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Les Cahiers Du Cercle Proudhon, 1912-1913, Ou L'élaboration D'une

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Les Cahiers Du Cercle Proudhon, 1912-1913, Ou L'élaboration D'une Les Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon, 1912-1913, ou l’élaboration d’une synthèse idéologique de troisième voie, combinant le national et le social, afin de combattre le système plouto-démocratique Maxime Alquier To cite this version: Maxime Alquier. Les Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon, 1912-1913, ou l’élaboration d’une synthèse idéologique de troisième voie, combinant le national et le social, afin de combattre le système plouto- démocratique. Histoire. 2018. dumas-01945688 HAL Id: dumas-01945688 https://dumas.ccsd.cnrs.fr/dumas-01945688 Submitted on 5 Dec 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial - NoDerivatives| 4.0 International License Mémoire d’Histoire de fin de Master 2 Recherche « Les Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon, 1912-1913, ou l’élaboration d’une synthèse idéologique de troisième voie, combinant le national et le social, afin de combattre le système plouto-démocratique » Sous la direction de Monsieur Olivier FORLIN, maître de conférence d’Histoire contemporaine et enseignant-chercheur à l’Université Grenoble Alpes L’aigle national-bolchévique, emblème des Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon Maxime ALQUIER Année Universitaire 2017/2018 Université Grenoble Alpes (Bâtiment ARSH) 1 2 Remerciements : J’adresse mes sincères remerciements aux personnes qui m’ont aidé dans la réalisation et la rédaction de ce mémoire d’histoire contemporaine (M2). Tout d’abord, je remercie Monsieur Olivier FORLIN, enseignant-chercheur à l’Universi- té Grenoble Alpes de Saint-Martin-d’Hères et tuteur de mon mémoire, spécialiste des fas- cismes européens et de l’histoire des idées politiques au XXe siècle. En tant que Directeur de mémoire, ce professeur m’a guidé dans mon travail et m’a permis d’avancer dans ma re- cherche historienne, en cernant et cadrant davantage mon sujet de mémoire. Ensuite, outre Monsieur Olivier FORLIN évidemment, je souhaite aussi remercier ma sœur aînée Ségolène Alquier ainsi que ma mère Florence Delpuech, qui ont toutes deux ac- cepté de relire et de corriger à diverses reprises mon mémoire, tout au long de son écriture et jusqu’à son achèvement final. 3 Sommaire Introduction : page 6 Partie I) - La critique radicale du système « plouto-démocratique », comme fondement idéologique des Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon Chapitre 1) - La critique de l’idéologie bourgeoise et le rejet de la philosophie libérale : page18. Chapitre 2) - L’hostilité à l’égard de la démocratie bourgeoise et de la république parlementaire : page 36. Chapitre 3) - La dénonciation de l’exploitation capitaliste et de la ploutocratie internationale : page 58. Chapitre 4) - Débusquer et abattre les ennemis de l’intérieur, l’anti-France déclarée au service de système plouto-démocratique : page 71. Partie II) - La tentative d’élaboration d’idéologies alternatives et transcourantes, les « Troisième Voie » possibles pour combattre le système plouto-démocratique Chapitre 1) - L’élaboration d’une synthèse idéologique « socialiste nationale », ou l’alliance du socialisme antidémocratique et du nationalisme intégral afin de lutter contre le système plouto-démocratique cosmopolite : page 95. Chapitre 2) - L’instauration d’une « monarchie sociale et ouvrière », à la fois corporatiste et fédéraliste, afin de lutter contre la plouto-démocratie : page 115. Chapitre 3) - La tentative d’élaboration d’une doctrine inédite de troisième voie, le « syndicalisme nationaliste » ou national-syndicalisme, comme idéologie de combat contre le système plouto-démocratique : page 131. Chapitre 4) - Les Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon, ou l’existence d’une révolution conservatrice française, par la synthèse idéologique des contraires et dans l’alliance de la Tradition avec la Révolution : page 153. Conclusion : page 164 4 5 Introduction : Tentative de troisième voie qui s’incarna, en France, dans l’éphémère Cercle Proudhon, lieu de dialogue entre monarchistes nationalistes et syndicalistes antiréformistes, où des hommes de bonne volonté, attachés par-delà leurs origines aux mêmes valeurs de noblesse de cœur, d’honneur, de combat et d’amour de la patrie, tentèrent à l’aube de la guerre de 14, une improbable union sacrée anti-bourgeoise1. Ces quelques mots prononcés par Alain Soral, lors d’une allocution orale datant d’une dizaine d’années, démontrent assez bien l’esprit d’union sacrée des extrêmes et des opposants au système, qui fut au fondement même du Cercle Proudhon, dans la lutte menée contre le système plouto-démocratique, par la rencontre, le rapprochement entre des nationalistes et des syndicalistes. De plus, la devise « Gauche du Travail, Droite des Valeurs : Pour une réconciliation nationale », de l’association « Egalité et Réconciliation » fondée par le polémiste Alain Soral, pourrait convenir tout à fait au Cercle Proudhon, du moins à sa démarche intellectuelle. En effet, Soral n’a jamais caché son admiration pour le Cercle Proudhon et revendique l’influence et l’héritage, tant politique qu’idéologique, que le Cercle aurait exercé sur sa pensée, allant jusqu’à rééditer des ouvrages de Berth2 ou Sorel3, dans sa maison d’édition Kontre Kulture. En fait, il y a de nombreuses similitudes politico- philosophiques entre le Cercle Proudhon et « Égalité et Réconciliation », dans la volonté de combiner des éléments idéologiques issus du socialisme et du nationalisme, afin de combattre le système plouto-démocratique, tout en dépassant les clivages partisans établis et institutionnels. Soral, tout comme le Cercle avant lui, cherche à opérer la synthèse du national et du social, par l’élaboration d’une idéologie de Troisième Voie trans-courante et alternative, qui rejette tout autant le capitalisme libéral que le socialisme marxiste. Enfin, Soral se réclame aussi de la figure tutélaire de Proudhon, perçu comme un penseur de troisième voie, ni 1 « Quelle alternative au monde bourgeois ? », allocution d’Alain Soral, prononcée à Villepreux en clôture de l’université d’été d’Egalité et Réconciliation, le samedi 8 septembre 2007. 2 Les Méfaits des Intellectuels, d’Edouard Berth, 1ère éd. 1914, réédition Kontre Kulture, 2013. 3 Les Réflexions sur la violence, de Georges Sorel, 1ère éd. 1908, réédition Kontre Kulture, 2013. 6 marxiste ni libéral, mais tel un philosophe qui aurait combiné le nationalisme et le socialisme, par la synthèse idéologique des contraires. En fait, durant ce mémoire de M2, j’ai surtout cherché à comprendre quelle était l’idéologie politique défendue dans ces Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon. Il me paraissait instructif de m’intéresser à une revue qui avait tenté le rapprochement, la rencontre entre des militants nationalistes issus de l’Action française avec des combattants du syndicalisme révolutionnaire. Très vite, ma réflexion s’est portée sur la notion de Troisième Voie, puisque au sein de ces Cahiers, j’ai pu constater dans la grande majorité des écrits, un rejet viscéral du capitalisme libéral tout autant qu’une hostilité ardente à l’encontre du socialisme marxiste. En vérité, les divers penseurs du Cercle Proudhon ont voulu dépasser les clivages politiques et les antagonismes idéologiques, afin de combattre et détruire le système plouto-démocratique, sorte d’amalgame politico-économique entre le régime démocratique et le système capitaliste4. Au sein de cette courte revue, nous constatons la volonté de combiner le socialisme avec le syndicalisme, par la tentative de synthèse du national et du social. Selon moi, ces Cahiers peuvent être analysés comme un périodique aux idées non-conformistes, qui a tenté une synthèse idéologique des contraires entre socialisme, nationalisme, syndicalisme ou encore monarchisme. Il est intéressant d’observer que cette revue périodique fut l’expression d’une alliance des extrêmes, entre les nationalistes maurassiens à droite et les syndicalistes révolutionnaires à gauche, dans le but avoué de détruire la démocratie bourgeoise et de combattre le capitalisme ploutocratique5. Il s’agit maintenant de brosser le contexte historique, tant national qu’européen, de la France des années 1910, afin de comprendre et d’appréhender la naissance du Cercle Proudhon ainsi que la création des Cahiers. Tout d’abord, il faut parler du contexte européen, soit de la politique étrangère donc extérieure de la France, en ce début de XXe siècle. En fait, au tournant des années 1910, nous observons une montée croissante des tensions nationalistes et des conflits, telles que les crises de Kiel et de Tanger, qui provoquent l’exacerbation des hostilités entre les trois empires coloniaux majeurs du contient européen, soit la France, l’Angleterre et l’Allemagne6. Ainsi, l’augmentation de ces crises diplomatiques et 4 De Benoist (Alain), Les Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon, préface d'Alain de Benoist intitulée « Le Cercle Proudhon, entre Edouard Berth et Georges Valois », édition Avatar, 2007. 5Ibid 6 Leymarie (Michel), De la Belle Époque à la Grande Guerre (1893-1918). Le triomphe de la République, Livre de Poche, 1999. 7 internationales entraînent inéluctablement un durcissement des positionnements politiques ainsi qu’un accroissement
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