Investigation Into Red-Brown Alliances
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in Madrid, to overthrow the military dictatorship in Argentine, Perónist circles during that period were an odd conjunction of far-right anf far-left tendencies. Among Perón‘s contacts in Argentina was Joe “Jose” Baxter, a mysterious Yugoslav-born Argentine who in the mid-1960s An Investigation into became the leader of the Tacuara, a paramilitary neo-fascist Red-Brown Alliances sect with long-standing ties to the Argentine secret services. When Adolf Eichmann, who had been secretly living in Ar- Third Positionism, Russia, Ukraine, Syria, and the gentina, was captured by Israeli intelligence in 1960, Tacuara Western Left members went on a spree of anti-Semitic attacks and wrote vile anti-Semitic graffiti in Buenos Aires. After Eichmann’s execu- tion, Tacuara violence erupted again and they abducted Jewish Vagabond students and carved swastikas in their flesh. Around the same time as Thiriart’s shift leftward, Baxter shifted the Tacuara sharply to the Left and, with Perón‘s support, reorganized it into Argentina’s first urban guerrilla warfare organization. Many Tacuaristas, Baxter included, visited Havana, where they were trained into guerrilla maneu- vers, and reportedly the People’s Republic of China in 1965 as well. After Baxter returned to Latin America, the core ofthe Tacuara merged with various revolutionary groups to form the Montoneros, a left-wing nationalist group whose armed struggle paved the way for Perón‘s return to Argentine in 1973. The Montoneros, believing they were on the threshold ofa social revolution, had come to greet their hero on June 20, 1973, and claim what they felt to be their rightful place next to the platform where he was scheduled to address the largest pubic rally of Argentine history. As Perón stepped off his jet, neo- fascists squads organized by one of Perón‘s chief advisors ma- chine gunned the Montoneros; Perón had used the Montoneros as shock troops for his political comeback and, once they were no longer useful, discarded talk of a “socialist fatherland” and the illusions of the Montoneros were shattered during the en- 15 January 2018 suing bloodbath. 72 to hire German firms for public infrastructure works. While in Argentina Skorzeny met Hans-Ulrich Rudel, a Nazi pilot from the Luftwaffe who had been decorated by Hitler for destroy- ing more than 800 combat vehicles, 500 tanks and 3 battleships during his sorties against the Allies and had, after the war, be- come an important operator of the Nazi escape routes and a close friend of Skorzeny, and, after escaping to Argentina with the help of the Vatican, became a paid advisor of Perón’s gov- ernment, using his personal relationship with Perón to secure jobs for more than 100 former Luftwaffe staffers in the Argen- tine air force. While Perón’s rule was not as repressive as the Nazi regime and he never turned his prisons into slaughterhouses, and at times he even prevented his followers from attacking the Jew- ish community of Buenos Aires, he still instigated and tolerated many excesses and he provided a sanctuary for perpetrators of crimes against humanity and thus enabled the to regroup and launch many initiative in the post-war era. While the American intelligence agencies had assisted the large-scale emigration of Nazis to North and South America, US officials also cynically criticized Perón for welcoming fugi- tive fascists, motivated by Perón’s denunciations of US impe- rialism and his embrace of dissident left-wing intellectuals ad- hering to justicialism.] [Note: During his exile, Perón asserted in his autobiogra- phy, Perón As He Is, that he saw American political, economic and cultural domination as the greater problem for Latin America than Soviet domination, warning that Latin Ameri- cans would soon repeat the scenario of Cuba’s struggle against the United States. Describing the turbulence of the 1960s as the “the Hour of the Peoples” and quoting Mao Zedong, Perón aimed his message at the Argentine radical leftist youth who supported revolution. Encouraged by Thiriart, Perón urged his supporters, many of whom were unaware of Perón’s collaboration with fascists 71 article to Thiriart’s publication and would then help Thiriart met Zhou Enlai, from whom Thiriart attempted in vain to obtain Chinese support for Jeune Europe. After Argentine politician Juan Perón was deposed bya military coup in 1955, he went in exile to Madrid, where he Contents courted European neo-Nazis and his inner circle included many hardcore fascists, such as Mila Bogetich, a veteran of the Croatian Ustaše fascist movement, who was in charge On Some Obscure Strains Of Fascism 8 of security at Perón’s residence. Otto Skorzeny arranged for The Feudal Socialists .................. 8 Perón to live comfortably in Madrid and introduced him to The Maurrassians, the Sorelians and the Birth of Fas- Thiriart, of whom he soon became a close collaborator; Perón cism ........................ 9 saw his own views of Latin American unity and integration The Dreyfus Affair ................ 9 as tied to Thiriart’s ones on European unity and he saw Fidel The Action Française and Charles Maurras . 10 Castro and Che Guevara as heroes just like Thiriart did (for Georges Sorel and the Cercle Proudhon . 11 which obviously neither Castro nor Che themselves should be The Sorelians and the Italian Fascists . 13 blamed). The Conservative Revolution 17 [Note: Juan Perón embraced “justicialism”, an ambiguous The Conservative Revolution Under the Weimar Re- political ideology which had many similarities to Italian fas- public ....................... 19 cism, being extremely nationalistic, authoritarian and opposed Arthur Moeller van den Bruck . 19 to both capitalism and Communism. While justicialism ap- Oswald Spengler . 20 pealed to much of the Argentine working class, it also res- Karl Haushofer . 22 onated favorably with the many Nazis who poured into Buenos The Conservative Revolution and the Nazis . 23 Aires in the late 1940s and early 1050s after fleeing Europe. Julius Evola ....................... 25 During Perón’s first presidential term lasting from 1946 to 1955, Argentina became a repository for a large amount of German National Bolshevism 40 stolen Nazi funds, deposited in bank accounts controlled by Laufenberg and Wolffheim . 40 Juan’s wife Evita, and the preferred haven for tens of thou- The Treaty of Rapallo . 41 sands of Nazi war criminals and their fellow travelers, which in- Ernst Niekisch ..................... 43 cluded Josef Mengele, Carl Vaernet, Adolf Eichmann (the main administrative director of the Holocaust) and Ante Pavelić (the The Brownshirts and the Strasserists 45 founder and leader of the Ustaše and fascist dictator of wartime Ernst Röhm ....................... 45 Croatia, who had escaped to Argentina with the help of the Vat- Gregor and Otto Strasser . 47 ican and set up a government-in-exile in Buenos Aires). Dur- Otto Ernst Remer and the Socialist Reich Party . 48 ing the early 1950s, Otto Skorzeny had visited Argentina asa representative of the Krupp company and encouraged Perón Francis Parker Yockey 61 70 3 The European New Right 68 USSR whom he considered were dominating Europe and had Jean-Francois Thiriart . 68 turned it into a battlefield, thus echoing Yockey in his pre-1952 Alain de Benoist .................... 74 days, though Thiriart himself had never apparently known or Third Positionist Fascism . 77 read Yockey. Like Yockey, Thiriart also despised parliamentary Terza Posizione . 77 democracy and instead advocated for an anti-egalitarian total- The International Third Position . 78 itarian state. The Tricolour Flame, Forza Nuova and Casa- Thiriart would also try denying being a fascist and distanc- Pound . 79 ing himself from his Nazi past, instead calling the Left-Right Red-Browns in Russia . 80 division as outdated (in typical fascist rhetoric) and advancing Russian National Bolshevism . 80 a philosophy called Communitarianism which claimed to tran- The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact . 81 scend the division between the Left and the Right though Jeune Post-Soviet Fascism . 83 Europe had open ties with Nazis and used openly fascist im- Aleksandr Dugin . 92 agery. Thiriart from then on advocated for a union of Europe Influence on Western Fascists in the Eraof and the Soviet Union, which he considered to be more Russian Globalization . 97 than Communist as from the early 50s, into a “massive white power bloc from Brest to Vladivostok”. Here he was echoing The LaRouche Movement 101 Yockey again. The LaRouchite Cult And Its Ideology . 101 Following the Sino-Soviet Split, Thiriart started advocating The History of LaRouche . 102 for supporting China against the Soviets in an attempt to make The Proximity Between LaRouche And The New Right 108 the latter lose its grip on Europe to pave the way for arap- Sergey Glazyev . 108 prochement between Europe and Russia, as well as supporting revolutionaries in Latin America and the Black Power move- Novorossiya and Crimea 110 ment in the Unites States to end American hegemony on West- Konstantin Malofeyev . 110 ern Europe. He would further restructure Jeune Europe along The Formation of Novorossiya and the Annex- the line of a Leninist vanguard party, drop the open Nazi im- ation of Crimea . 115 agery of his organization and repudiate his earlier positions on The Anti-Orange Committee . 121 Algeria and the Congo. Boris Kagarlitsky . 122 From then on, Thiriart moved towards a “National- Election Observers from the Far-Right . 131 Communist” perspective which was significantly influenced Rodina . 134 by Nicolae Ceaușescu’s adoption of an ultra-nationalist Na- tional Communism as state ideology, no doubt the result of The Syrian Social Nationalist Party 141 Romania’s inclusion of former Iron Guard fascists within its intelligence apparatus, and Romania’s break with the Soviet Union and shift towards the People’s Republic of China. In 1966, Thiriart himself met Ceaușescu who contributed an 4 69 The SSNP, Fascists and Syria 143 Conspiracy Theorists .