Report B!"#$%"" & P'(#)#*" I$ R!""#+ & P'")-S',#%) S)+)%"

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Report B! E!"#$%# www.eurint.ch I&'())%*(&+( report B!"#$%"" & P'(#)#*" I$ R!""#+ & P'")-S',#%) S)+)%" №" ∙ $ctober %& %'(' Published every two wee!s I!"#$!%"&'!%( E)&"&'! !"##$%& 2 E!"#$%"&' !e spirit of Deauville $ussia 3 N(#)$%*+ Valentina Matvienko and the ruling circles of Saint Petersburg 4 O'",&%-.+ Vladimir Potanin makes progress in his struggle with Oleg Deripaska E/-'0+"1( General Makarov criticizes the GRU Sukhoi "ghter jets for South Sudan? "oldova 5 D"2'$3&-4 Moscow and Caracas strengthen economic !¡ F$-0+ co-operation Russia and Europe resume discussions over “frozen” Transnistria dispute 6 F$-0+ Gennady Timchenko checkmates Gazprom over Yamal #ilk $oad A'(%# Alstom strengthens its positionv in Russia !™ K&6&*.+#&5 Maksat Idenov turns up at ENI 7 8 E5(%,4 South Stream: Gazprom and the Bulgarian A'(%# stumbling block IPO expected for KazMunaiGaz 9 G$1(%53(5# !£ T0%*3(5"+#&5 Collateral damage from Mezhprombank collapse Russia encourages Ashgabat to look towards its southern neighbours B(."5! #.( +-(5( Vyacheslav Volodin moves up A'(%# Kyrgyzstan: All roads lead to Moscow Dmitry Medvedev to attend Davos Forum !¢ I%&5 Teheran deepens relations with South Caucasus States !kraine !∞ C&0-&+0+ Baku-Yerevan arms race continuesv !º G&+ Ukraine caught between Russian pressure and Armenian and Azerbaijani parties discuss Nagorno- European hopes Karabakh ! click to get to the page E!"#$%# I&'())%*(&+( report www.eurint.ch B!"#$%"" & P'(#)#*" I$ R!""#+ & P'")-S',#%) S)+)%" rE"#$%&#'( T*# +&,-$# The Russian government announced !e spirit of Deauville late October that it wants to allocate Overshadowed by French political and social issues, the !"bn two billion dollars for research in the summit in Deauville, on October 18 and 19, that brought Antarctic. Russia has 've permanent together French President Nicolas Sarkozy, German Chan- stations on the icy continent and wants cellor Angela Merkel and Russian President Dmitry Medve- to boost its scienti'c presence there. dev, was a diplomatic event of great importance. Although Ƥ from the discussions, one may nevertheless draw some conclusions from what took place in Normandy last week. ǡDzƤdz G'&!, -. Ǥ ƪ j of relations between Russia and the rest of Europe, and on the European security architecture (which is really Eur- Mikhail Fedotov asian). The decisions that might, or might not, be made The secretary of the Union of Journalists, will commit our nations for many long years to come. In who is a former Russian ambassador the wake of the failed opportunities of 1992 and 2001, we to UNESCO and author of the !((% ơ federal media law, has been appointed order between Vancouver and Vladivostok. head of the Presidential Council for Secondly, Nicolas Sarkozy and Angela Merkel have Civil Society Institutions and Human decided to give their support to Dmitry Medvedev, who Rights, replacing Ella Pam'lova. ơ from what it was in the years 2004-2008, one that is more open to the future. For all that, the show of unity between France and Germany should not blind one to the fact that these countries have their own eastern agendas and pri- G'&!, )'/! orities that do not necessarily coincide with each other’s, l whether it be on NATO, nuclear issues, antimissile defence, Ashot Egiazaryan or relations between the European Union and Russia. Par- is’ concern is not to give up in relation to Berlin, especially The Russian deputy and businessman, on matters regarding the economy and investments. who has been on the run for several Although not invited to Deauville, the United States did weeks, has had his parliamentary not, of necessity, disapprove of the trilateral summit. It immunity lifted by the State Duma at is not as wary of Sarkozy and Merkel as it was of Jacques the request of the General Prosecutor’s Chirac, Gerhard Schroder and Vladimir Putin in 2003. Yet O)ce. Egiazaryan is suspected of the initiatives that these two friends of America may take embezzlement and fraudulent dealings, could potentially go a lot further than the positions taken in particular with regard to renovation Dzdz Ǥ work on the Hotel “Moskvadz. It is, however, still too early to measure the real im- pact of the Deauville summit. Many questions remain. Can Paris and Berlin still lead the rest of the European T' /%"0* Union? How far are Sarkozy and Merkel ready to go? The k question also applies to Dmitry Medvedev. Then there Mikhail Khodorkovsky are serious uncertainties. In Russia, this, of course, would be the election in 2012. It would surely not make matters Prosecutors have asked for a !"- easier if Putin were to return to the Kremlin. And in the year sentence for the former boss of United States, the return of the Republicans to the White Yukos, who has been in prison since House would certainly compromise the detente initiated #$$% serving an &-year sentence by Obama in 2009. for tax evasion. The verdict of the second Khodorkovsky-Lebedev trial Arnaud Dubien E is not expected for several weeks. №" ∙ $ctober %& %'(' click to get to the page 123456789 !º !¡ !™!£!¢!∞ E!"#$%# I&'())%*(&+( report www.eurint.ch B!"#$%"" & P'(#)#*" I$ R!""#+ & P'")-S',#%) S)+)%" rN)$*%&+, Valentina Matvienko and the ruling circles of Saint Petersburg The fact that Saint Petersburg na- close associates, including Vakhmistrov and Deputy Gov- tives are everywhere within the fed- ernor Alexander Polukeev. Matvienko was considerably eral institutions in Moscow has led weakened by these changes and found herself having to one, paradoxically, to lose sight of the deal with a group that has longstanding ties to Vladimir power plays taking place in the “north- Putin. This is not the case for the governor herself. Her dzǤValentina Matvienko support on the federal level came from former Prime Min- was elected governor of the city in ister Yevgeny Primakov, who helped her rise to power in Valentina Matvienko 2003. In December 2006 Vladimir the 1990s. Putin nominated her to continue at The Kogan network. In 2003, at the time when Val- her post. She has long found support entina Matvienko succeeded Vladimir Yakovlev (whom from her old network of contacts from Putin never forgave for having beaten Anatoly Sobchak in the Komsomol, the communist youth the 1996 municipal elections), a man by the name of Vladi- ǡ Ƥ mir Kogan was one of the most prominent businessmen in secretary for Leningrad in the early Saint Petersburg. He was a member of Putin’s entourage Viktor Lobko 1980s. However, since 2009, another and known to have close ties to Alexey Kudrin and Ser- clan, originally linked to the banker gey Stepashin, the former head of the security services Vladimir Kogan and represented by and today head of the audit chamber. At the time, Kogan Mikhail Oseevsky and Yuri Molcha- was the head of Promstroybank, which he sold in 2004 nov, ƪ to the State-owned bank Vneshtorgbank (VTB). He suc- the expense of the governor’s old po- ceeded in putting several of his right-hand men in the City litical associates, while a third group, Hall. Both Mikhail Oseevsky, who was appointed deputy with ties to the security services, re- Ƥ ǡVladimir Yuri Molchanov mains in place. Matvienko, whose Blank, who presides the Committee for Industrial Policy in mandate will not be renewed when it the municipal assembly, are former Promstroybank execu- expires at the end of 2011, is paying a tives. Kogan also has ties to the deputy governor in charge heavy price for turning against Dmi- of investments, Yuri Molchanov, who was in charge of in- try Medvedev’s former law professor, ternational relations at Leningrad University at the start of Nikolay Kropachev, who has mean- the 1990s. Mulchanov gained the trust of Vladimir Putin, while been appointed rector of the whom he recommended to Sobchak upon his return from Mikhail Oseevsky University of Saint Petersburg. the GDR. Yuri Molchanov also has very close ties to the The fall of the Lobko clan. The current speaker of the senate, Sergey Mironov, with whom Ƥǯ Dz Ǥdz - inextricably linked to Viktor Lobko. tion company in the early 1990s. Today, Oseevsky and Mol- Born in 1943 in Belarus, Lobko came chanov are, without a doubt, Valentina Matvienko’s most into regular contact with Valentina ƪǤ Matvienko at the Komsomol in the administration since June, having succeeded Vakhmistrov. 1970s and played a decisive role in her The ineradicable Chekists. In 2003, Vladimir Putin Valery Tikhonov rise to power in Leningrad in the mid- ƥ dle of the 1980s. As governor, she returned the favour by the City Council. At the time, Andrey Chernenko was the appointing Lobko deputy governor and head of her admin- Dzdz Ǥ istration. Lobko was an unrivalled apparatchik who helped He was appointed to head the Federal Migration Service his protégé put several of her allies in key posts. Some of in 2004 and was replaced by Valery Tikhonov, the former these include Oleg Virolaynen, who was appointed dep- second in command of FSO, who is still deputy governor uty governor in charge of housing, energy and transport, in charge of public security. Alexander Vakhmistrov, nominated as deputy governor Valentina Matvienko is not a favourite of Dmitry Med- in charge of the building sector, and Alexander Prokho- vedev’s, who knows that she favoured Sergey Ivanov as renko, president of the Saint Petersburg Committee for ǯDzdzͣ͜͜͞Ǥ Ƥ External Relations, a post long held by Vladimir Putin, and most of her allies in the City Hall in order to stay at her Alexey Sergeev. post until the end of her mandate. One may venture to However, in conformity with orders from the Kremlin, guess that her succession at the end of 2011 will result in at Matvienko was obliged to dismiss Lobko in January 2009.
Recommended publications
  • The Pennsylvania United Nations Conference
    PUNC X: THE PENNSYLVANIA UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE Table of Contents Letter from the Crisis Director Page 2 Letter from the Chair Page 3 Background Page 4 Russia Since 2016 – Notable Events Page 5 Delegate Positions Page 7 Committee Structure Page 10 Committee Goals Page 11 Sources Page 11 1 PUNC X: THE PENNSYLVANIA UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE Delegates, My name is Milan Liu and I’ll be serving as your crisis director for the Russian Unity Conference 2020 at PUNC X. I’m a freshman at Penn State, pursuing a double major in International Politics and Geography, as well as minors in Chinese and Global Security. In addition to my love for international affairs and maps, I enjoy horseback riding, traveling, and binge-watching political dramas on Netflix. I have been involved in Model UN since my sophomore year of high school, and attended conferences at Penn State twice. I joined PSIADA last semester, and had the pleasure of crisis directing the Antarctic Treaty 2038 committee at PHUNC, Penn State’s high school Model UN conference, in the fall. I have always looked forward to Model UN conferences, and PUNC X is no exception. I’m excited to see the creativity of this group of delegates, and how you respond to the challenges Russia will face throughout the weekend. Feel free to reach out with any questions or concerns, and I’ll be happy to help in any way I can. Best, Milan [email protected] 2 PUNC X: THE PENNSYLVANIA UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE Delegates, Hello everyone! My name is Robert Liu and I am excited to be your Chair for Russian Unity Conference 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's 2012 Presidential Election
    Russia’s 2012 Presidential Election: Yet Another Term for Putin? By Paweł Piotr Styrna l February 27, 2012 The next presidential election in post-Soviet Russia is scheduled for March 4, 2012. The roster of candidates Russian voters can choose from is rather limited, both in terms of the number of candidates and their backgrounds. The upcoming contest pits five candidates against each other: the Sovietonostalgic chekist, Vladimir Putin; the unreconstructed and unrepentant communist, Gennady Zyuganov; the socialist - and long-time Chairman of the Federation Council (Russia’s upper house) - Sergey Mironov, the nominee of the “Just Russia” Party; the infamous, rabid chauvinist, Vladimir Zhirinovsky; and the “independent” oligarch, Mikhail Prokhorov. Not surprisingly, all these men embody different, yet often overlapping, facets of post-communism. One will notice the conspicuous and telling absence of a conservative, Christian, anti-communist alternative of the Alexander Solzhenitsyn variety. This seems to correspond with what some have argued to constitute one of the essential features of post-communism (particularly in the former USSR), i.e. an ostensible political pluralism serving as a façade, disguising an establishment jealously guarding the post-communist status quo, and attempting to marginalize threats to it. Thus, the faux pluralism appears designed to cater to multiple ideological persuasions in society without jeopardizing the main continuities between communism-proper and post-communism, not to mention the privileges, perks, and golden parachutes retained or acquired by the post-communist oligarchy. This is not to claim that the post-bolshevik establishment is a monolith or that no spheres of freedom exist, but that these are significantly limited.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation
    POST-SOVIET POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA: OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Evguenia Lenkevitch Bachelor of Arts (Honours), SFU 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Evguenia Lenkevitch 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Evguenia Lenkevitch Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard Cohen, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. llya Vinkovetsky, Assistant Professor External Examiner Department of History Date DefendedlApproved: August loth,2007 The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work.
    [Show full text]
  • Unsuccessful Orthodoxy in Russian Heartlands
    Religion, State & Society, Vol. 28, No. 1, 2000 Unsuccessful Orthodoxy in Russian Heartlands FELIX CORLEY The Russian Orthodox Church may be the dominant and most visible religious group in the Russian Federation, but its performance in different regions of the country has been patchy. Even in regions that share common features - geographic, ethnic, economic and social - the Church has made a big impact in some, but little headway in others. Here we look at how the Church has fared in the postsoviet era in four Russian heartland provinces - Astrakhan', Yekaterinburg, Saratov and Omsk. I In all these regions the Orthodox Church has failed to take advantage of the opportunities presented by the end of restrictions on religious activity a decade ago and it is now suffering because of what many perceive as the authoritarian and backward-looking leadership offered by the local bishops. The article looks at what common features the Orthodox Church in these regions has and examines the consequences of failure to present a dynamic witness. Saratov1 Saratov had a vibrant circle of Orthodox intellectuals by the end of the 1980s, thanks in part to the benign influence of the local hierarch, Archbishop Pimen (Khmel­ evsky). Consecrated bishop in 1965 and appointed to the diocese of Saratov and Volgograd (as it was then), Pimen had had a chequered career, joining the Zhirovitsy Monastery in Belorussia during the Nazi occupation. In the 1950s - in a sign of trust from the Soviet authorities - he served in the Russian Spiritual Mission in Jerusalem. On his return to Russia he served in the Trinity-St Sergius Monastery in Zagorsk, for some of the time as deputy head.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
    The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Intelligence
    N°70 - January 31 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS SPOTLIGHT P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Medvedev’s Last Battle Before Kremlin Debut SPOTLIGHT c Medvedev’s Last Battle The arrest of Semyon Mogilevich in Moscow on Jan. 23 is a considerable development on Russia’s cur- Before Kremlin Debut rent political landscape. His profile is altogether singular: linked to a crime gang known as “solntsevo” and PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS sought in the United States for money-laundering and fraud, Mogilevich lived an apparently peaceful exis- c Final Stretch for tence in Moscow in the renowned Rublyovka road residential neighborhood in which government figures « Operation Succession » and businessmen rub shoulders. In truth, however, he was involved in at least two types of business. One c Kirillov, Shestakov, was the sale of perfume and cosmetic goods through the firm Arbat Prestige, whose manager and leading Potekhin: the New St. “official” shareholder is Vladimir Nekrasov who was arrested at the same time as Mogilevich as the two left Petersburg Crew in Moscow a restaurant at which they had lunched. The charge that led to their incarceration was evading taxes worth DIPLOMACY around 1.5 million euros and involving companies linked to Arbat Prestige. c Balkans : Putin’s Gets His Revenge The other business to which Mogilevich’s name has been linked since at least 2003 concerns trading in P. 4-7 Business & Networks gas. As Russia Intelligence regularly reported in previous issues, Mogilevich was reportedly the driving force behind the creation of two commercial entities that played a leading role in gas relations between Russia, BEHIND THE SCENE Turkmenistan and Ukraine: EuralTransGaz first and then RosUkrEnergo later.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin's Nationalist Challenge
    Conflict Studies Research Centre Russian Series 05/20 Putin's Nationalist Challenge Dr Mark A Smith Executive Summary * Putin is increasingly dominating the political system, which is becoming more authoritarian. * Administrative reform has been implemented in order to streamline the state with limited success. Three key issues: * Could "mild authoritarianism" be replaced by a harsher form of rule? * What will happen in 2008, when the next presidential elections are scheduled, and Putin will be constitutionally obliged to step down? * Could the scenario of the "orange revolution" in Ukraine be repeated in Russia? * There is now a strong possibility that Putin may either attempt to stay in power after his second term expires in 2008, or attempt to create an interim leadership from 2008 to 2012, and then return to power. * Any post-2008 leadership is likely to be more nationalist and authoritarian. 05/20 Putin's Nationalist Challenge Dr Mark A Smith The Russian political system has been going through a process of subtle evolution since Vladimir Putin was first elected president in 2000. In 2000, major changes were made to the structure of centre-regional relations: • Putin created seven federal districts, headed by a plenipotentiary representative, appointed by the president, and solely accountable to him. The plenipotentiary representative’s main task is to ensure that federal government policy is being carried out by the regional leaderships. During the Yel’tsin period, many regional leaders had often ignored federal law, and elevated regional law above it. • The regional leaders were removed from the upper house of the Russian parliament, the Federation Council, and the president acquired the legal power to dismiss regional governors who defied federal law.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011
    Department of Informatics and Media Social Science – major in Media and Communication Studies Fall 2013 Master Two Years Thesis Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011 The role of social media in engagement of people in the protests and their self- identification with civil society Daria Dmitrieva Fall 2013 Supervisor: Dr. Gregory Simons Researcher at Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies 1 2 ABSTRACT The study examines the phenomenon of the December protests in Russia when thousands of citizens were involved in the protest movement after the frauds during the Parliamentary elections. There was a popular opinion in the Internet media that at that moment Russia experienced establishment of civil society, since so many people were ready to express their discontent publically for the first time in 20 years. The focus of this study is made on the analysis of the roles that social media played in the protest movement. As it could be observed at the first glance, recruiting and mobilising individuals to participation in the rallies were mainly conducted via social media. The research analyses the concept of civil society and its relevance to the protest rhetoric and investigates, whether there was a phenomenon of civil society indeed and how it was connected to individuals‘ motivation for joining the protest. The concept of civil society is discussed through the social capital, social and political trust, e- democracy and mediatisation frameworks. The study provides a comprehensive description of the events, based on mainstream and new media sources, in order to depict the nature and the development of the movement.
    [Show full text]
  • Conference Paper (Aburamoto)
    Paper presented at the 5th East Asian Conference on Slavic Eurasian Studies on August 10, 2013 The Role of Regional Elites in Establishing the “United Russia”: Saratov, Samara, and Ul’yanovsk from the Mid-2000s to 2011 Mari Aburamoto JSPS Research Fellow 1. Introduction Russia’s ruling party, “The United Russia” (abbreviated as UR) has provoked the interest of a number of scholars and observers. Some have even described UR as a dominant party (Gel’man 2008, Reuter and Remington 2009). In the 2011 Duma election, however, the situation changed slightly: UR’s mobilization capacity appeared to reach its limits and votes for UR radically decreased compared to the election of 2007. How can this change be explained? UR’s deterioration trend has long been observed in Russia’s regional and local elections. The decline in UR’s popularity should therefore be observed by focusing on the regional and local levels (Panov and Ross 2013). In order to understand the real changes afoot in regional politics, this paper focuses mainly on the configuration of the regional elite groups. Such an approach is also appropriate for understanding the nature of UR. For, as Reuter and Remington (2009) point out, UR’s rise to power was facilitated by organizing the support of regional elites. This paper reveals that the role of regional elites and the elite alignment in each region—that is, the (non-)existence of conflicts between the governor and the mayors and the relative strength of communists as a leading opposition group—both affect UR’s relative strength in each region.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Intelligence N°66 of November 22 2007) and About Whom Legal Char- the Hatchet Ges Are Never Ending
    N°67 - December 6 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-3 Politics & Government c KREMLIN Half-tinted election triumph c Half-tinted election triumph Election No, it wasn’t a resounding victory... Taking into account the means deployed, the multitude LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS Special of manipulations practice throughout the country abouty the level of participation and the c The Winers and losers of on the number of votes obtained by United Russia, the score of 64% in favour of the presi- December 2 dential party (and therefore Vladimir Putin), it could not be completely satisfactory for the Kremlin. It is ALERT far from the standard of 70% that many of those close to the President had announced as probable and so c Yevgeny Shkolov, or the it is natural that Vladimir Putin expressed his displeasure with these results and that he did not even see "Dresden connection" in the fit to visit the headquarters of United Russia Sunday night. Interior ministry FOCUS Also, this result does nothing to ease the embarassment that the Kremlin finds itself in concerning the c The strange confession by process of succession of Vladimir Putin. Even if it consecrates the pre-eminence of United Russia in the Oleg Shwartzman Duma (it passes from 305 to 315 seats), even if it confirms the popularity of Vladimir Putin with a majority BEHIND THE SCENE of Russians, this election changes nothing fundamental. It justifies the fact that Vladimir Putin can be des- c Vladimir Zhirinovsky : the little secrets behind an elec- ignated as Prime minister (but we hardly had any doubts about the fact that this could be technically pos- tion list sible), it could provide a basis for the creation of a status of “national leader” but it cannot hide the inter- nal contradiction in which the elites still find themselves : that Putin leaves the Kremlin while still remaining P.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Regional Report (Vol. 9, No. 1, 3 February 2004)
    Russian Regional Report (Vol. 9, No. 1, 3 February 2004) A bi-weekly publication jointly produced by the Center for Security Studies at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH) Zurich (http://www.isn.ethz.ch) and the Transnational Crime and Corruption Center (TraCCC) at American University, Washington, DC (http://www.American.edu/traccc) TABLE OF CONTENTS TraCCC Yaroslavl Conference Crime Groups Increasing Ties to Authorities Gubernatorial Elections Sakhalin Elects New Governor Center-Periphery Relations Tyumen Oblast, Okrugs Resume Conflict Electoral Violations Khabarovsk Court Jails Election Worker Procurator Files Criminal Cases in Kalmykiya Elections Advertisements Russia: All 89 Regions Trade and Investment Guide Dynamics of Russian Politics: Putin's Reform of Federal-Regional Relations ***RRR on-line (with archives) - http://www.isn.ethz.ch/researchpub/publihouse/rrr/ TRACCC YAROSLAVL CONFERENCE CRIME GROUPS INCREASING TIES TO AUTHORITIES. Crime groups are increasingly working with public officials in Russia at the regional, and local levels, making it difficult for those seeking to enact and enforce laws combating organized crime, according to many of the criminologists who participated in a conference addressing organized crime hosted by Yaroslavl State University and sponsored by TraCCC, with support from the US Department of Justice on 20-21 January. The current laws on organized crime are largely a result of Russia's inability to deal with this problem, according to Natalia Lopashenko, head of the TraCCC program in Saratov. Almost the only area of agreement among the scholars, law enforcement agents, and judges was that the level of organized crime is rising. Figures from the Interior Ministry suggest that the number of economic crimes, in particular, is shooting upward.
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking Rural Politics in Post- Socialist Settings
    RETHINKING RURAL POLITICS IN POST- SOCIALIST SETTINGS Natalia Vitalyevna Mamonova 505017-L-bw-Mamanova Processed on: 6-9-2016 This dissertation is part of the project: ‘Land Grabbing in Russia: Large-Scale Inves- tors and Post-Soviet Rural Communities’ funded by the European Research Coun- cil (ERC), grant number 313781. It also benefitted from funding provided by the Netherlands Academie on Land Governance for Equitable and Sustainable Devel- opment (LANDac), the Land Deal Politics Initiative (LDPI), the Political Economy of Resources, Environment and Population (PER) research group of the Interna- tional Institute of Social Studies (ISS). This dissertation is part of the research pro- gramme of CERES, Research School for Resource Studies for Development. © Natalia Vitalyevna Mamonova 2016 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the author. The cover image ‘Land grabbing in former Soviet Eurasia’ (2013) is an original water colour painting by the author, which was initially made for the cover page of the Journal of Peasant Studies Vol. 40, issue 3-4, 2013. ISBN 978-90-6490-064-8 Ipskamp Drukkers BV Auke Vleerstraat 145 7547 PH Enschede Tel.: 053 482 62 62 www.ipskampdrukkers.nl 505017-L-bw-Mamanova Processed on: 6-9-2016 RETHINKING RURAL POLITICS IN POST- SOCIALIST SETTINGS Rural Communities, Land Grabbing and Agrarian Change in Russia and Ukraine HEROVERWEGING VAN PLATTELANDSPOLITIEK IN POSTSOCIALISTISCHE OMGEVINGEN PLATTELANDSGEMEESCHAPPEN, LANDJEPIK EN AGRARISCHE TRANSFORMATIE IN RUSLAND EN OEKRAÏNE Thesis To obtain the degree of Doctor from the Erasmus University Rotterdam by command of the Rector Magnificus Professor Dr.
    [Show full text]