but despite the controversy it remains one of the most compelling ideals in political life, even in countries in which it is has yet to be realized. Résumé: Le terme démocratie est l’un des mots les plus contestés de la langue anglaise. En Afrique, ces complexités sont aggravées par la question de savoir si la démocratie est une imposition coloniale. Cheeseman et Sishuwa présentent une historiographie des débats autour de la démocratie, suivent l’évolution de ces récits au fil du temps et argumentent qu’il existe un large soutien public pour une forme qu’ils appellent la “démocratie consensuelle.” Cela ne veut pas dire que la démocratie est universellement aimée, mais malgré la polémique elle reste l’un des idéaux les plus convaincants de la vie politique, même dans les pays où elle est encore à réaliser. Resumo: A palavra democracia é uma das mais polémicas na língua inglesa. Em África, estas complexidades são agravadas pela questão de saber se a democracia é uma imposição colonial. Cheeseman e Sishuwa apresentam uma historiografia dos debates em torno da democracia, e registam a evolução que estas narrativas sofreram ao longo African Studies Review, Volume 0, Number 0 (2021), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia Country Report BTI 2016
    BTI 2016 | Zambia Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.70 # 61 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 6.25 # 57 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 5.14 # 77 of 129 Management Index 1-10 5.19 # 58 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2016. It covers the period from 1 February 2013 to 31 January 2015. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2016 — Zambia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2016. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2016 | Zambia 2 Key Indicators Population M 15.7 HDI 0.561 GDP p.c., PPP $ 3904.0 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 3.1 HDI rank of 187 141 Gini Index 55.6 Life expectancy years 58.1 UN Education Index 0.591 Poverty3 % 78.9 Urban population % 40.5 Gender inequality2 0.617 Aid per capita $ 74.9 Sources (as of October 2015): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2015 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2014. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.10 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary Zambia remains one of the least developed countries in Africa, with 75% of the population living on less than $1.25 a day and a life expectancy of 57.
    [Show full text]
  • Africa: Sovereign... Or Conquered?!
    Afr ica: Sovereign... or Conquered?! Th e Libyan masses are threatened. People`s Democratic President Abdelaziz Republic of Angola President José Eduardo Republic of Benin President Yayi Boni Republic of Algeria Boutefl ika dos Santos Republic of Botswana President Ian Khama Burkina Faso President Blaise Republic of Burundi President Pierre Compaoré Nkurunziza Republic of Cameroon President Paul Biya Republic of Cape Verde President Pedro Pires Central African President François Republic Bozizé Th e Republic of Chad, President Idriss Déby Union of the Comoros President Ahmed Republic of the Congo President Denis Sassou- Abdallah Sambi Nguesso Republic of Cote President Laurent Democratic Republic of President Joseph Kabila Republic of Djibouti President Ismail Omar d’Ivoire Gbagbo the Congo Guelleh Arab Republic of Egypt President a.i.Mohamed Republic of Equatorial President Obiang State of Eritrea President Isaias Hussein Tantawi Guinea Nguema Mbasogo Afewerki Federal Democratic President Girma Gabonese Republic President Ali Ben Republic of the Gambia President Yahya Republic of Ethiopia Woldegiorgis Bongo Jammeh Republic of Ghana President John Atta Republic of Guinea President Alpha Condé Republic of Kenya President Mwai Kibaki Mills Kingdom of Lesotho King Letsie III Republic of Liberia President Ellen Great Socialist People`s Secretary General of Johnson-Sirleaf Libyan Arab Jamahiriya the General People’s Congress Mohamed Abu Al-Quasim al-Zwai Republic of Madagascar President of the High Republic of Malawi President Bingu wa Republic
    [Show full text]
  • Checks and Balances
    Constitutions are the bedrock of multiparty democracies. Tension between the principles of democracy – rule by the people – and constitutionalism, as a predominantly elite driven process, have increased across the African continent as constitutional reforms have become regular occurrences in many states since the early 1990s. Some of these reforms have strengthened democratic ideals, while others have opened states up to greater abuses of power. As many African states continue to grapple with the consolidation of democratic norms and institutions into their legal frameworks, they have simultaneously been constrained by the remnants of colonial era constitutions. Colonial era states were deliberately CHECKS AND BALANCES: constructed to propagate elites in the governance of the colony, a system which has in many modern African states been reinforced by African political elites in furthering narrow interests. When political leaders, elites and other interest groups African constitutions and democracy undermine and weaken the constitution they weaken the very fabric of the society they claim to serve. When they weaken and abuse state institutions they weaken in the 21st century the very mechanisms created to give life to a constitution's ambitions. In this edited volume, some of Africa's leading academics seek to answer questions such as: “If constitutional changes continue to be elite driven processes – excluding citizens – can constitutions ever truly be 'living documents' providing the foundations to build and consolidate democratic norms
    [Show full text]
  • Eligibility for and Initiation of Antiviral Therapy in Chronic Hepatitis B Virus Infection in Zambia: a Prospective Cohort Study Michael J
    Abstract #38 Eligibility for and initiation of antiviral therapy in chronic hepatitis B virus infection in Zambia: a prospective cohort study Michael J. Vinikoor, Edford Sinkala, Bright Nsokolo, Annie Kanunga, Mutinta Muchimba, and Paul Kelly Tropical Gastroenterology and Nutrition Group, University of Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia; Centre for Infectious Disease Research in Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia; University of Alabama at Birmingham, Birmingham, USA; University Teaching Hospital, Lusaka, Zambia; Levy Mwanawasa Medical University, Lusaka, Zambia; Queen Mary University of London, London, UK; *Presenting author: [email protected], +260974662483 Background Results: Baseline characteristics • After diagnosis, hepatitis B surface antigen (HBsAg)- Factor Median (IQR) or n (%) positive individuals must enroll in appropriate Median age (IQR) 33 (26-40) clinical care, be assessed for the need of antiviral Female sex 36 (27.7) therapy (AVT), and possible be re-assessed during longitudinal follow-up in order to access AVT Median ALT (IQR) 24 (17-35) • We characterized AVT eligibility at enrollment and ALT elevation 53 (41.7) during follow-up in a prospective cohort based at a APRI >2.0 6 (6.7) hospital in Zambia. Decompensated cirrhosis 9 (6.8) • We also described the percentage of those eligible HBV DNA >2,000 IU/ml 35 (31.8) who initiated AVT and some of the reasons for delays in initiation. Antiviral therapy criteria BL FU EASL Cirrhosis and detectable 15 4 Materials & Methods 2017 HBV DNA • At University Teaching Hospital in Lusaka, a cohort ALT elevation and HBV 3 8 was established for adults (18+ years) who were DNA >2,000 HBsAg-positive and HIV-negative.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe: the Transitional Government and Implications for US
    Zimbabwe: The Transitional Government and Implications for U.S. Policy Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs October 27, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34509 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Zimbabwe: The Transitional Government and Implications for U.S. Policy Summary The U.S. government, which has expressed concerns regarding the rule of law in Zimbabwe for over a decade and which has long been critical of President Robert Mugabe, has been cautious in its engagement with the country’s three-year-old power-sharing government. That government, which includes members of the former opposition, has improved economic and humanitarian conditions during its ongoing transitional rule. However, significant concerns about the country’s political future remain. Zimbabwe’s March 2008 elections resulted in the party of long-serving President Mugabe losing its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence. Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai received more votes than Mugabe in the presidential race, but fell short of the needed margin for victory. Tsvangirai later withdrew his name from the ballot days before the required runoff, amid widespread political violence. Mugabe was thus declared the winner. In September 2008, after weeks of negotiations, Tsvangirai and Mugabe reached an agreement to form a unity government, with Mugabe remaining head of state. Tsvangirai became prime minister and cabinet and gubernatorial positions were divided among the parties. Disputes delayed implementation of the agreement until February 2009, when members of the opposition were sworn in alongside former rivals as ministers in a new government. The parties to the power-sharing agreement have faced significant challenges in working together to promote political reconciliation and in addressing serious economic and humanitarian needs.
    [Show full text]