Torture in Police Custody of Opposition MP Job Sikhala
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
African Democratic Transitions Tracker Technical Appendix
African Democratic Transitions Tracker Technical Appendix Contents Definitions ..................................................................................................................................................... 2 Notes ............................................................................................................................................................. 3 Data Sources for Individual Countries .......................................................................................................... 4 1 Definitions Multi‐party election ‐ two or more political parties have affiliated candidates participating in an election. Single party election ‐ only one political party has an affiliated candidate participating in an election. Other transitions ‐ assumption of power via: Appointment by parliament, presidential council, military junta, clan leaders, etc Appointment as an interim or “acting” head of state A plebiscite, national referendum, change to the constitution, etc. Conflicting claims for leadership or no recognized government Coups or assassination ‐ a segment of the state apparatus takes over the rest of the government and/or the current leader is assassinated . Deaths in office ‐ a leader dies of causes, unrelated to a coup or assassination. Resignation from office ‐ a ruler leaves power on his or her own accord. Total elections ‐ either a single‐ or multi‐party election. Note: Coups/assassinations, deaths and resignations are considered to be discrete events; distinct from how a following -
The Zimbabwean Human Rights Crisis: a Collaborative Approach to International Advocacy
Davidson and Purohit: The Zimbabwean Human Rights Crisis: A Collaborative Approach to International Advocacy Note from the Field The Zimbabwean Human Rights Crisis: A Collaborative Approach to International Advocacy Lorna Davidson and Raj Purohitt Over the past several years, a serious human rights crisis has developed in Zimbabwe, where President Robert Mugabe employs repressive measures to cling to power. Civil society and human rights groups in Zimbabwe are among those who have come under attack by the government, and they face an extremely difficult challenge in bringing about positive change in the country. This article describes the development of the current crisis in Zimbabwe, focusing on the problems faced by local activists and organizations that seek to promote greater respect for human rights. It further discusses one recent initiative launched by the U.S.-based organization Human Rights First,which organized a consultative meeting of regional civil society groups in August 2003. The article addresses the role that can and should be played by internationalcivil society organizations, which must be sensitive to the contextual dynamics particularto the Zimbabwean crisis and to the region. If they are to be in any way effective, such organizations must act in supportof local actors and stronger regional networks. t Lorna Davidson is a Senior Associate in the Human Rights Defenders Program at Human Rights First in New York, N.Y, and Raj Purohit is the Legislative Director in the Washington, D.C. Office of Human Rights First. Human Rights First is the new name for the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights as of February 2004. -
Report on the 2000 Parliamentary Elections Zimbabwe 24 – 25 June 2000
Report On The 2000 Parliamentary Elections Zimbabwe 24 – 25 June 2000 Zimbabwe Election Support Network ZESN 2000 Parliamentary Elections Report 1 Acronyms ANP African National Party CSO Civil Society Organisation ED Election Directorate ESC Electoral Supervisory Commission LPZ Liberty Party of Zimbabwe MDC Movement for Democratic Change MOP Multi – Racial Open Party NDU National Democratic Union NGO Non Governmental Organisation NPA National People’s Alliance NPP National People’s Party PDF Popular Democratic Front UP United Parties ZANU Zimbabwe African National Union ZANU PF Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) ZAPU Zimbabwe African People’s Union ZBC Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation ZCP Zimbabwe Congress Party ZESN Zimbabwe Election Support Network ZIP Zimbabwe Integrated Party ZPP Zimbabwe Progressive Party ZUD Zimbabwe Union of Democrats ZESN 2000 Parliamentary Elections Report 2 Table of Contents Members of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network ………………………… 5 Acknowledgements …………………………………………………………………6 Executive Summary ………………………………………………………………...8 Introduction ………………………………………………………..……………….10 The Report …………………………………………………………………………10 The Zimbabwe Election Support Network ………………………………………11 Working Methods ………………………………………………………………….11 The Election Context ……………………………………………………………...13 1. Constitutional and Legal Framework of the 2000 Parliamentary….….14 1.1 Constitutional Provisions ...……………………………………………….14 1.2 The Delimitation Commission and its Functions ……………………….15 1.3 The 2000 Delimitation Commission Report ……………………………15 -
The Power of Persistence: Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness
SPINE The Power of Persistence | Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness Reform System Education The Power of Persistence Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness 1875 Connecticut Ave., NW Case Studies in Long-Term Education Reform Washington, DC 20009 [email protected] www.equip123.net EQUIP 2 Publication_Cover F2.indd 1 1/4/11 10:48 AM The Power of Persistence Education System Reform and Aid Effectiveness Case Studies in Long-Term Education Reform November 2010 John Gillies EQUIP2 Project Director Case sTudy Teams: El SAlvADoR I Jessica Jester Quijada, John Gillies, Antonieta Harwood EGyPt I Mark Ginsburg, Nagwa Megahed, Mohammed Elmeski, Nobuyuki tanaka NAMIbIA I Donna Kay leCzel, Muhamed liman, Sifiso Nyathi, Michael tjivikua, Godfrey tubaundule NICARAGUA I John Gillies, Kirsten Galisson, Anita Sanyal, bridget Drury ZAMbIA I David balwanz, Arnold Chengo table of Contents Acknowledgments v Foreword viii Executive Summary 1 Section 1: Introduction 11 Challenges in Education System Reform 14 Evaluating Aid Effectiveness in Education Reform: Exploring Concepts 17 A Systems Approach to Education Reform: What constitutes meaningful change in education systems? 27 Section 2: Lessons from Country Case Studies 43 Summary of Country Case Studies 45 Egypt 49 El Salvador 67 Namibia 85 Nicaragua 99 Zambia 111 Section 3: Summary Findings and Conclusions 131 Findings 133 Conclusions 148 Implications for USAID Policy and Programming. 156 Bibliography 158 Acknowledgments This study is the result of a two-year inquiry into the dynamics of improving the performance of education systems on a sustainable basis, and the role that donor assistance can play in achieving such improvement. The study was focused on the forces that influence how complex policy and institutional changes are introduced, adopted, and sustained in a society over a 20 year period, rather than on the impact of specific policy prescriptions or programs. -
The Chair of the African Union
Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation. -
Roy Leslie Bennett V. Emerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa
REPORTABLE (76) Judgment No SC 75/05 Civil Application No 16/05 ROY LESLIE BENNETT v (1) EMMERSON DAMBUDZO MNANGAGWA (in his capacity as the SPEAKER OF THE PARLIAMENT OF ZIMBABWE) (2) PAUL MANGWANA (3) JOYCE MUJURU (4) CHIEF MANGWENDE (5) WELSHMAN NCUBE (6) TENDAI BITI (7) THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL SUPREME COURT OF ZIMBABWE CHIDYAUSIKU CJ, SANDURA JA, CHEDA JA, MALABA JA & GWAUNZA JA HARARE, MAY 26, 2005 & MARCH 9, 2006 J. J. Gauntlett, SC., with him A.P. de Bourbon SC, for the applicant S.J.Chihambakwe, with him J Mhlanga, for the first, second, third and fourth respondents R. Gatsi, for the seventh respondent (intervener) CHIDYAUSIKU CJ: This application is brought in terms of s 24 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe. Section 24 of the Constitution provides that any person who alleges that the Declaration of Rights has been, is being, or is likely to be, contravened in relation to him may apply to the Supreme Court for redress. The applicant, who was at the relevant time a Member of Parliament, assaulted Mr Patrick Chinamasa, MP, Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, and Leader of the House (hereinafter referred to as “Chinamasa”). The assault took place in Parliament while it was in session. He was charged with, and found guilty of, contempt of Parliament. He was sentenced, by 2 S.C. 75/05 Parliament, to fifteen months’ imprisonment of which three months’ imprisonment was suspended on certain conditions. The applicant challenges that conviction and punishment on the following four grounds - 1. The proceedings violated his constitutional and fundamental right to a fair hearing by an independent and impartial court or other adjudicating body protected by s 18(1),(2) and (9) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe (“the Constitution”). -
Ethnolinguistic Favoritism in African Politics ONLINE APPENDIX
Ethnolinguistic Favoritism in African Politics ONLINE APPENDIX Andrew Dickensy For publication in the American Economic Journal: Applied Economics yBrock University, Department of Economics, 1812 Sir Issac Brock Way, L2S 3A2, St. Catharines, ON, Canada (email: [email protected]). 1 A Data Descriptions, Sources and Summary Statistics A.1 Regional-Level Data Description and Sources Country-language groups: Geo-referenced country-language group data comes from the World Language Mapping System (WLMS). These data map information from each language in the Ethnologue to the corresponding polygon. When calculating averages within these language group polygons, I use the Africa Albers Equal Area Conic projection. Source: http://www.worldgeodatasets.com/language/ Linguistic similarity: I construct two measures of linguistic similarity: lexicostatistical similarity from the Automatic Similarity Judgement Program (ASJP), and cladistic similar- ity using Ethnologue data from the WLMS. I use these to measure the similarity between each language group and the ethnolinguistic identity of that country's national leader. I discuss how I assign a leader's ethnolinguistic identity in Section 1 of the paper. Source: http://asjp.clld.org and http://www.worldgeodatasets.com/language/ Night lights: Night light intensity comes from the Defense Meteorological Satellite Program (DMSP). My measure of night lights is calculated by averaging across pixels that fall within each WLMS country-language group polygon for each year the night light data is available (1992-2013). To minimize area distortions I use the Africa Albers Equal Area Conic pro- jection. In some years data is available for two separate satellites, and in all such cases the correlation between the two is greater than 99% in my sample. -
VII. Southern Africa
VII. Southern Africa In several countries, the year was dominated by elections, which differed in terms of their legitimacy. Due to the death of Zambian President Mwanawasa in offi ce and the subse- quent ousting of South Africa’s President Thabo Mbeki, SADC had three different chair- persons during the year. The sub-regional body, which welcomed back the Seychelles as its 15th member state during its annual summit, was kept busy with a number of meetings in the reluctant search for a political solution in Zimbabwe, but failed to contribute in a meaningful way to a lasting improvement there. The country remained mired in violence and confl ict, while the situation for the majority of the population deteriorated further. The general stability of SADC and cooperation among its member states was tested by the differences in view over the handling of the Zimbabwe crisis, but the sub-regional bloc avoided a split over these political matters. Swaziland and Angola, next to Zimbabwe, 400 • Southern Africa remained among the worst performers with regard to democracy and human rights, while elections in all three countries testifi ed further to the authoritarian nature of the dominant political culture. Intra-regional economic integration went ahead with the implementation of a FTA, though multiple affi nities among member states with different preferential trade organisations, and the differences over the interim EPAs remained a challenge. The gen- eral economic performance declined considerably towards the end of the year as a result of the global economic crisis, and rising food prices had severe impacts on many people, forcing governments to take relief measures for the poorest. -
African Studies Keyword: Democracy Nic Cheeseman and Sishuwa Sishuwa
African Studies Keyword: Democracy Nic Cheeseman and Sishuwa Sishuwa Abstract: Democracy is one of the most contested words in the English language. In Africa, these complexities are compounded by the question of whether democracy is a colonial imposition. Cheeseman and Sishuwa provide a historiography of debates around democracy, track how these narratives have developed over time, and argue that there is widespread public support for a form of what they call “consensual democracy.” This is not to say that democracy is universally loved, but despite the controversy it remains one of the most compelling ideals in political life, even in countries in which it is has yet to be realized. Résumé: Le terme démocratie est l’un des mots les plus contestés de la langue anglaise. En Afrique, ces complexités sont aggravées par la question de savoir si la démocratie est une imposition coloniale. Cheeseman et Sishuwa présentent une historiographie des débats autour de la démocratie, suivent l’évolution de ces récits au fil du temps et argumentent qu’il existe un large soutien public pour une forme qu’ils appellent la “démocratie consensuelle.” Cela ne veut pas dire que la démocratie est universellement aimée, mais malgré la polémique elle reste l’un des idéaux les plus convaincants de la vie politique, même dans les pays où elle est encore à réaliser. Resumo: A palavra democracia é uma das mais polémicas na língua inglesa. Em África, estas complexidades são agravadas pela questão de saber se a democracia é uma imposição colonial. Cheeseman e Sishuwa apresentam uma historiografia dos debates em torno da democracia, e registam a evolução que estas narrativas sofreram ao longo African Studies Review, Volume 0, Number 0 (2021), pp. -
Zambia Country Report BTI 2016
BTI 2016 | Zambia Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.70 # 61 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 6.25 # 57 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 5.14 # 77 of 129 Management Index 1-10 5.19 # 58 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2016. It covers the period from 1 February 2013 to 31 January 2015. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2016 — Zambia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2016. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2016 | Zambia 2 Key Indicators Population M 15.7 HDI 0.561 GDP p.c., PPP $ 3904.0 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 3.1 HDI rank of 187 141 Gini Index 55.6 Life expectancy years 58.1 UN Education Index 0.591 Poverty3 % 78.9 Urban population % 40.5 Gender inequality2 0.617 Aid per capita $ 74.9 Sources (as of October 2015): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2015 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2014. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.10 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary Zambia remains one of the least developed countries in Africa, with 75% of the population living on less than $1.25 a day and a life expectancy of 57. -
Zimbabwe Apr2001
ZIMBABWE ASSESSMENT April 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.4 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.40 Foundations of Zimbabwe 3.1 - 3.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 3.6 - 3.8 Elections 1995 & 1996 3.9 - 3.10 Movement for Democratic Change 3.11 - 3.12 Constitutional Referendum, February 2000 3.13 - 3.14 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 3.15 - 3.23 - Background 3.15 - 3.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 3.17 - 3.18 - Election Results 3.19 - 3.23 Post-Election Violence & Intimidation 3.24 - 3.34 Bikita West By-election 3.35 - 3.36 Legal Challenges to Election Results 3.37 - 3.40 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE 4.1 - 4.20 Political System: 4.1 - 4.14 - Administrative Structure 4.1 - 4.3 - ZANU-PF 4.4 - Movement for Democratic Change 4.5 - 4.7 - ZANU-Ndonga 4.8 - Liberty Party/Liberty Party of Zimbabwe 4.9 - 4.11 - Other Minor Parties 4.12 - 4.14 Legal Framework & Judiciary 4.15 - 4.20 V HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION HUMAN RIGHTS: INTRODUCTION 5.1 - 5.4 Introduction 5.1 - 5.2 Human Rights Organisations in Zimbabwe 5.3 - 5.4 HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS 5.5 - 5.32 Women 5.5 - 5.10 Children 5.11 - 5.13 Ethnic Groups: 5.14 - 5.26 - Shona 5.14 - Ndebele 5.15 - 5.16 - Whites 5.17 - 5.23 - Asians 5.24 - Other Ethnic Minorities 5.25 - 5.26 Homosexuals 5.27 - 5.32 - Canaan Banana's trial 5.32 HUMAN RIGHTS: OTHER ISSUES 5.33 - 5.83 Freedom of Assembly & Political Association 5.33 Freedom of Speech & of the Press 5.34 - 5.49 Freedom of Religion 5.50 - 5.54 Witchcraft 5.55 - 5.57 Freedom of Travel 5.58 - 5.59 Military Service 5.60 - 5.65 Prison Conditions 5.66 - 5.69 Health Issues: 5.70 - 5.77 - General 5.70 - 5.72 - HIV/AIDS 5.73 - 5.77 Land Reform 5.78 - 5.83 ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: MAIN POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) BIBLIOGRAPHY I. -
Checks and Balances
Constitutions are the bedrock of multiparty democracies. Tension between the principles of democracy – rule by the people – and constitutionalism, as a predominantly elite driven process, have increased across the African continent as constitutional reforms have become regular occurrences in many states since the early 1990s. Some of these reforms have strengthened democratic ideals, while others have opened states up to greater abuses of power. As many African states continue to grapple with the consolidation of democratic norms and institutions into their legal frameworks, they have simultaneously been constrained by the remnants of colonial era constitutions. Colonial era states were deliberately CHECKS AND BALANCES: constructed to propagate elites in the governance of the colony, a system which has in many modern African states been reinforced by African political elites in furthering narrow interests. When political leaders, elites and other interest groups African constitutions and democracy undermine and weaken the constitution they weaken the very fabric of the society they claim to serve. When they weaken and abuse state institutions they weaken in the 21st century the very mechanisms created to give life to a constitution's ambitions. In this edited volume, some of Africa's leading academics seek to answer questions such as: “If constitutional changes continue to be elite driven processes – excluding citizens – can constitutions ever truly be 'living documents' providing the foundations to build and consolidate democratic norms