An Illustrated Aristotelian Manuscript from the Crusader States. Some Preliminary Remarks

ECA 3 (2006), p. 25-36; doi: 10.2143 / ECA.3.0.2018700

Krijnie CIGGAAR

Anno Domini MoCCoLXXXmoquarto, die Veneris ante Nativitatem Domini1

Information on the production and circulation of were imported from the West or locally produced western manuscripts in the Latin states in Outremer for local patrons or even for passing patrons. In is scarce. The many secular and religious institu- spite of the eventful history of the Latin states, a tions, however, needed scriptoria for their chanceries number of manuscripts, sometimes illustrated, have and libraries, for religious books, for letter writing been preserved. During the last few decades studies and for other purposes. Education of the clergy and of these manuscripts have been published5. They of lay students were another reason for the produc- formed the starting point for further research on tion of liturgical books, texts of a more profane specific texts and manuscripts, and have drawn character and of text books. Hundreds of manu- attention to the cultural climate in Outremer. scripts must have circulated in Latin Outremer and Attention has been paid to the cultural effects which have been available to the clergy and to interested these manuscripts may have had on their eastern and educated lay people2. Undoubtedly, many surroundings6. These studies have certainly con- manuscripts, complete libraries even, must have dis- tributed to the discovery of more ‘crusader manu- appeared by warfare and by the carrying off scripts’. of books as war booty. Manuscripts which have In 1976, J. Folda ascribed a number of illus- survived have more than once escaped attention trated manuscripts to an anonymous artist whom from those who are interested in their existence. he called the ‘Hospitaller Master’, because the This ‘neglect’ is due to various reasons. Sometimes patron of the only manuscript mentioning a spon- descriptions in catalogues are rather superficial, sor was a Hospitaller knight. The painter appar- sometimes the manuscripts found their way into ently came from Paris to work in Acre. Recently private collections in the West. Some found their he has been baptized the Paris-Acre Master and as way into Muslim and Christian communities in the such we shall refer to him in this article. His Middle East where they may still be treasured or patron in Outremer, commonly known as William kept without being recognized as such. Others were of San Stephano, had asked a certain Jean d’Anti- sold on market places in foreign countries. Ricoldo oche to make a French translation of two Latin de Monte Croce, when travelling through Muslim texts, the De inventione of Cicero and the Rheto- lands in the late thirteenth century, saw spolia from rica ad Herennium which were at the time both the war booty taken at Acre. On the market place attributed to Cicero. The illumination of the text of Bagdad he saw Latin breviaries3. was to be carried out by the Paris-Acre Master. The situation is worse where illustrated manu- Jean d’Antioche translated the texts in 1282, as we scripts are concerned, regardless if they were pro- read in the manuscript Musée Condé, Chantilly, duced in Outremer or were imported from the West. Illustrations may have escaped destruction. Although mention is made of miniatures that have disappeared 1 from manuscripts produced in Outremer, examples From the colophon in Vaticanus Latinus 2083, fol. 224v, see Leonardi 1987, 103. of such ‘cuttings’ have not yet come to light (see also 2 Beddie 1933, 241; Laurent/Richard 1951, 451-454; Maier below). 1967, passim. Some manuscripts were only temporarily in Out- 3 Röhricht 1884, 277, 289, 295. 4 remer, brought to the East in the baggage of visit- Ciggaar 1996, 147-150, for Edward I of England who took with him an Arthurian manuscript. ing scholars, pilgrims or others. Sometimes there 5 E.g. Buchthal 1957; Folda 1976. was a possibility to copy them4. Other manuscripts 6 E.g. Burnett 2000; Folda 1969/1970; Jacoby 1984.

25 MS 590. In the French prologue to his translation the pigments used by the illuminators is another Jean d’Antioche calls his patron Guillaume de necessity. When mineral pigments are used, like Saint-Etienne, as if the latter were a Frenchman malachite, lapis lazuli (such pigments may have (here I shall use the French name), although one been cheaper in the East than in western parts), cannot exclude that he was an Italian coming from their presence may be established by inspection with San Stefano, the geographical name of a number a special microscope, without doing damage to the of villages and towns in Italy. It is not clear if the paintings. With regard to the ductus of a scribe and manuscript as we know it was produced and illu- the work of miniature painters, one should keep in minated in 1282. The year 1282 is at least a ter- mind that a handwriting changes during a life’s minus post quem since we may expect that the final time, and that artists equally develop their style by text was soon to be properly copied and illus- being influenced by others or by creating their own trated7. Guillaume de Saint-Etienne left for Lom- style and, last but not least, by becoming more bardy in 1287. He is an example of a patron who experienced in their craft9. The greater part of did not permanently live in Outremer and who western manuscripts produced during the twelfth employed an indigenous scholar and an immigrant and thirteenth centuries do not offer a colophon. painter. The passages in which Jean d’Antioche None of the manuscripts which were decorated by refers to his own work, are not found in a the so-called Paris-Acre Master has a colophon in colophon in the usual sense of the word. The the proper sense of the word10. Paris-Acre Master is thought to have arrived from A corpus of manuscripts in Outremer will prove Paris in Acre in the early 1280s8. As a newcomer valuable for the study of educational and cultural life in Outremer, he illustrated two secular philoso- in the various centres in Latin Outremer. The west- phical texts which may have introduced him into erners lived in a multicultural entourage, amidst Jews a milieu of learned ecclesiastics. and Muslims, and various eastern Christians (Greek The Latin manuscripts written and illustrated in Orthodox, Arabic speaking Greek Orthodox (the so- Outremer have so far never been made accessible in called Melkites), Syrian Orthodox, Armenians, their entirety, i.e. their handwriting(s) and their Georgians etc.) and other peoples. Cross-fertilization illustrations. A corpus of these manuscripts, in could easily take place. Translations of texts in the printed or digitalized form, containing illustrations various languages of the eastern communities were with a good specimen of the handwriting and other made into Latin and French, and sometimes vice codicological details such as the use of a specific versa. Iconographical features could be borrowed. If parchment, the format etc., would be very welcome. minor details were adopted they are not always dis- Only then shall it be possible to compare the duc- tinguishable in black and white reproductions. tus of the various scribes and see what kind of texts Colour reproductions may better reveal silent wit- a specific copyist was responsible for, and compare nesses of cultural interaction. The identification of the illustration programmes, the iconography of the more manuscripts and their contents which were various illuminations and the colour palette. A cor- produced in Outremer will become easier with the pus shall be useful to distinguish between the style help of such a corpus. They may shed more light on of the various painters involved in the decoration of the intellectual, cultural and artistic life in the Latin manuscripts. Sometimes painters cooperated in the states. This may be of interest for contemporary and production of a manuscript. A good description of later developments in Western Europe and in Out- the ink (the colour, the quality), the parchment, and remer, and give information about relations between Christians and Muslims. It is always a pleasant surprise to find a manuscript produced and/or illustrated in the Latin 7 Folda 1976, 42-45, 181-182; for the new name of the illus- trator, now called the Paris-Acre Master, see Folda 2004 and states in Outremer. On a circular which was issued 2005. by Brepols Publishers for the publication pro- 8 Folda 1976, 42-76. gramme of the Aristoteles Latinus project, a minia- 9 Such a corpus is under consideration. ture was published which reminds one of the style 10 Kohler 1913, vii, n. 2, xv-xix, where reference is made to a manuscript made in Kyrenia, Cyprus (now ‘lost’), which is of the Paris-Acre Master. The illustration comes an exception. The manuscript was finished April 9, 1343. from an Aristotelian manuscript, but its prove- The colophon may give more details. nance was not mentioned. Working through the

26 Pl. 1. Vaticanus Latinus 2083, fol. 134r 9 (courtesy of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana)

27 specialized catalogues of Aristotelian manuscripts, sort of vellum which was used14. My hypothesis and looking for a manuscript which should have that the Vaticanus Latinus 2083 is a manuscript been produced in Outremer, I found the Vaticanus copied in the East by a certain Ivo (also spelled Latinus 2083 which has a colophon that suggests Yvo) who came from Sidon, is based on the text of that the manuscript comes from Outremer. At the the colophon (see below)15. beginning of the text De caelo (fol. 134r), translated into Latin by the Dominican friar Guillaume THE MANUSCRIPT VATICANUS LATINUS 2083 de Moerbeke (this translation is called Translatio nova and is dated to the late 1260s), the philoso- The manuscript consists of 224 folios and offers a pher is depicted in a teaching scene, pointing at corpus of Aristotelian manuscripts, the so-called the sun and the moon11. C. Leonardi, the author Corpus recentius: the Metaphysica, Meteorologica, of the catalogue of the Vatican, describes the image De motu animalium, De longitudine, De iuventute, on fol. 134r as ‘… philosophum indicantem digito Physica, De caelo, De generatione, De anima, De indice solem et lunam’12. The picture on the sensu, De memoria, De somno, De progressu, Epistola Brepols circular, however, representing the philoso- ad Alexandrum, De bona fortuna. Of Pseudo-Aris- pher as pointing at the moon and the stars, must toteles one finds: De physionomia, De coloribus, De come from a different manuscript. The Vatican lineis, De inundatione Nili, De proprietatibus, De manuscript has a total of five historiated initials, mundo, De vita Aristotelis, De pomo and De intelli- illustrating five different texts: the Metaphysica, gentia. The texts are translations made into Latin Physica, De caelo et mundo, De generatione et cor- from Arabic, Greek and Hebrew by a number ruptione and De anima. The initials measure of different translators, among whom Guillaume ca35≈35mm13. Small designs and other decora- de Moerbeke, Aristippus, Robert Grosseteste and tions, such as dragons, flourishes and pen-work, are others. The folios measure 345 ≈ 240 mm, and the also found in the manuscript. Capitals are some- text is written in brown ink, in a format of times ornamented. No information is given on the 225 ≈ 157 mm. The format of the written text leaves wide margins to enter glosses. Some folios are missing. The parchment is described as not being of the best quality. Its provenance, calfskin or other, 11 Guillaume de Moerbeke lived some time in the East, in is not commented upon. It is clear that the Vati- Nicaea, Thebes, and became archbishop of Corinth in canus Latinus 2083 is not a de luxe manuscript. For 1278. He was active as a translator, LMA IX, 175-176; see the brown ink, used in the manuscript, see below16. also n. 13 infra. For a ‘western’ manuscript the colophon on 12 Dr. P. de Leemans, Institute of Philosophy in Leuven, informed me that the manuscript on the Brepols circular fol. 224v is exceptionally elaborate: ‘Anno Domini o o mo should rather be a manuscript from the Bibliothèque M CC LXXX quarto, die Veneris ante Nativi- Mazarine, Paris. A search in the catalogue brought me to tatem Domini, fuerunt complecte Iste nature, de the Mazarinus 3469, for the description, see Lacombe manu Ivonis Baudoyn(is) clerici Britonis de Sagitta 1955, 494; Molinier 1890, III, 93-94. This richly illuminated manuscript is accessible on the internet in the Liber episcopi pro M (……….) f (……….) Iohanne Floridus project (http://liberfloridus.cines.fr./textes/biblios. [changed into Ia(co)bo, according to Leonardi] de html), accessed on August 9, 2005. otim/ocim/odim’, and ending with the words, ‘Hic 13 Lacombe 1955, II, 1219, no. 1842 (at the time there was l(iber) est scriptus. qui scripsit, sit benedictus’. We less interest in the illumination of manuscripts, and miniatures were succinctly described); Leonardi 1987, De caelo learn the date of the manuscript: the year 1284, and et mundo, 103-104, no. 9; for the Translatio nova of the the name of the copyist, a certain Ivo Baudouins text, see Bossier 1989, 269-270, who dated the translation Brito (Breton) who, according to Leonardi, should after December 1268 or after February 1269. The other be a Frenchman, ‘Codex ab uno librario Gallico miniatures will be published in a following article. 17 14 Leonardi 1987, 103; Folda 1976, 166, sees a preference for exaratus est’ . The colophon has suffered damage. calfskin in Acre. Thanks to the use of UV-rays, Leonardi was able to 15 Lacombe 1955, II, 1219, no. 1842 (he could not use X- reconstruct the name of the first owner, a certain rays); Leonardi 1987, 103. Iohannes, whose name has been changed by a four- 16 Lacombe 1955, 1219; Leonardi 1987, 94-104. 17 Leonardi 1987, 103; occasionally the manuscript has been teenth-century hand into Iacobus/Iacobo. The place ranged among western manuscripts, cf. Colophons de manu- where the scribe was active is not given. The copy- scrits Occidentaux 1973, 582, no. 12112. ist finished his work on December 22, the Friday

28 before Christmas 128418. This leaves us with the was writing the colophon and possibly for his identification of the scribe, the patron and the using the French name of the city. The mystery of painter. the French handwriting can easily be explained. Ivo Brito, born or brought up in Sidon, may have THE SCRIBE been sent to France for his education. And even if part of his education had taken place already in The scribe comes from Sagitta in Syria, which Outremer, his teachers (Dominican friars?) were stands for Sidon. The French settlers called it probably Frenchmen, who had guided his writing Saiete or Sayete after the Arabic ∑ayda. The city was lessons. If the identification as the candidate for a bishopric of the Greek Orthodox church and of the priorate in 1279 is right, and his later career the Latin church. In western source material, writ- did not allow him to occupy his see, it is likely that ten in West Europe, the name Sagitta does not often he copied the Vaticanus Latinus 2083 in the occur. The term ‘de Sagitta’ seems to indicate the monastery of the Dominicans in Acre. lieu of origin, rather than an official relation with This brings us to some homonyms of the scribe the town19. For more than one reason it is unlikely of the Vaticanus Latinus 2083 in France. In the that Ivo was bishop of Sidon, even if the chrono- cartularies of the Notre-Dame, Paris, and of the logy of the bishops of Sidon and other bishoprics Universitas Parisiensis, the Sorbonne, one finds the in Outremer, is incomplete. The official name used names of two different persons with this name in for the bishop of Sidon in papal letters is episcopus documents of the second half of the thirteenth cen- Sidoniensis20. It seems logical that the scribe used tury. In 1269, 1271 and 1273 the cartulary of the the ‘vulgar’ name for a city where he had grown up. Notre-Dame mentions an Ivo Brito who was capel- The name is sometimes used in French sources writ- lanus of St Eustachius. In the years 1264, ten in Outremer or related to the Latin states21. Ivo 1266/1267 and 1282/1283 the cartulary of the was a clerc and son of Baudouin, and was surnamed Sorbonne mentions an Ivo Brito, magister in theo- Brito, le Breton. This leaves us with the epithet epis- logica facultate, and who had once been a canon in copus. The combination Ivo Brito is not unique in Reims. In 1284 we find an Ivo Brito, magister, the thirteenth century22. When Saint Louis was in scholaris S. Thomae de Lupara. The latter does not Outremer in 1250 he was served by a Dominican friar Yves le Breton who knew Arabic and was sent by the king to the Old Man of the Mountain, the leader of the Assassins23. At an unknown date in the 18 With thanks to René Lombarts for help to determine the thirteenth century one finds an Ivo Brito as Provin- exact day. 19 Jacoby 2004, 119; Kedar 1973, 127; for Sidon, ODB 3, cial of the Dominican Order in Outremer. He 1892-1893. wrote an official report on a Miracle performed by 20 Fedalto 1981, I, 158, II, 207; Langlois 1890, 21 (no. 123), Saint Dominic in Tripoli, in the monastery of 28 (nos 175-177). One cannot exclude the possibility that St Magdalene, where a certain Maria de Bellomonte Ivo Brito introduced here a Gallicism naming himself 24 bishop of Sidon (‘de Sidon’) if he wanted to avoid a repe- was miraculously healed . In the monastery of the tition of genitives. Dominicans in Acre one finds on February 20, 21 Philippe de Novare, active in Cyprus, used the names Saete 1279 a certain Ivo Brito who is one of the candi- and Sayete for Sidon, see Kohler 1913, 160 (index). The dates for the priorate of the monastery. He is not French version of the Liber censuum gives Saiete, see Michelant/Raynaud 1882, 11, 15, where the Latin version elected. In 1290 he seems to have become arch- gives Sydon, see Tobler/Molinier 1879, 331 (I hope to 25 bishop of Nazareth and should have died in 1298 . come back to this phenomenon). It is not unlikely that in the meantime he had been 22 Occasionally the name Brito occurs as a first name, but this nominated bishop in one of the bishoprics of the is not the case in the Vaticanus Latinus 2083. 23 Wailly 1867, 295, 304-309. Patriarchate of Antioch which had been overrun by 24 Quetif/Echard 1719, I, 42-43; Reichert 1896, 88-92; Baybars in the 1260s. Some of the sees in the Patri- cf. Abel 1934, 278. archate must have become vacant and the nomina- 25 Balme 1893, 532, 533 n. 1; see also Le Quien 1740, III, tion of ‘titular’ bishops was no exception. In such 1299, who gives the variant Guido for Yvo. For the Dominican convent in Acre, see also Dichter 1979, 46-47, cases a bishop could not occupy his see, and who gives an illustration of the diploma in which Ivo Brito remained where he was. This may have been the is named; ibid. 47, unnumbered figure, in the left column, reason for Ivo’s silence on the bishopric when he sixth line from the bottom.

29 seem to qualify for the scribe in Outremer. The fourteenth century and replaced the name of the former, however, seems a good candidate for an first owner, by changing a few letters only. The identification. In 1266/1267 he is mentioned in a remaining letters of the two erased words, begin- context of ‘fratres Predicatores’. Equally interesting ning with M and f, may stand for Magister and is the fact that in 1282/1283 he has to pay taxes for frater, by whom a Dominican friar may have been a rather spacious house in Paris, ‘Domum Yvonis meant (see also below). One wonders, however, why Britonis, condam canonici Remensis, in vico Petri these words were partly erased and why the next Sarraceni, cum quinque cameris et cellario: vii owner, if not being in the same position, would libras’26. The possession or renting of such a house have accepted the remaining letters M and f. The suggests a certain wealth and social position of its place where the patron came from had already puz- occupant, such as being a bishop. Ivo Brito, from zled C. Leonardi, who wavered between ocim, odim, Sidon, may have continued to travel between Out- otim, all three mysterious names. Since he does not remer and Paris. The question which comes next is: mention an abbreviation in the erased passage, this did he know the miniature painter with whom he should be the full form of a short geographical cooperated on the manuscript and whom he may name. Geographical names beginning with an o in have engaged himself, taking into consideration his Outremer and in Western Europe are astonishingly ecclesiastical rank27. few in number, and do not fit with the name and Detailed as the colophon seems to be at first the length of the name given in the colophon. We sight, and in spite of some details such as the addi- have seen that place names in Outremer were not tion that the scribe Ivo was the son of a certain Bau- always easy for western settlers. Some of these douin, and the handwriting (ductus) being French, names were difficult to pronounce and to remem- his real identity, the place of his atelier, and his ber, other names changed more than once and other scribal activities, have to remain in the dark. became unrecognisable in eastern and western sources. The only suggestion which I can make at THE PATRON AND OWNERS OF THE MANUSCRIPT the moment takes us to Sis (also spelled Sis or Sis), the capital of Armenian Cilicia. Alternately the city This goes even more for the patron of the manu- was in Byzantine, Seljuk, Latin and Armenian script or the man who was to receive the manuscript hands. At the end of the thirteenth century, it was as a gift. He was certainly a learned man or a man the capital of the Armenian kingdom of Cilicia, the with an interest in philosophy who wanted to see of an archbishopric of the Armenian church and obtain a corpus of Aristotelian texts. Unfortunately, a bishopric of the Syrian Orthodox church. As part the name Iohannes is a very general name and can of the Patriarchate of Antioch it was a bishopric of be of little help to identify him. This is equally true the Greek Orthodox church and of the newly esta- for the name Iacobus, the name of the next owner, blished Latin church, de iure and sometimes de whose name was written in the colophon in the facto. In the early thirteenth century, in 1201, the Genoese had established a colony in Sis, a city which population consisted of Greeks, Armenians and Syrians, and which was accessible from the sea. 26 Guérard 1850, I, 175 (1269); II, 64 (1273), 537 (1271); The Venetians established a colony in Sis in 1261. Denifle/Chatelain 1889, I, 441-442, no. 400 (1264), 461, From 1292 the Syrian Orthodox Church had its no. 414 (1266), 599, no. 511 (1282-1283). Denifle (442, n. 1), suggests that he is the same as the Ivo in the Notre- patriarchate in Sis. Western sources have preserved Dame cartulary. The name of the quarter where this Ivo the name in various forms, such as Sisiya, Susana, lived, the vicus Petri Saraceni, is interesting. Was it a resi- Assissium, Assisum, Oussis, Assis, Asis etc. The dential quarter for people from Outremer? Did Ivo Brito, name Osin-Gla, castle of Osin (also spelled Ochin), resident in Outremer, have a pied à terre in Paris? There is still a street called ‘rue Pierre Sarrasin’, off the Boulevard St named after a local leader, also occurs as a geograph- 28 Michel, not far from the Sorbonne and the Notre-Dame. ical name . 27 Folda 1976, 42-76. Sis, rather than Osin-Gla, was a centre of learn- 28 Hellenkemper 1976, 202-213, esp. 202, and 294, where he ing and of culture. Before the transfer of the refers to Alishan 1888, 174-176; Hild/Hellenkemper 1990, catholicossate from Hromkla to Sis in 1292, the 413-416, esp. 413. The name Osin (Oçin) occurs as a proper name in leading circles, and later of some Armenian kings; city was already known as such. Archbishop and Fedalto 1981, 198. abbot John of Grner, brother of king Hetoum I,

30 was greatly responsible for this. He was a great scattered over the pages. A few folios, which may patron of learning and of the arts, and was active have been illustrated, are lost. At the beginning of as a scribe himself stimulating the production of the Metaphysica, on folio 1r, the philosopher is seated illuminated manuscripts29. He collaborated in the on a cathedra while he is explaining his work to his writing of the Books of Solomon and Job, which audience, consisting of four monks. The Physica was destined for his niece Fimi, daughter of the begins with an image of the philosopher who points Armenian king Hetoum. She had been married to at a vase, on fol. 93r. The text De caelo et mundo, Julian, count of Sidon and Beaufort (1247-1275), starts on fol. 134r, and illustrates Aristotle pointing but after the fall of Sidon in 1263 she had returned at the sun and the moon. At the beginning of the to Cilicia. John of Grner’s brother Sempad, also a De generatione et corruptione, on fol. 157r, are learned man, possessed a manuscript of Aristotle’s depicted a man and woman in bed, and in the last Categories30. Such was the cultural climate in which illumination, at the beginning of the De anima, on the Genoese and Venetians lived in Sis. fol. 176r, an angel carries off the soul of a dead man There were relations between Sidon and Sis, as in the form of a miniature person34. there were undoubtedly with other places in Frank- The colour programme of the painter is Gothic, ish Outremer. One may think of Ivo Brito and John in the French style of the period: reds, blues, mauve, Grner in terms of ecclesiastical colleagues. However, a touch of fierce green for the vase (fol. 93r), a for the moment it has to remain a mystery who was bright orange for the philosopher’s cathedra (ren- the patron of the Vaticanus Latinus 2083 and where dered deficiently since the left arm of the chair seems he came from. This is not a de luxe manuscript and to be lacking) and the bench for his students if the hypothesis about Sis proves to be right, the (fol. 1r); a brownish colour fills the borders, which manuscript should have been made for a learned consist of thin strips and has been used for the mar- friar from Sis with modest means who had joined ginal extensions. The brown colour looks similar to the Dominican Order, rather than for a princely the ink used by the scribe. The ink and the brown patron. A Dominican friar rather than a king’s son, colour have both flaked and faded in places, accord- may have ordered or was given this soberly illus- ing to colour photos of fol. 1r and fol. 176r in my trated text, written on a reasonably prized parch- possession. Judging by a colour photograph, it is not ment. As for the next owner of the manuscript, easy to conclude that gold was used where we now a certain friar Jacobus, we are equally left in the see a brown colour. Only by personal inspection is dark. The name Jacobus was popular in circles of it possible to determine if the brown colour in cer- the Syrian Orthodox Church, but the name is too tain places might be gold rather than being a pig- general to make further suggestions. A study of the ment or ink. The parchment is not of the best qual- numerous glosses, apparently very numerous in the ity and the sober illustration makes clear that this is texts De anima and De caelo, may throw more light not a de luxe manuscript35. on the identity of its owners31. At first sight the illuminations look rather con- One should refer here to a remark made by ventional. A closer look at the images reveals details C. Mutafian, who sees Gothic influence on Armenian which seem to corroborate the manuscript’s origin art in the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia at the time in Outremer, produced in a multicultural society. of John Grner, such as ornamental elements and the expressionless unemotional faces of the persons and 32 their ‘posed’ gestures . Such suggestions need further 29 Der Nersessian 1993, I, xiii, xv-xvi, 77-80, 82-84, 93, 95- research. 97, 105, 140; Mutafian 1993, 55, 65, 127, 132-135. 30 Der Nersessian 1993, I, 82, 86, 87, 89; LaMonte 1944/ THE MINIATURES 1945, 206-209. Sempad, another brother of Hethoum I, translated the French Assises of Antioch into Armenian. 31 Tournebize [1910], 286, 316, 326, 331, 724, where men- Unfortunately, the colophon says nothing about the tion is made of the Dominican friar Jacobin who accom- illuminator. The Vaticanus Latinus 2083 is soberly panied the bishop of Nébron in the 1370s. illustrated. The five historiated initials seem to have 32 Mutafian 1993, 132. 33 33 Only the miniature on fol. 157r has been published in been made by the same hand . Other decorations, black and white, Katterbach et al. 1929, 29-30, and Pl. 24. such as drôleries, decorative pen-work and coloured 34 Leonardi 1987, 104. capitals, sometimes of a more elaborate design, are 35 Edbury/Folda 1994, 248.

31 So far no overall study exists of the iconography of Gothic pattern of such curls. In the other initials Aristotelian manuscripts or of literary texts in which the painter has used contrasting colour patterns: the Greek philosopher figures, such as the Lai the background is red when the philosopher is d’Aristote. Still, it is of interest to draw attention to wearing a blue cloak, etc. some details36. Aristotle does not wear a bonnet like Cicero, For practical reasons, and in view of the fact who is portrayed with this attribute of philosophers that one has to see a manuscript for oneself, I have by the Paris-Acre Master in the Chantilly MS 590, decided to publish in this preliminary article only fol. 1r, in the French translation by Jean d’Anti- one miniature, the historiated initial D, at the oche38. More curious is the fact that the painter has beginning of the text De caelo, fol. 134r (Pl. 1)37. given him a tonsure as if he were a monk and, more We see Aristotle teaching three monks, while curiously, by giving him a beard. He may have done pointing to the sun and the moon. The philoso- so realising that Aristotle was a Greek philosopher pher is clad in a dark red tunic with a mauve and may have followed the stereotypes in descrip- undercoat. The monks, clad in mauve and red, can tions of the various nations in Outremer and, not be recognized from their tonsures. Aristotle too is to forget, the reality of everyday life where Greeks represented as a tonsured man. The scene is ren- were described and represented as always having a dered on a dark blue background with a diaper pat- beard. In miniatures in other crusader manuscripts tern. White surface decoration is applied to the we see the same phenomenon. A tonsured ecclesi- remaining parts of the initial. In the tradition of astic or clerk with a beard, however, remains an Gothic illumination, the initial has decorative mar- exception in miniature painting. Greek monks, even ginal extensions, at the top slightly surpassing the if they were tonsured, do not seem to have been text, protruding into the margin and ending in a represented as such. They were represented with a simple Gothic curl (a sort of spiky protuberance) monk’s hat39. Aristotle’s portrait is an interesting and, while stretching down all along the text col- amalgam of eastern and western traditions, cul- umn, ends at the bottom in a more elaborate turally and iconographically. The miniature seems to offer another combination of iconographical traditions. The philosopher points at the sun and the moon where other illumi- 36 Lacombe 1939-1955; Minio-Paluello 1961, passim; e.g. nations of the Aristotelian scene represent him as 40 Delbouille 1951, 6, n. 1, 61 (written between 1200 and pointing at the moon and the stars . The presence 1220), and LMA I, 947-948. of sun and moon is not entirely illogical, and 37 In future I hope to be able to publish in colour all the reminds one of the Fourth Day of the Creation. miniatures and other decorations of the manuscript. 38 Folda 1976, Pls 29, 31; other Outremer manuscripts depict The painter may have been looking for a model and Israelites with such a bonnet, e.g. Folda 1976, Pls 57, 59-60. may have found his inspiration in a Bible, in Latin The manuscript Cambridge, University Library, Add. MS or in Old French, which was produced and/or 3471 [folio number unknown], is described as depicting circulated in Outremer around 128041. Richard de Leycestria, chancellor of Cambridge University who, around 1222, is lecturing two monks (no catalogue It is possible that the painter could only dispose of the manuscripts of Cambridge University Library is yet of a limited number of models and that he had to available); master and students are tonsured. For the illus- make his own iconographical decisions which made tration of the Cambridge manuscript see Marendon 1996, him combine different traditions and which seem frontispiece. Such representations of a teaching scene may have circulated in Outremer and have served as a model. to betray him as working in Outremer. As for his 39 Kedar 1998, 124, s.v. De Surianis. On fol. 1r and fol. 93r craft, his style is less experienced, less refined, less the beard is less visible; for bearded Greeks see Folda 1976, assured than that of his colleague, the Paris-Acre e.g. Pls 32 (Greek elders observing a class where the mas- Master. The faces are less refined, and the coiffure, ter teaches from the works of Cicero), 102, 124, 146, 159 (Greek court in Constantinople, the emperor and his i.e. the curls over the ears are ‘wilder’. We do not courtiers). For Greek monks see e.g. ODB 3, 2093-2094, know if he was a western artist who came to the s.v. tonsure, and Hetherington 1974, 82. East or was born and raised in Outremer where he 40 Bibliothèque Mazarine, MS 3469, fol. 294r (http://liber- may have been brought up and trained in a Frank- floridus.cines.fr./textes/biblios.html), accessed on August 9, 2005. ish milieu or in a milieu of Eastern Christians, or 41 Folda 1976, 179-180, 188-192, Pls 38, 52; Folda 1996, even in a mixed environment. Only a study of the 270, Pl. 2. iconography of the subject, i.e. Aristotle teaching

32 his various theories, in the various Eastern and may have spent part of his life. In 1268 Antioch Western Christian traditions including the Lai was conquered by Baybars, the Mamluk leader. d’Aristote, dating to the early thirteenth century, Jean d’Antioche may have been educated in Anti- may clarify the iconography of the anonymous och which was a centre of learning and cultural painter who painted these miniatures after the activity. There he may have become familiar with scribe had finished his text just before Christmas the works of Aristotle. Elsewhere in Latin Out- 1284, which almost takes us to the year 1285. remer, knowledge of Aristotle is detected in quo- tations in the work of authors who were locally THE VORLAGE OF THE VATICANUS LATINUS 2083 active45. Another possibility is his contact with Guillaume de Saint-Etienne, the sponsor of the An important element in the process of the produc- already mentioned translations. The latter, an tion of a manuscript is the availability of a model. influential member of the Hospital, may have One has to have a Vorlage containing the text which cared for refugees. Guillaume had a certain repu- has to be copied. Depending on the situation, the tation for his knowledge of Aristotle. In 1287 he model was given or lent to the scribe by the patron, left the East and spent some years in Lombardy or was available in the library in the monastery of where he seems to have stayed until 1290. In which ‘his’ scriptorium formed part. Sometimes the 1296, he came to Cyprus where he was active as patron had to provide the text himself. Rarely are commander of the Hospital and is last mentioned we informed about the process. The Latin patriarch in 130346. During the period 1299 to 1310, a cer- of Antioch Aimery of Limoges, for instance, cor- tain Pierre de Paris stayed in Cyprus where he responded with people in Constantinople asking made translations into French for Simon le Rat, them to find Greek manuscripts which he wanted marshal of the Hospital. The Hospital had trans- to be translated42. ferred its headquarters to Cyprus after the fall of Taking into consideration the iconography of the Acre in 1291. Pierre de Paris translated into French manuscript, and especially of the miniature illus- the Politica of Aristotle for an unknown patron47. trating the text De caelo, which shows some uncon- Could it be that Guillaume de Saint-Etienne ventional elements, one wonders if the model was provided Ivo Brito with an Aristotelian manuscript an illustrated text. It is possible that the illumina- containing the Corpus recentius from his own tor had to find his own way to do the job. library or from the Library of the Hospital? One So far the Vaticanus Latinus 2083 is the only may assume that the manuscripts of the Military Aristotelian manuscript with a Latin text which can Orders were soberly decorated, if decorated at all. be related to Outremer. Knowledge of the Aris- totelian philosophy was widely spread in Western Europe, witness the growing number of manu- scripts43. Among the many western visitors of the 42 Aimery of Limoges, correspondence, PL 202, c. 231-232. Latin states a growing number must have been 43 Lacombe 1939-1955, gives only succinct descriptions of the miniatures. familiar with Aristotelian texts. Nevertheless refer- 44 Delisle 1906, 4-6, 8, 11. It seems that these texts are only ences to such knowledge among residents and visi- fragmentarily accessible. For Harenc, see Deschamps 1973, tors, or the circulation of such texts, is rather scarce. 341. Jean d’Antioche, who translated for Guillaume 45 Williams 1997, 91-93. 46 Folda 1976, 43 n. 5; Luttrell 1965, 450; Riley-Smith 1967, de Saint-Etienne the two texts De inventione and 272-273. the Rhetorica ad Herennium into French, is one of 47 Riley-Smith 1967, 273; Thomas 1923, 29-33; cf. Ciggaar the few persons who had some knowledge of Aris- 1993, 94-95; for Simon Le Rat, see also Riley-Smith 1967, totle. He added to his translation three chapters in 212, 214, 315. Edbury 1998, 175, refers to the Biblio- thèque Nationale, MS Fr. 19026, probably made in Cyprus, which, among others, he discusses aspects of Aris- where two ‘spurious’ chapters in the Livre des Assises by John totle’s philosophy, such as the perpetual movement of Jaffa, give references to Aristotle and Cicero; see also Lau- of the stars44. Nothing is known of the life and rent/Richard 1951, 453, for a manuscript in the library of career of Jean d’Antioche, also called Jean de Guy Ibelin, Dominican bishop of Limassol (Cyprus) who possessed a manuscript of Walter Burleigh’s commentary on Harenc after the Latin stronghold Harenc situated Aristotle’s Physica. A survey of the interest in Aristotle some 20 km east of Antioch (nowadays called in Outremer could be useful to understand the cultural Harim, on the Syrian-Turkish border) where he climate in the Latin states.

33 The presence of an Aristotelian manuscript was not Burnett, Ch.S.F. 2000, ‘Antioch as a link between Arabic and necessarily a novum in a society where people from Latin culture in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries’, in: I. the West arrived almost daily to stay for longer or Draelants, A. Tihon, B. van den Abeele (eds), Occident et 48 Proche-Orient: contacts scientifiques au temps des Croisades, shorter periods . Actes du colloque de Louvain-la-Neuve, 24 et 25 mars 1997, Turnhout, 1-78. The scribal activities of Ivo Brito, son of a certain Ciggaar, K. 1993, ‘Le royaume des Lusignans: terre de littéra- Baudouin, and who may have been a member of ture et de traductions. Echanges littéraires et culturels’, in: the Dominican Order, corroborate the idea that the C. Mutafian (ed.), Actes du Colloque «Les Lusignans et Dominicans in Outremer may have had their own l’Outre Mer», Poitiers-Lusignan, 20-24 octobre 1993, scriptorium where religious and lay texts were Poitiers. copied, and where painters were active who were Ciggaar, K. 1996, ‘Manuscripts as intermediaries. The Crusader States and Cross-fertilization’, in: Ciggaar, K., A. Davids, either members of the Order or who did freelance H. Teule (eds), East and West in the Crusader States. Con- jobs, as local or as wandering artists. The portrait text-Contacts-Confrontations [I], Leuven, 131-151. of a bearded teacher, who at the same time has a Colophons de manuscrits Occidentaux des origines au XVIe siècle, tonsure, seems the work of an indigenous painter 1965-1982, Bénédictins du Bouveret, 6 vols, Fribourg. rather than of a freshly arrived Frankish painter or Delbouille, M. 1951, Le Lai d’Aristote de Henri d’Andeli, Paris. of someone who had been raised in a Frankish Delisle, L. 1906, ‘Maître Jean d’Antioche, traducteur, et frère milieu. The Paris-Acre Master was not the sole Guillaume de Saint-Etienne, Hospitalier’, Histoire Littéraire de la France XXXIII, 1-40. painter in Outremer. The presence of at least one Denifle, H., E. Chatelain 1889, Chartularium universitatis other painter, the artist of the Vaticanus Latinus Parisiensis, I. 1200-1286, Paris. 2083, is confirmed by the existence of the Aris- Deschamps, P. 1973, Les châteaux des Croisés en Terre Sainte, totelian miniatures, apparently of a different hand, Vol. 3, La défense du comté de Tripoli et de la Principauté which can be dated to the year 1284 or shortly later. d’Antioche, Paris. A manuscript with an Aristotelian corpus, which is Dichter, B. 1979, The Orders and Churches of Crusader Acre, soberly illustrated, fits very well into the cultural life Acre. Edbury, P.W. 1998, ‘The Livre des Assises by John of of Acre, where a mixed population was interested Jaffa: the development and transmission of the text’, in: 49 in manuscripts . France, J., W.G. Zajac (eds), The crusades and their sources. 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