Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945
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CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism
CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X. -
Chapter One: Introduction
CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF IL DUCE TRACING POLITICAL TRENDS IN THE ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEDIA DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF FASCISM by Ryan J. Antonucci Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2013 Changing Perceptions of il Duce Tracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism Ryan J. Antonucci I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Ryan J. Antonucci, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Brian Bonhomme, Committee Member Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Carla Simonini, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Associate Dean of Graduate Studies Date Ryan J. Antonucci © 2013 iii ABSTRACT Scholars of Italian-American history have traditionally asserted that the ethnic community’s media during the 1920s and 1930s was pro-Fascist leaning. This thesis challenges that narrative by proving that moderate, and often ambivalent, opinions existed at one time, and the shift to a philo-Fascist position was an active process. Using a survey of six Italian-language sources from diverse cities during the inauguration of Benito Mussolini’s regime, research shows that interpretations varied significantly. One of the newspapers, Il Cittadino Italo-Americano (Youngstown, Ohio) is then used as a case study to better understand why events in Italy were interpreted in certain ways. -
Europe in Crisis: Class 5 – the Rise of Fascism
Lecture Notes Europe in Crisis: Class 5 – The Rise of Fascism Slide 2 Postwar European Economies: • After the war, Europe suffered great economic problems. These problems varied from country to country. All countries had taken out loans to fight the war, and were trying to figure out how to pay those back. o England: Used to be a manufacturing powerhouse. Now, had lost many of its markets to foreign competitors like Japan and the US. Also, in 1914, England had risked falling behind Germany and the US technologically. This problem was exacerbated by a war that left Britain poor and the US rich. Economy falters, during the interwar period, Britain has a steady unemployment rate of about 10%. o France: Had taken out more loans than anyone else. Also, had to rebuild about a quarter of their country. Relied on German reparation payments for all this. Most people have work, though, because of jobs created by rebuilding. In 1923, when Germany defaults on reparations, France invades the Ruhr, and collects the profits from the coal mines here. An agreement is reached in 1924 with the Dawes Plan – American bankers promise to invest in Germany, thus boosting its economy, if France leaves the Ruhr, reduces reparations and agrees to a two-year moratorium. o Germany: Was reeling after the war, and had trouble getting its economy back on track. Problems were exacerbated when France invaded the Ruhr in 1923. Germany responded by encouraging workers to strike. Meanwhile, they kept printing money, trying to come up with a way to pay the French. -
The Corporatism of Fascist Italy Between Words and Reality
CORPORATIVISMO HISTÓRICO NO BRASIL E NA EUROPA http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1980-864X.2016.2.22336 The corporatism of Fascist Italy between words and reality O corporativismo da Itália fascista entre palavras e realidade El corporativismo de la Italia fascista entre las palabras y la realidad Alessio Gagliardi* Translated by Sergio Knipe Abstract: It is common knowledge that State intervention in Italy in the Twenties and the Thirties developed outside of corporative institutions. The history of Fascist corporatism, however, is not only an unsuccessful story. Despite the failure of the “corporatist revolution” and “Fascist third way”, Fascist corporatism since the mid- Twenties helped the progressive development of a new political system to regulate relationship between State and private interests. The paper examines not only the institutional framework (the systems of formal laws, regulations, and procedures, and informal norms) but also their acts and real activities. It dwells upon internal debates, political and institutional importance acquired by corporative institutions in Fascist regime and behaviours of entrepreneurial organizations and labour unions. In this way, the paper aims to point out the “real” consequences of Fascist corporatism, different from the ideological ones. Keywords: corporatism; Fascism; Italy Resumo: É de conhecimento geral que intervenções estatais na Itália nas décadas de 1920 e 1930 se desenvolveram fora de instituições corporativas. A história do corporativismo fascista, no entanto, não é totalmente sem sucessos. Apesar da falha da “revolução corporativista” e da “terceira via fascista”, o corporativismo fascista, desde meados dos anos 1920, ajudou no desenvolvimento progressivo de um novo sistema político para regular a relação entre o Estado e interesses privados. -
A Historiography of Fascism
History in the Making Volume 6 Article 5 2013 A Historiography of Fascism Glenn-Iain Steinback CSUSB Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making Part of the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Steinback, Glenn-Iain (2013) "A Historiography of Fascism," History in the Making: Vol. 6 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making/vol6/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in History in the Making by an authorized editor of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Articles History Department’s 2013 Faculty Choice Award A Historiography of Fascism By Glenn-Iain Steinback Abstract: A long-standing historical debate revolves around the definition, fundamental nature and historical constraints of the concept of fascism. A wide array of scholarly questions about the political and ideological nature of fascism, the minimum or necessary traits of a fascist movement, arguments over the classification of semi-fascist groups and the concept of generic fascism characterize this debate. The result is a substantial body of scholarly research replete with competing theories for the evolution and origin of fascism as a concept, of individual fascist movements and even over the geographic and temporal application of the term itself within history. This paper is a historiography of fascist studies that illuminates the development of the scholarly narrative and understanding of fascism. Beginning with the historically contemporary Marxist perceptive of fascism, this paper examines competing and complimentary understandings of the phenomenon across the twentieth century, including various theories for the evolution of fascism in Europe, the relationship to and placement of fascism in the broader political spectrum, and the debate over fascism as a form of political religion. -
Dissertation Full Draft 06 01 18
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO “Nothing is Going to be Named After You”: Ethical Citizenship Among Citizen Activists in Bosnia-Herzegovina A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology by Natasa Garic-Humphrey Committee in charge: Professor Nancy Postero, Chair Professor Joseph Hankins Professor Martha Lampland Professor Patrick Patterson Professor Saiba Varma 2018 Copyright Natasa Garic-Humphrey, 2018 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Natasa Garic-Humphrey is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: ______________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________ Chair University of California San Diego 2018 iii To: My mom and dad, who supported me unselfishly. My Clinton and Alina, who loved me unconditionally. My Bosnian family and friends, who shared with me their knowledge. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page ...................................................................................................................... iii Dedication ............................................................................................................................. iv Table of Contents ....................................................................................................................v -
Appendix: More on Methodology
Appendix: More on Methodology Over the years my fi rst monograph, The Nature of Fascism (1991), has been charged by some academic colleagues with essentialism, reductionism, ‘revisionism’, a disinterest in praxis or material realities, and even a philosophical idealism which trivializes the human suffering caused by Hitler’s regime. It is thus worth offering the more methodologically self-aware readers, inveterately sceptical of the type of large-scale theorizing (‘metanarration’) that forms the bulk of Part One of this book, a few more paragraphs to substantiate my approach and give it some sort of intellectual pedigree. It can be thought of as deriving from three lines of methodological inquiry – and there are doubtless others that are complementary to them. One is the sophisticated (but inevitably contested) model of concept formation through ‘idealizing abstraction’1 which was elaborated piece-meal by Max Weber when wrestling with a number of the dilemmas which plagued the more epistemologically self-aware academics engaged in the late nineteenth-century ‘Methodenstreit’. This was a confl ict over methodology within the German human sciences that anticipated many themes of the late twentieth-century debate over how humanities disciplines should respond to postmodernism and the critical turn.2 The upshot of this line of thinking is that researchers must take it upon themselves to be as self-conscious as possible in the process of constructing the premises and ‘ideal types’ which shape the investigation of an area of external reality. Nor should they ever lose sight of the purely heuristic nature of their inquiry, and hence its inherently partial, incomplete nature. -
Page 540 H-France Review Vol. 9 (October 2009), No. 129 Samuel
H-France Review Volume 9 (2009) Page 540 H-France Review Vol. 9 (October 2009), No. 129 Samuel Kalman, The Extreme Right in Interwar France: The Faisceau and the Croix de Feu. Hampshire and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2008. x+ 265 pp. Bibliography and index. $99.95 U.S. (cl). ISBN 978-0-7546- 6240-2. Review by Samual Huston Goodfellow, Westminster College. One of the greatest challenges in writing about fascism and the right in the interwar era is the problem of definition. What is fascism? How is it different from the extreme right or even conservatism? Is fascism an outgrowth of the left? The impulse towards differentiation, although it has its purposes, obscures the messy reality of the bundle of political and social organizations that operated on the right. Lack of a clear foundational ideology, the moral taint associated with fascism, and the often experimental quality of these new movements further complicate the task of creating clear categories. Samuel Kalman sidesteps many of these questions by resorting to a different terminology. Instead of dwelling on the now stale question of whether the Faisceau or the Croix de Feu/ Parti Social Français (CdF/PSF) was, or was not, fascist, Kalman simply refers to them as part of the extreme right and chooses to focus instead on the strands that ran through the groups as well as on the internecine struggles within the groups. This is not a book about the definitional purity of the term fascism or even the extreme right, but about two issues: the linkages over time and across issues and the discord within movements. -
Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University. -
Notes 335 Bibliography 387 Index 413
CONTENTS PREFACE IX ONE: THE AMBIGUOUS LEGACY 3 The Crisis of Classical Marxism 6 The Crisis in Italy 20 Italian Revolutionary Syndicalism 22 TWO: THE FIRST REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALIST HERESY 32 The Evolution of Syndicalism 32 Syndicalism and the Nature of Man 34 Syndicalism and Social Psychology 37 Syndicalism and the Social and Political Function of Myth 43 Elitism 50 Syndicalism and Industrial Development 58 THREE: THE FIRST NATIONAL SOCIALISM 64 Revolutionary Syndicalism: Marxism and the Problems of National Interests 64 Syndicalism and Proletarian Nationalism 71 Revolutionary Syndicalism, War, and Moral Philosophy 73 Syndicalism, Nationalism, and Economic Development 83 National Syndicalism and Lenin's Bolshevism 91 FOUR: THE PROGRAM OF FASCISM 96 The Fascism of San Sepolcro 101 Syndicalism, Nationalism, and Fascism 103 FascismandIdeology 112 Fascism and Bolshevism 121 FIVE: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF FASCISM 127 Alfredo Rocco, Nationalism, and the Economic Policy of Fascism 133 Economic Policy from 1922 until the Great Depression 140 Fascist Economic Policy after the Great Depression 153 The Political Economy of Fascism and the Revolutionary Socialist Tradition 162 SIX: THE LABOR POLICY OF FASCISM 172 The Origins of Fascist Syndicalism 172 The Rise of Fascist Syndicalism 183 The Evolution of Fascist Syndicalism 190 The Functions of Fascist Syndicalism 196 The Labor Policy of Fascism and Revolutionary Marxism 206 SEVEN: THE ORCHESTRATION OF CONSENSUS 214 Syndicalism, Fascism, and the Psychology of the Masses 215 The Rationale of Orchestrated -
The Poverty of Philosophy and Its Contemporary Relevance
Crisis, Revolution, and the Meaning of Progress: The Poverty of Philosophy and its Contemporary Relevance Michael Joseph Roberto Proudhon and Marx ABSTRACT: In 1847, Marx wrote The Poverty of Philosophy, his polemical response to Pierre Joseph Proudhon’s System of Economical Contradictions Or, The Philosophy of Poverty, published a year earlier. Marx and Proudhon were the principal antagonists in the struggle for influence and control of the emerging European workers movement then fueled by the first great crisis of modern capitalism. While Marx propagated communist revolution as a solution to the crisis, Proudhon sought to preserve “good capitalism” by attempting to formulate a new political economy that would reconcile contradictions of capitalist exchange by means of reciprocal agreements and transactions; in a word, mutualism. In The Poverty of Philosophy, Marx took Proudhon to task for creating a massive “dialectical phantasmagoria” in the System of Economical Contradictions. Usually regarded as his first detailed treatment of political economy, Marx’s book also contains an implicit conception of social and historical progress based on the principles of contradiction, paradox, and Copyright © 2009 by Michael Joseph Roberto and Cultural Logic, ISSN 1097-3087 Michael Joseph Roberto 2 practice. Today, as the U.S. experiences an irreversible and possibly terminal capitalist crisis, Marx’s polemic against Proudhon remains instructive as an historical, theoretical, and practical-political guide. Key features of the Marx- Proudhon divide in the 1840s are now being recast in contemporary guises and forms. The Left must distinguish between revolutionary Marxist solutions and variations of the New Proudhonism. While Marxism holds the potential for revolutionary, socialist transformation and renewed social progress, the New Proudhonism seeks to save “good capitalism” – ironically and tragically, carrying with it the plausibility of a more coercive and barbarous system. -
The Life of the Romanian Theologian Antonie Plamadeala As a Runaway from the Secret Police and As a Political Prisoner in Communist Romania
The Life of the Romanian Theologian Antonie Plamadeala as a Runaway from the Secret Police and as a Political Prisoner in Communist Romania Cristina Plamadeala A Thesis in The Department of Theological Studies Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (Theological Studies) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada September 2015 © Cristina Plamadeala, 2015 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Cristina Plamadeala Entitled: The Life of the Romanian Theologian Antonie Plamadeala as a Runaway from the Secret Police and as a Political Prisoner in Communist Romania and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Theological Studies) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final Examining Committee: __________________________________Chair Chair’s name __________________________________Examiner Examiner’s name __________________________________Examiner Examiner’s name __________________________________Supervisor Supervisor’s name Approved by_______________________________________________________ Chair of Department or Graduate Program Director _______2015 _______________________________________________________ Dean of Faculty ii ABSTRACT The Life of the Romanian Theologian Antonie Plamadeala as a Runaway from the Secret Police and as a Political Prisoner in Communist Romania Cristina Plamadeala The present work discusses the life of the Romanian theologian Antonie Plamadeala (1926-2005) in the1940s-1950s. More specifically, it tells the story of his refuge from Bessarabia to Romania, of his run from Romania’s secret police (Securitate) and of his years of incarceration as a political prisoner for alleged ties to the Legionary Movement, known for its Fascist, paramilitary and anti-Semitic activity and rhetoric.