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Balinese : Religion, Politics, and Multiculturalism1

I Ketut Ardhana2 Widya Kerthi Foundation

Abstract

Bali is the last Hindu mosaic in Southeast Asia. The Balinese Hindu culture has been rooted in the island for a long period of time and has already successfully adopted and adapted to aspects of foreign cultures, such as other religions in order to be able to live side by side in the context of a multicultural society. The existence of Balinese culture has long been a topic of discussion, particularly since the local culture has been influenced by the impacts of globalization. Thus, this paper seeks to address some pertinent questions. Firstly, what kinds of social, cultural, and political atmospheres did the Balinese absorb from foreign influences? Secondly, how can we understand the impacts of globalization in which occurred parallel to the arrival of Islam, Europeans, and the recent development of the tourism industry? Thirdly, how can we understand the existence of the Balinese culture in the context of the dominant or hegemonic culture of Islam? What kinds of strategies need to be introduced so that the Balinese, as a creative minority, can contribute to national and global interest? It is expected that this paper will provide a better understanding regarding Balinese Hindu culture in the modern and postmodern time.

Key words: Balinese Hindu culture, creative minority, hegemonic culture, multiculturalism

I. Introduction In the last two decades, particularly after the Reformation period began in 1998, has faced many challenges in order to be a democratic society in a modern world. This has not been easy perhaps because for centuries Indonesia was greatly influenced by primordial ideas based on religious and ethnic interests. This can be seen since the early youth movement which led to the Sumpah Pemuda (Youth‟s Vow) declared in 1928. However, Bali is the last Hindu mosaic in Southeast Asia which was only centered in , Bali and in particularly the western part. This development in the region in the past is significant in the context of the emergence of the modern Balinese society. In other words, Bali has been much influenced by the western islands since historical times. Also, Lombok was influenced by developments in Bali. Therefore, the social and cultural relationship between Java and Bali and also between Bali and Lombok has significant

1 Paper presented at the International Seminar on “Balinese Hinduism, Tradition, and Interreligious Studies” held by Universitas Hindu Indonesia at the UNHI Aula Building in Denpasar, Bali, Indonesia, 10 March 2018. Editorial assistance by Diane Butler. 2 Professor in Asian History, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Udayana; recently appointed as Director of the Widya Kerthi Foundation – Universitas Hindu Indonesia (UNHI) Denpasar. 2

historical meaning. In some cases the people in East Java, for instance in the Banyuwangi Regency, depend on the recent development of the tourism industry in Bali. To attract international and domestic tourists, the local government introduced the motto that Banyuwangi is the „rising sun of Java‟. Meanwhile, the people of Lombok introduced the motto of „in Lombok we can see Bali, and in Bali we cannot see Bali‟. In addition, since the Balinese are Hindu, it is relevant to look at the extent of the influences of Javanese Hinduism from the second Hindu kingdom called in West Java in the seventh century to the Classical Period of the Hindu kingdom of Mataram in Central Java to its development in East Java such as the Kediri period in the tenth to eleventh centuries. Also how, in the fourteenth century, social and cultural developments in the kingdom of in East Java strongly influenced Balinese society and culture and continue to do so today. Another development since the 1920s, which made some impacts on Balinese society was when the Dutch colonial regime introduced Bali as a tourist destination. The official policy imposed by the Dutch of Baliseering, also known as Kebalian orang Bali („Balinization of the Balinese‟), attempted to preserve the uniqueness of Balinese culture and prevent infiltration by foreign cultures. Yet, the Balinese absorbed and adapted to aspects of foreign cultures and even successfully adopted some facets to strengthen and enrich their own culture. Thus, this paper seeks to address three pertinent questions. Firstly, how did the Balinese adopt aspects from foreign cultures? Secondly, to what extent has modernization occurred in Balinese society? Thirdly, how does the Balinese culture exist in the context of the hegemonic culture of Islam? Elaboration on these matters can provide a better understanding regarding Balinese Hindu culture in the context of a multicultural society.

II. Foreign cultures and Balinese society Several scholars assert that the indigenous Balinese culture developed in the mountainous areas particularly in the northern and eastern parts of the island. Known as Bali Aga or Bali Mula villages, the culture is generally still archaic which, like other indigenous cultures in Southeast Asia, strongly values the relationship with nature. These communities maintain many customary rituals of which some incorporate Hindu or Indic influences. This is understandable given that they deem their culture as autonomous and consider external influences as a threat. 3

Influences from foreign cultures have been traced back to prehistoric times and the Classical Period in Bali. But, the extent of the influence from other islands such Java and Lombok is still unclear. For instance, based on archaeological excavations in Northeastern Bali carried out in 1991 by Ardika (2013: 47–55), pottery shards and evidence of rice cultivation point to prehistoric maritime contacts between India and Bali. Following that, as Heidhues (1999: 365–366) notes, Chinese influences have not only been found in mainland and insular cultures in Southeast Asia, but also in Balinese culture. For instance, a Chinese statue in the Batur Temple is connected with the close links of the Chinese in Bali. Nowadays, in terms of local politics as well as on a macro or national level, during celebrations for Imlek (Chinese New Year Day) political figures try to show how in Bali in particular, and in Indonesia in general there is an appreciation of Chinese communities. In contrast, however, a problem in terms of social or political dynamics within Balinese society is that of soroh (clan) conflicts, which emerged since the influence of the Majapahit Kingdom in Bali in the fourteenth century. Even today, soroh conflicts are common in Java, Bali and Lombok due to the position of certain clans in religious or Hindu institutions. So, it is important to carry out research about the extent to which these issues are interrelated in order to have a better understanding regarding Balinese Hindu culture in the context of Indonesia in the modern time and globalized world.

II. Hinduism in Java, Bali, and Lombok: religion and politics A new era arose toward the end of the fifteenth century with the decline of the largest Hindu kingdom, the Majapahit in East Java, and the beginning of the arrival of Islam in Indonesia. Though Majapahit rule spread not only to Bali, but also to other islands in Nusa Tenggara such as , , , and Timor (see Ardhana, 2000: 28–29), the social and political influences of Majapahit in these regions is still unclear. On the other hand, social and cultural aspects of the Majapahit rule in Bali can be seen more clearly since the 1950s in the history of the founding of the highest Hindu Council, Parisada Hindu Dharma Bali (PHDB later revised to PHD Indonesia). At that point in time, an opposition emerged between the three „upper‟ social classes of Triwangsa and the sudra common people such as from the Warga Pasek, Warga Pande and other soroh groups. There were even Balinese who claimed that their clan did not have a cultural linkage to the Majapahit Kingdom and that not only people of Triwangsa status have the right to hold leadership positions in Balinese society but, for instance, Warga Pasek also can. Besides in the political arena, this egalitarian atmosphere also emerged in religious institutions outside 4

of Bali such as in Java and Lombok (see Falvey, 2015: 137–141). In the case of Central and East Java, the Hindu communities prefer to identify themselves as traditional Kejawen practitioners. Here, the word „Jawa’ refers to the classical era particularly under the Kediri and Majapahit rules in East Java. Yet, from the tenth to eleventh century during the Kediri period there was no term for the Triwangsa group. Rather, the Triwangsa status was mostly applied later in the Majapahit era. So, we should consider that the oldest Hindu heritage in Indonesia does not just refer to the Majapahit era, but also to earlier eras. Particularly in the period of Kediri (also spelled Kadiri, which can be interpreted as „toward oneself‟) there are important aspects to note. For example, intercultural relations by the marriage of the Balinese king Udayana to the East Javanese princess who was crowned as Çri Gunapriyadharmapatni (see Ardhana et al, 2015: 169–170). During their reign at the end of the tenth century, Bali was governed in a democratic way in terms of political as well as social, cultural, economic, and religious aspects (Ardhana and Setiawan, 2014). This king and queen, perhaps with East Javanese sage Mpu Kuturan, also convened a deliberation of conciliation between Bali Aga, Hindu, and Buddhist faith groups at the Samuan Tiga Temple located in what is now known as the Gianyar Regency. Subsequently, as translated by Santoso (1975: 578), the fourteenth century text by Javanese sage Mpu Tantular, Kakawin Sutasoma, canto 139 stanza 5 mentions:

Rwâneka dhâtu winuwus Buddha Wiswa, Bhinnêki rakwa ring apan kena parwanosen, Mangka ng Jinatwa kalawan Siwatatwa tunggal, Bhinnêka tunggal ika tan hana dharma mangrwa.

It is said that the well-known Buddha and Shiva are two different substances. They are indeed different, yet how is it possible to recognise their difference in a glance, since the truth of Jina [Buddha] and the truth of Shiva is one. They are indeed different, but they are of the same kind, as there is no duality in Truth.

This verse shows that the rulers in the fourteenth century also tried to accommodate the various faith groups in order to foster a harmonious and peaceful life. From the historical dynamics, it appears that the opposition between the ruling class and the common people began after the Majapahit era and that social and political conflicts weakened the kingdom not only in Bali and Nusa Tenggara, but also in the center in the 5

capital „city‟ of Majapahit in East Java. Toward the end of the fifteenth century, these domestic political dynamics gave more access to the spread of Islam starting from the coastal areas and later to all regions, except in the mountainous regions where many communities were, and still are, followers of Kejawen or Hinduism. III. Bali in the context of the hegemonic culture of Islam and multicultural society Historical records show that indeed early Islamization had a relationship with the Majapahit kingdom in East Java. A chronicle even claims that the first Muslim king of Demak, Raden Patah, was the son of a Majapahit ruler and a Chinese princess. So, in speaking about Islam and Hinduism in Indonesia in general, and in Bali in particular, one must take into account the relationship between the Hindu Majapahit kingdom and the establishment of the Islamic in the sixteenth century on the northern coast of Central Java. At least, one must recognize that the Hindu-Buddhist Majapahit rulers can be traced to the Singasari and Kediri periods in East Java and the Hindu kingdom of Mataram in Central Java. Indonesia is one of the models of a multicultural society in Southeast Asia in which many local traditions and cultures continued to exist and transform parallel to the arrival of Indic culture or Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity. For instance, the strength of the Indic and Hindu cultural influences affected the strength of local cultures, which Staab (1997) asserts can be seen until today in Bali due to the glory of the Balinese culture. Other scholars suggest that to see the glory of cultural development from the Indic Majapahit period in the fourteenth century, one can view the development of the Balinese culture as a replica. However, a weakness of the Majapahit culture was its lack of space for a democratic society, which could be one cause of the kingdom‟s downfall as it was for Hindu kingdoms elsewhere in Southeast Asia. The spread of Islam in the Indonesian archipelago starting from port areas on the northern coast of Central Java can be understood as another factor. Initial Christianization efforts in Bali can be traced to the arrival of Portuguese ships in 1635. However, missionaries were not successful in influencing the Balinese. It is argued that one factor was the preventive diplomacy of the ruler of the Bali Hindu kingdom of Gelgel. Later, even the Dutch colonial regime‟s Baliseering („Balinization‟) policy prohibited Dutch zending mission Christianization efforts on the island. It is commonly known that Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity spread in a peaceful way in Indonesia. Bali, as a multicultural society, was also affected by influences from these religions. For instance, Balinese rulers allocated land for Islamic hamlets such as Kampung Islam in Loloan, Jembrana; Kampung Kusamba in Klungkung; and Kampung Bugis and Kampung Pegayaman in North Bali. Also of note, these Muslim communities 6

collaborated with Balinese rulers in the struggle against the Dutch colonial government. As for the Christian communities in Bali, for instance there is Kampung Kristen in Wanasari, Tabanan. In fact, there are strong relationships between these diverse religious communities and Bali Hindu society supported by local figures. For example, when a religious community carries out their ceremonies, there is a sense of togetherness with the local desa adat customary village in terms of organizing the traditional pecalang safety association to maintain a harmonious environment. It is also important to note that just as Hinduism in Bali was both a religious and political ideology; so too Islam in Bali and throughout Indonesia also was a religious as well as a political ideology. Both types of ideologies were applied to oppose the Dutch colonial regime such as in the Perang Aceh (Aceh War) at the end of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth century and the Perang Puputan in Bali in 1906. Much opposition was conducted by political diplomacy. Yet in certain cases, such as in the revolution era (1945–1950), establishing the Republic of Indonesia was also supported by Islamic and other religious movements. Post independence, it seems that movements between the state and Islam have faced many challenges. For instance, during Suharto‟s regime it was illegal for Islamic women to wear jilbab headscarves (see Mulyadi, 2017: 365). Later, in the Reformation period, there emerged some radical or terrorist movements in the name of religion. Attacks were directed at certain religious sites such as churches, the Borobudur temple and others as well as hotels regarded as symbols of Western capitalism. But, as we know, Indonesia is a multicultural society which means that there is no space for a terrorist (Ardhana, 2012). For instance, to maintain a peaceful condition in Bali, a complex of five houses of worship called the Puja Mandala was built in Nusa Dua. This site is one example of how to preserve tolerance among followers of different religions. Influences from religions have and can enrich local and national culture. In addition, a place such as the Puja Mandala can be considered as cultural heritage, which can be promoted to attract tourist visits to the regions (Pillai, 2010: 85). Most importantly, it shows that the multicultural society in Bali with their diverse traditions, cultures, languages, and religions, can live harmoniously and peacefully side by side in a manner supportive of sustainable development.

IV. Conclusion 7

Based on the historical dynamics and current issues discussed above, it can be concluded that since Indonesia is a multicultural society – a harmonious and peaceful life is a must in Bali in particular, and in Indonesia in general. To achieve that, everyone needs to work together more closely. The existence of many traditions, religions, and ethnicities does not mean that it is impossible to speak about the different ways of thinking and living. However, discussions should be held on a local level as well as on a macro or national level. In this way, understandings about differences can be communicated to each other so that mutual appreciation among the various religious communities can be fostered. The local and national government have the responsibility to maintain this harmonious and peaceful life. So, more real efforts are needed to work with local communities on how to maintain conducive situations in each place. Mutual appreciation among all peoples will be „a backbone‟ to maintain Indonesia as a model of a multicultural society.

Selected Bibliography Ardhana, I Ketut. 2015. Calonarang dalam Kebudayaan Bali. Denpasar: Dinas Kebudayaan Pemerintah Kabupaten Gianyar dan Pusat Kajian Bali Universitas Udayana. Ardhana, I Ketut and Setiawan, I Ketut. 2014. Raja Udayana Warmadewa. Denpasar: Pemerintah Kabupaten Gianyar dan Universitas Udayana. Ardhana, I Ketut. 2012. “Minority Ethnic Groups in Coping with the Bali Bombings: A Historical Perspective of the Marginalized People in Loloan, Jembrana District, Bali”. Paper presented at the International Conference on “Bali in Global Asia: Between Modernization and Heritage Formation”, , Denpasar. 17–19 July. Ardhana, I Ketut. 2000. Nusa Tenggara nach Einrichtung der Kolonial herschaft 1915 bis 1950. Lehrstuhl fur Südostasienkunde Universität Passau. Ardika, I Wayan, I Gde Parimartha, A.A. Bagus Wirawan. 2013. Sejarah Bali: Dari Prasejarah Hingga Modern. Denpasar: Udayana University Press. Falvey, Lindsay. 2015. Understanding Southeast Asia: Syncretism in Commonalities. Songkhla: TSU Press. Heidhues, Mary Somers. 1999. “Chinesen in Sudostasien, China und Sudostasien”, in Bernhard Dahm und Roderich Ptak (eds). Sudostasien Handbuch: Geschichte, Gesellschaft, Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur. Munchen: Verlag C.H. Beck. Mulyadi, Raden Muhammad. 2017. “Pelarangan jilbab pada Masa Orde Baru” in Sri Margana, Siti Utami Dewi Ningrum, dan Abmi Handayani (eds). Agama dan Negara di Indonesia: Pergulatan Pemikiran dan Ketokohan. Yogyakarta: Penerbit Ombak. Pillai, V. Anand. 2010. “The Arts Community: Helping to Raise Awareness about Heritage Sites” in Perspectives on Heritage Tourism. Bangkok-Thailand: SEAMEO-SPAFA Publications. Ramstedt, Martin. 2004. Hinduism in Indonesia: A Minority Religion between Local, National and Global Interests. London: Routledge Curzon. Santoso, Soewito. 1975. Sutasoma, A Study in Old Javanese Wajrayana. New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture. Staab, Christiane. 1997. Balinesische Dorforganisationen und ihre Bewehrtungen in der Literatur. Passau: Lehrstuhl fur Südostasienkunde Universität Passau. 8

Author’s Bio

I Ketut Ardhana is Professor of Asian History in the Faculty of Humanities Studies at Udayana University. Formerly, from 2001 to 2009, he was the Head of the Southeast Asia Division at the Research Center for Regional Resources of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, (PSDR-LIPI). He has conducted research projects on tourism and border studies in the Southeast Asian region, including Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines. Previously, he took the English course at the School of Oriental and African Studies, (SOAS) University of London, UK (1990) and at the University of Belconnen in Canberra, Australia (1992), the Dutch course at Erasmus Huis, Universiteit Leiden in the Netherlands (1990), and the German course at the Goethe Institute in Mannheim and at Universität Passau in Germany (1996–1997). Professor Ardhana studied history in the Faculty of Letters in the Department of History at Udayana University, Denpasar, Bali and continued his studies to obtain a Drs. (Doctorandus) Degree at the Faculty of Letters of Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta in 1985. He earned his Master‟s Degree (Master of Arts in Asian Studies) at Southeast Asian Centre, Faculty of Asian Studies of the Australian National University in Canberra, Australia in 1994. He earned his Dr. Phil. (Doctor Philosophie) at Sudostasoenkunde, Philosophische Fakultat, Universität Passau in Germany with the predicate Magna Cum Laude in 2000. He was granted a fellowship to carry out research in area studies at Universität Passau, Germany in 2003 and also a fellowship at the Centre for Southeast Asian Studies at Kyoto University, Japan in 2004. He was a Committee member on the collaborative project between Indonesia and the Netherlands at NIOD (Nederlandsch Instituut voor Oorlog Dokumentatie / Dutch Institute for War Documentation) from 2004 to 2009. He has been a member of the International Federation of Social Science Organizations (IFSSO) since 2003 when he was elected as the first Vice President. At Seijo University in Tokyo, in 2015, he was elected as the second Vice President. He is also a founding member of the World Social Sciences and Humanities (World SSH) and presented his paper in Buenos Aires, Argentina in 2010. His article “Review of The Encyclopedia of Indonesia in the Pacific War: In cooperation with the Netherlands Institute for War Documentation” in Journal of Indonesia, Vol. 91, 2011 was published in Cornell, USA and article on “Early Harbours in Eastern Nusa Tenggara” was published in John N. Miksic and Goh Geok Yian, Ancient Harbours in Southeast Asia: The Archaelogy of Early Harbours and Evidence of Inter-Regional Trade for the Bangkok SEAMEO SPAFA Regional Centre for Archaeology and Fine Arts in 2013. He was appointed as Head of the Center for Bali Studies at Udayana University in Denpasar, Bali in 2010, and subsequently as Chair of the Cultural Studies Doctoral Program in the Faculty of Social and Humanities Sciences at Udayana University and as Director of the Widya Kerthi Foundation in 2017, two positions he still holds.