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What Is Russia Trying to Defend? ✩ Andrei Yakovlev
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com Russian Journal of Economics 2 (2016) 146–161 www.rujec.org What is Russia trying to defend? ✩ Andrei Yakovlev Institute for Industrial and Market Studies, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia Abstract Contrary to the focus on the events of the last two years (2014–2015) associated with the accession of Crimea to Russia and military conflict in Eastern Ukraine, in this study, I stress that serious changes in Russian domestic policy (with strong pres sure on political opposition, state propaganda and sharp anti-Western rhetoric, as well as the fight against “foreign agents’) became visible in 2012. Geopolitical ambitions to revise the “global order” (introduced by the USA after the collapse of the USSR) and the increased role of Russia in “global governance” were declared by leaders of the country much earlier, with Vladimir Putin’s famous Munich speech in 2007. These ambitions were based on the robust economic growth of the mid-2000s, which en couraged the Russian ruling elite to adopt the view that Russia (with its huge energy resources) is a new economic superpower. In this paper, I will show that the con cept of “Militant Russia” in a proper sense can be attributed rather to the period of the mid-2000s. After 2008–2009, the global financial crisis and, especially, the Arab Spring and mass political protests against electoral fraud in Moscow in December 2011, the Russian ruling elite made mostly “militant” attempts to defend its power and assets. © 2016 Non-profit partnership “Voprosy Ekonomiki”. Hosting by Elsevier B.V. -
Russia's 2012 Presidential Election
Russia’s 2012 Presidential Election: Yet Another Term for Putin? By Paweł Piotr Styrna l February 27, 2012 The next presidential election in post-Soviet Russia is scheduled for March 4, 2012. The roster of candidates Russian voters can choose from is rather limited, both in terms of the number of candidates and their backgrounds. The upcoming contest pits five candidates against each other: the Sovietonostalgic chekist, Vladimir Putin; the unreconstructed and unrepentant communist, Gennady Zyuganov; the socialist - and long-time Chairman of the Federation Council (Russia’s upper house) - Sergey Mironov, the nominee of the “Just Russia” Party; the infamous, rabid chauvinist, Vladimir Zhirinovsky; and the “independent” oligarch, Mikhail Prokhorov. Not surprisingly, all these men embody different, yet often overlapping, facets of post-communism. One will notice the conspicuous and telling absence of a conservative, Christian, anti-communist alternative of the Alexander Solzhenitsyn variety. This seems to correspond with what some have argued to constitute one of the essential features of post-communism (particularly in the former USSR), i.e. an ostensible political pluralism serving as a façade, disguising an establishment jealously guarding the post-communist status quo, and attempting to marginalize threats to it. Thus, the faux pluralism appears designed to cater to multiple ideological persuasions in society without jeopardizing the main continuities between communism-proper and post-communism, not to mention the privileges, perks, and golden parachutes retained or acquired by the post-communist oligarchy. This is not to claim that the post-bolshevik establishment is a monolith or that no spheres of freedom exist, but that these are significantly limited. -
Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation
POST-SOVIET POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA: OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Evguenia Lenkevitch Bachelor of Arts (Honours), SFU 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Evguenia Lenkevitch 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Evguenia Lenkevitch Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard Cohen, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. llya Vinkovetsky, Assistant Professor External Examiner Department of History Date DefendedlApproved: August loth,2007 The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work. -
Russia Intelligence
N°70 - January 31 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS SPOTLIGHT P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Medvedev’s Last Battle Before Kremlin Debut SPOTLIGHT c Medvedev’s Last Battle The arrest of Semyon Mogilevich in Moscow on Jan. 23 is a considerable development on Russia’s cur- Before Kremlin Debut rent political landscape. His profile is altogether singular: linked to a crime gang known as “solntsevo” and PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS sought in the United States for money-laundering and fraud, Mogilevich lived an apparently peaceful exis- c Final Stretch for tence in Moscow in the renowned Rublyovka road residential neighborhood in which government figures « Operation Succession » and businessmen rub shoulders. In truth, however, he was involved in at least two types of business. One c Kirillov, Shestakov, was the sale of perfume and cosmetic goods through the firm Arbat Prestige, whose manager and leading Potekhin: the New St. “official” shareholder is Vladimir Nekrasov who was arrested at the same time as Mogilevich as the two left Petersburg Crew in Moscow a restaurant at which they had lunched. The charge that led to their incarceration was evading taxes worth DIPLOMACY around 1.5 million euros and involving companies linked to Arbat Prestige. c Balkans : Putin’s Gets His Revenge The other business to which Mogilevich’s name has been linked since at least 2003 concerns trading in P. 4-7 Business & Networks gas. As Russia Intelligence regularly reported in previous issues, Mogilevich was reportedly the driving force behind the creation of two commercial entities that played a leading role in gas relations between Russia, BEHIND THE SCENE Turkmenistan and Ukraine: EuralTransGaz first and then RosUkrEnergo later. -
Putin's Nationalist Challenge
Conflict Studies Research Centre Russian Series 05/20 Putin's Nationalist Challenge Dr Mark A Smith Executive Summary * Putin is increasingly dominating the political system, which is becoming more authoritarian. * Administrative reform has been implemented in order to streamline the state with limited success. Three key issues: * Could "mild authoritarianism" be replaced by a harsher form of rule? * What will happen in 2008, when the next presidential elections are scheduled, and Putin will be constitutionally obliged to step down? * Could the scenario of the "orange revolution" in Ukraine be repeated in Russia? * There is now a strong possibility that Putin may either attempt to stay in power after his second term expires in 2008, or attempt to create an interim leadership from 2008 to 2012, and then return to power. * Any post-2008 leadership is likely to be more nationalist and authoritarian. 05/20 Putin's Nationalist Challenge Dr Mark A Smith The Russian political system has been going through a process of subtle evolution since Vladimir Putin was first elected president in 2000. In 2000, major changes were made to the structure of centre-regional relations: • Putin created seven federal districts, headed by a plenipotentiary representative, appointed by the president, and solely accountable to him. The plenipotentiary representative’s main task is to ensure that federal government policy is being carried out by the regional leaderships. During the Yel’tsin period, many regional leaders had often ignored federal law, and elevated regional law above it. • The regional leaders were removed from the upper house of the Russian parliament, the Federation Council, and the president acquired the legal power to dismiss regional governors who defied federal law. -
Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011
Department of Informatics and Media Social Science – major in Media and Communication Studies Fall 2013 Master Two Years Thesis Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011 The role of social media in engagement of people in the protests and their self- identification with civil society Daria Dmitrieva Fall 2013 Supervisor: Dr. Gregory Simons Researcher at Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies 1 2 ABSTRACT The study examines the phenomenon of the December protests in Russia when thousands of citizens were involved in the protest movement after the frauds during the Parliamentary elections. There was a popular opinion in the Internet media that at that moment Russia experienced establishment of civil society, since so many people were ready to express their discontent publically for the first time in 20 years. The focus of this study is made on the analysis of the roles that social media played in the protest movement. As it could be observed at the first glance, recruiting and mobilising individuals to participation in the rallies were mainly conducted via social media. The research analyses the concept of civil society and its relevance to the protest rhetoric and investigates, whether there was a phenomenon of civil society indeed and how it was connected to individuals‘ motivation for joining the protest. The concept of civil society is discussed through the social capital, social and political trust, e- democracy and mediatisation frameworks. The study provides a comprehensive description of the events, based on mainstream and new media sources, in order to depict the nature and the development of the movement. -
Russia: Foreign Policy and US Relations
Russia: Foreign Policy and U.S. Relations April 14, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46761 SUMMARY R46761 Russia: Foreign Policy and U.S. Relations April 14, 2021 Since Russian President Vladimir Putin’s rise to leadership more than 20 years ago, tensions have increased steadily between Russia and the United States. Some observers attribute Russian Andrew S. Bowen foreign policy actions to the personality and individual interests of Putin and certain hawkish Analyst in Russian and advisers. Some contend Russian authorities are focused mainly on reclaiming Russia’s status as a European Affairs great power. Others argue Russian foreign policy is centered on protecting the country’s status as the dominant power in the post-Soviet region and defending against foreign interference in Russia’s domestic affairs. Whatever the motivations, most observers agree Russia’s natural Cory Welt resources and military modernization program, launched in 2008, provide Russia’s leadership the Specialist in Russian and European Affairs means to conduct a flexible and often aggressive foreign policy, as well as to project force in neighboring countries and further afield (such as in the Middle East). Russia’s foreign policy priorities traditionally have focused on the post-Soviet region and the West, including relations and tensions with NATO, the United States, and Europe. However, Russia under Putin (like the Soviet Union before it) also pursues a global foreign policy. As relations with its neighbors and Western countries have become more adversarial, Russia—seeking to balance against U.S. and European power and interests—has cultivated deeper relations with China and other countries. -
Guía De País
GUÍA DE PAÍS Rusia Elaborado por la Oficina Económica y Comercial de España en Moscú Actualizado a marzo 2021 1 1 PANORAMA GENERAL . 4 1.1 SITUACIÓN, SUPERFICIE, SUPERFICIE AGRÍCOLA, RELIEVE Y CLIMA . 4 1.2 DEMOGRAFÍA Y SOCIEDAD . 5 1.3 PIB PER CAPITA Y DISTRIBUCIÓN DE LA RENTA . 6 1.4 POBLACIÓN ACTIVA Y DESEMPLEO . 6 1.5 ORGANIZACIÓN POLÍTICO-ADMINISTRATIVA . 7 1.5.1 SISTEMA DE GOBIERNO, PARTIDOS POLÍTICOS Y DIVISIÓN DE PODERES . 7 1.5.2 ORGANIZACIÓN ADMINISTRATIVA Y TERRITORIAL DEL ESTADO . 7 1.5.3 LA ADMINISTRACIÓN ECONÓMICA Y SU DISTRIBUCIÓN DE COMPETENCIAS . 9 1.6 RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES/REGIONALES . 9 2 ESTABLECERSE EN EL PAÍS . 11 2.1 CARACTERÍSTICAS DEL MERCADO . 11 2.2 CANALES DE DISTRIBUCIÓN. ESTRUCTURA Y MARCO LEGAL DE LA DISTRIBUCIÓN COMERCIAL . 12 2.3 IMPORTANCIA ECONÓMICA DEL PAÍS EN LA REGIÓN . 12 2.4 PERSPECTIVAS DE DESARROLLO ECONÓMICO . 13 2.5 OPORTUNIDADES DE NEGOCIO . 13 3 IMPORTACIÓN (RÉGIMEN DE COMERCIO EXTERIOR) . 14 3.1 TRAMITACIÓN DE LAS IMPORTACIONES . 14 3.2 ARANCELES Y REGÍMENES ECONÓMICOS ADUANEROS . 16 3.3 NORMAS Y REQUISITOS TÉCNICOS . 17 3.4 REGULACIÓN DE COBROS Y PAGOS AL EXTERIOR . 19 3.5 CONTRATACIÓN PÚBLICA . 20 4 INVERSIONES EXTRANJERAS / INCENTIVOS A LA INVERSIÓN . 20 4.1 MARCO LEGAL . 20 4.2 REPATRIACIÓN DE CAPITAL/CONTROL DE CAMBIOS . 21 4.3 INCENTIVOS A LA INVERSIÓN . 22 4.4 ESTABLECIMIENTO DE EMPRESAS . 23 4.4.1 REPRESENTACIÓN Y AGENCIA . 23 4.4.2 TIPOS DE SOCIEDADES. FORMALIDADES DE CONSTITUCIÓN . 24 4.4.3 FORMACIÓN DE "JOINT-VENTURES". SOCIOS LOCALES . 25 4.5 PROPIEDAD INDUSTRIAL (MARCAS, PATENTES, DISEÑOS, LICENCIAS) . -
Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies
September 14, 2020 Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies Russia has an extensive internal security system, with Competition frequently leads to arrests and prosecutions, multiple, overlapping, and competitive security agencies often for real or imagined corruption allegations to undercut vying for bureaucratic, political, and economic influence. targeted organizations and senior leadership both Since Vladimir Putin assumed Russia’s leadership, these institutionally and politically. agencies have grown in both size and power, and they have become integral to the security and stability of the Russian Law Enforcement and Internal government. If Putin extends his rule beyond 2024, as is Security Agencies and Heads now legally permissible, these agencies could play a role in (as of September 2020) the leadership succession process and affect the ability of a transitional regime to quell domestic dissent. For Members Ministry of Interior (MVD): Vladimir Kolokoltsev of Congress, understanding the numerous internal security National Guard (Rosgvardiya, FSVNG): Viktor Zolotov agencies in Russia could be helpful in assessing the x Special Purpose Mobile Units (OMON) prospects of regime stability and dynamics of a transition x Special Rapid Response Detachment (SOBR) after Putin leaves office. In addition, Russian security agencies and their personnel have been targeted by U.S. x Interior Troops (VV) sanctions for cyberattacks and human rights abuses. x Kadyrovtsy Overview and Context Federal Security Service (FSB): Alexander Bortnikov -
Russia Intelligence N°66 of November 22 2007) and About Whom Legal Char- the Hatchet Ges Are Never Ending
N°67 - December 6 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-3 Politics & Government c KREMLIN Half-tinted election triumph c Half-tinted election triumph Election No, it wasn’t a resounding victory... Taking into account the means deployed, the multitude LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS Special of manipulations practice throughout the country abouty the level of participation and the c The Winers and losers of on the number of votes obtained by United Russia, the score of 64% in favour of the presi- December 2 dential party (and therefore Vladimir Putin), it could not be completely satisfactory for the Kremlin. It is ALERT far from the standard of 70% that many of those close to the President had announced as probable and so c Yevgeny Shkolov, or the it is natural that Vladimir Putin expressed his displeasure with these results and that he did not even see "Dresden connection" in the fit to visit the headquarters of United Russia Sunday night. Interior ministry FOCUS Also, this result does nothing to ease the embarassment that the Kremlin finds itself in concerning the c The strange confession by process of succession of Vladimir Putin. Even if it consecrates the pre-eminence of United Russia in the Oleg Shwartzman Duma (it passes from 305 to 315 seats), even if it confirms the popularity of Vladimir Putin with a majority BEHIND THE SCENE of Russians, this election changes nothing fundamental. It justifies the fact that Vladimir Putin can be des- c Vladimir Zhirinovsky : the little secrets behind an elec- ignated as Prime minister (but we hardly had any doubts about the fact that this could be technically pos- tion list sible), it could provide a basis for the creation of a status of “national leader” but it cannot hide the inter- nal contradiction in which the elites still find themselves : that Putin leaves the Kremlin while still remaining P. -
Rethinking Rural Politics in Post- Socialist Settings
RETHINKING RURAL POLITICS IN POST- SOCIALIST SETTINGS Natalia Vitalyevna Mamonova 505017-L-bw-Mamanova Processed on: 6-9-2016 This dissertation is part of the project: ‘Land Grabbing in Russia: Large-Scale Inves- tors and Post-Soviet Rural Communities’ funded by the European Research Coun- cil (ERC), grant number 313781. It also benefitted from funding provided by the Netherlands Academie on Land Governance for Equitable and Sustainable Devel- opment (LANDac), the Land Deal Politics Initiative (LDPI), the Political Economy of Resources, Environment and Population (PER) research group of the Interna- tional Institute of Social Studies (ISS). This dissertation is part of the research pro- gramme of CERES, Research School for Resource Studies for Development. © Natalia Vitalyevna Mamonova 2016 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the author. The cover image ‘Land grabbing in former Soviet Eurasia’ (2013) is an original water colour painting by the author, which was initially made for the cover page of the Journal of Peasant Studies Vol. 40, issue 3-4, 2013. ISBN 978-90-6490-064-8 Ipskamp Drukkers BV Auke Vleerstraat 145 7547 PH Enschede Tel.: 053 482 62 62 www.ipskampdrukkers.nl 505017-L-bw-Mamanova Processed on: 6-9-2016 RETHINKING RURAL POLITICS IN POST- SOCIALIST SETTINGS Rural Communities, Land Grabbing and Agrarian Change in Russia and Ukraine HEROVERWEGING VAN PLATTELANDSPOLITIEK IN POSTSOCIALISTISCHE OMGEVINGEN PLATTELANDSGEMEESCHAPPEN, LANDJEPIK EN AGRARISCHE TRANSFORMATIE IN RUSLAND EN OEKRAÏNE Thesis To obtain the degree of Doctor from the Erasmus University Rotterdam by command of the Rector Magnificus Professor Dr. -
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol, Coordinator Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs November 4, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33407 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Summary Russia made some uneven progress in democratization during the 1990s, but according to most observers, this limited progress was reversed after Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999-2000. During this period, the State Duma (lower legislative chamber) came to be dominated by government-approved parties and opposition democratic parties were excluded. Putin also abolished gubernatorial elections and established government ownership or control over major media and industries, including the energy sector. The methods used by the Putin government to suppress insurgency in the North Caucasus demonstrated a low regard for the rule of law and scant regard for human rights, according to critics. Dmitriy Medvedev, Vladimir Putin’s chosen successor and long-time protégé, was elected president in March 2008 and immediately chose Putin as prime minister. President Medvedev has continued policies established during the Putin presidency. In August 2008, the Medvedev-Putin “tandem” directed wide-scale military operations against Georgia and unilaterally recognized the independence of Georgia’s separatist South Ossetia and Abkhazia, actions that were censured by most of the international community but which resulted in few, minor, and only temporary international sanctions against Russia. Russia’s economy began to recover from the Soviet collapse in 1999, led mainly by oil and gas exports, but the sharp decline in oil and gas prices in mid-2008 and other aspects of the global economic downturn put a halt to this growth.