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Les Intellectuels, La Politique Et La Religion

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Les Intellectuels, La Politique Et La Religion chapitre 2 Les intellectuels, la politique et la religion 1 Le cadre événementiel L’observation du cadre socioculturel et historique de l’Iran dans son lien avec l’élite intellectuelle nous permet de mieux cerner la nature et la spécificité de la future littérature franco-persane et le transculturalisme qu’elle engendre. Un schéma historique nous permet d’avoir un point de vue événementiel global sur quelques périodes et faits clefs. Tout d’abord, la Révolution constitutionnelle de 1906 marque un tournant primordial dans l’histoire du pays. Pour la première fois dans son histoire, l’Iran sort de sa torpeur politique et sociale traditionnelle et reconnait la mo- dernité occidentale. Auparavant, durant toute la longue période de la dynastie Qadjar (1794–1925), l’Iran avait sombré dans un profond retard technologique, intellectuel et infrastructurel. C’est au début du XXe siècle que débute une brillante période où l’intelligentsia fut d’abord encouragée à fréquenter les pays européens, notamment l’Angleterre et la France. Une élite aisée fut ainsi mandataire en Europe afin d’accomplir des études. Celle-ci fut profondément marquée par la modernité et la philosophie des Lumières inconnues jusque-là en Iran. C’est dans ce contexte historique que le terme : monavvar ol fekr, ou rowchanfekr attribué à cette nouvelle catégorie d’intellectuels, apparut dans une société féodale et hiérarchisée. Des personnalités comme Seyed Hassan Taqizadeh (1877–1969), Ahmad Kasravi (1890–1946) et Ali Akbar Dehkhoda (1879–1959) représentent cette catégorie d’intellectuels dits « laïcs », car influencés par l’esprit moderne des Lumières. La modernité, comme avène- ment de la raison, émerge avec le progrès de l’esprit critique et une mise en cause du système politique et ecclésiastique en Iran. Le modèle est donc di- rectement inspiré de l’Occident. À ce titre, c’est la première fois que la caté- gorie des rowchanfekrs se distingue en s’opposant à la caste religieuse (des oulémas) jusque-là détenteur du savoir. Les intellectuels laïcs ont été les pre- miers à constater l’incompatibilité profonde de ces nouveaux paradigmes avec le traditionalisme, le poids de la religion et des superstitions en vogue dans la société. Sur le plan politique, le mouvement constitutionnel est définitive- ment voué à l’échec, avec la destruction du parlement et l’exécution des chefs constitutionnalistes en 1908. Acte accompli par le colonel russe Vladimir Liakhiv sous l’ordre du dernier roi Qadjar Mohammad Ali Mirza (1872–1925). Cette période charnière par la prise de conscience de la modernité contrastant © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004385023_004 Les intellectuels, la politique et la religion 31 avec le laxisme despotique des Qadjar et l’obscurantisme religieux des oulé- mas s’achève par le coup d’état militaire d’un officier cosaque nommé Reza Chah en 1921 et son intronisation par la suite. La deuxième période qui nous intéresse est celle de la monarchie Pahlavi qui s’étend sur cinquante-trois années (1925–1979). C’est un système dictatorial qui tente de moderniser le pays et d’imposer la laïcité. Elle prendra fin avec la révolution de 1979. Reza Chah Pahlavi (1878–1944) est le fondateur de la dynas- tie jusqu’en 1941, qui sera perpétuée ensuite par son fils Mohammad Reza Chah (1919–1980). Au départ, Reza Chah envisage de faire de l’Iran une république laïque sur le modèle de la Turquie d’Atatürk, mais y renonce face à l’opposition du clergé. Devenu monarque autoritaire, il entreprend ensuite une modernisa- tion drastique et forcée du pays1 tout en acculant l’influence religieuse, mais en développant un nationalisme rigoureux. Cependant, la modernisation forcée a eu un effet inverse sur la majorité de la population chez qui l’analphabétisme, les superstitions et la religion sont profondément ancrés. Les rowchanfekrs sont également insatisfaits car il n’y a point de liberté d’expression ni une vraie introduction de la pensée et des valeurs modernes à l’occidentale. L’absence de démocratie et de vrais échanges culturels entre l’Iran et l’Occident favorisent l’implantation du premier grand parti politique prosoviétique en 1941 : Toudeh. Aussi, la majorité des rowchanfekrs adhère au communisme et ouvre la voie à l’idéologisation des générations suivantes. Le rapprochement de l’Iran avec l’Allemagne nazie aboutit à la destitution et l’exil de Reza Chah en 1941 et sa succession par son fils. Ce dernier, plus proche de l’Angleterre et des États- Unis, sera taxé de pro-impérialiste par le peuple à la veille de la révolution et de sa chute en 1979. L’événement important de cette période est la nationa- lisation de l’industrie pétrolière en 1951 par le Premier ministre nationaliste Mohammad Mossadegh (1882–1967) qui ainsi s’oppose au monarque et à la Grande-Bretagne. Son gouvernement sera finalement renversé par le complot anglo-américain (l’opération TP-Ajax menée par la CIA) et le rétablissement du Chah2. Par la suite, le Chah entreprend différentes réformes (comme la Révolution blanche de 1963) et modernisations qui n’arrivent pourtant pas à apaiser les inégalités et le mécontentement de la population. 1 Ces plans incluaient le développement d’industries lourdes, de projets d’infrastructures ma- jeurs, la construction d’un chemin de fer national, le Trans-iranien, la création d’un système d’éducation public national, la réforme de la justice jusque-là contrôlée par le clergé chiite par la création du code civil iranien, et l’amélioration de l’hygiène et du système de santé. 2 On peut dire que, durant cette courte période de 1951 à 1953, l’Iran a connu, pour la première et unique fois au cours de son histoire, un système démocratique avec le gouvernement de Mossadegh et la fuite du Chah..
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