The Foreign Policy and Diplomatic Activities of the Russian Federation in 2009
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Open Letter in Support of Amb. Bonnie Jenkins to Help Lead U.S. Efforts on Arms Control and International Security
Open Letter in Support of Amb. Bonnie Jenkins to Help Lead U.S. Efforts on Arms Control and International Security June 21, 2021 As President Biden's Interim National Security Strategy notes: "Global dynamics have shifted. New crises demand our attention.” It is a "moment of accelerating global challenges — from the pandemic to the climate crisis to nuclear proliferation .…" This means that our nation has no time to lose when it comes to putting in place the leadership team in government that can harness America's diplomatic power, which is essential to advancing effective solutions to address the most difficult security and foreign policy challenges. As arms control, international security, and foreign policy experts with years of experience in and out of government, we believe President Joe Biden — or any president — needs a strong and experienced team in place to address issues of international security, particularly the difficult and urgent challenges posed by nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons and the countries that possess them or that could develop them. Five months since inauguration day, the president’s nominee for one of the most important positions in this area — Amb. Bonnie Jenkins for Undersecretary of State for Arms Control and International Security — has yet to be confirmed. Further delays of this nomination will hamper our nation’s ability to put its best diplomatic foot forward at a critical time. In the coming weeks and months, her leadership will be important to help the State Department and the White House: -
The Pennsylvania United Nations Conference
PUNC X: THE PENNSYLVANIA UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE Table of Contents Letter from the Crisis Director Page 2 Letter from the Chair Page 3 Background Page 4 Russia Since 2016 – Notable Events Page 5 Delegate Positions Page 7 Committee Structure Page 10 Committee Goals Page 11 Sources Page 11 1 PUNC X: THE PENNSYLVANIA UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE Delegates, My name is Milan Liu and I’ll be serving as your crisis director for the Russian Unity Conference 2020 at PUNC X. I’m a freshman at Penn State, pursuing a double major in International Politics and Geography, as well as minors in Chinese and Global Security. In addition to my love for international affairs and maps, I enjoy horseback riding, traveling, and binge-watching political dramas on Netflix. I have been involved in Model UN since my sophomore year of high school, and attended conferences at Penn State twice. I joined PSIADA last semester, and had the pleasure of crisis directing the Antarctic Treaty 2038 committee at PHUNC, Penn State’s high school Model UN conference, in the fall. I have always looked forward to Model UN conferences, and PUNC X is no exception. I’m excited to see the creativity of this group of delegates, and how you respond to the challenges Russia will face throughout the weekend. Feel free to reach out with any questions or concerns, and I’ll be happy to help in any way I can. Best, Milan [email protected] 2 PUNC X: THE PENNSYLVANIA UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE Delegates, Hello everyone! My name is Robert Liu and I am excited to be your Chair for Russian Unity Conference 2020. -
Russia's 2012 Presidential Election
Russia’s 2012 Presidential Election: Yet Another Term for Putin? By Paweł Piotr Styrna l February 27, 2012 The next presidential election in post-Soviet Russia is scheduled for March 4, 2012. The roster of candidates Russian voters can choose from is rather limited, both in terms of the number of candidates and their backgrounds. The upcoming contest pits five candidates against each other: the Sovietonostalgic chekist, Vladimir Putin; the unreconstructed and unrepentant communist, Gennady Zyuganov; the socialist - and long-time Chairman of the Federation Council (Russia’s upper house) - Sergey Mironov, the nominee of the “Just Russia” Party; the infamous, rabid chauvinist, Vladimir Zhirinovsky; and the “independent” oligarch, Mikhail Prokhorov. Not surprisingly, all these men embody different, yet often overlapping, facets of post-communism. One will notice the conspicuous and telling absence of a conservative, Christian, anti-communist alternative of the Alexander Solzhenitsyn variety. This seems to correspond with what some have argued to constitute one of the essential features of post-communism (particularly in the former USSR), i.e. an ostensible political pluralism serving as a façade, disguising an establishment jealously guarding the post-communist status quo, and attempting to marginalize threats to it. Thus, the faux pluralism appears designed to cater to multiple ideological persuasions in society without jeopardizing the main continuities between communism-proper and post-communism, not to mention the privileges, perks, and golden parachutes retained or acquired by the post-communist oligarchy. This is not to claim that the post-bolshevik establishment is a monolith or that no spheres of freedom exist, but that these are significantly limited. -
Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation
POST-SOVIET POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA: OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Evguenia Lenkevitch Bachelor of Arts (Honours), SFU 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Evguenia Lenkevitch 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Evguenia Lenkevitch Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard Cohen, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. llya Vinkovetsky, Assistant Professor External Examiner Department of History Date DefendedlApproved: August loth,2007 The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work. -
G7 to G8 to G20: Evolution in Global Governance CIGI G20 Papers | No
G7 TO G8 TO G20: EVOLUTION IN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE CIGI G20 PAPERS | NO. 6, MAY 2011 Gordon S. Smith G7 TO G8 TO G20: EVOLUTION IN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE TABLE OF CONTENTS SUMMARY Summary 3 This paper provides a brief history of the evolution of Acronyms 3 the Group of Seven (G7) from its origins in the aftermath of the 1971 breakdown of the Bretton Woods system of G7 to G8 to G20: Evolution in Global Governance 4 exchange rates and the oil crisis in 1973. It then discusses Russia’s participation at summits after the fall of the Works Cited 8 Berlin Wall, formally joining the group in 1997, thus becoming the Group of Eight (G8). The paper gives a CIGI G20 Resources 9 concise account of the formation of the Group of Twenty About CIGI 10 (G20) finance ministers and central bank governors in the late 1990s, in the wake of financial crises in Asia and Latin America, which was elevated to a leaders’ summit forum at the outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008. The paper wraps up with a discussion of the differences in the G8 and G20 models, concluding that the G20 process is still the best option for meeting the challenges of complex global governance issues. ACRONYMS 3G Global Governance Group ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations AU African Union BMENA Afghanistan, the Broader Middle East and North Africa CFGS Centre for Global Studies G5 Group of Five G7 Group of Seven G8 Group of Eight G20 Group of Twenty IMF International Monetary Fund Copyright © 2011 The Centre for International Governance Innovation. -
Global Zero NATO-Russia Commission REPORT REMOVING U.S
GLOBAL ZERO NATO-RUSSIA COMMISSION REPORT REMOVING U.S. AnD RUSSIAN TACTICAL NUCLEAR WEAPONS FROM EUROPEAn COMBAT BASES FEBRUARY 2012 GLOBAL ZERO NATO-RUSSIA COMMISSION REPORT Removing U.S. and Russian Tactical Nuclear Weapons from European Combat Bases PREPARED FOR THE 48TH MUNICH SECURITY CONFERENCE GLOBAL ZERO NATO-RUSSIA COMMISSION REPORT REMOVING U.S. AnD RUSSIAN TACTICAL NUCLEAR WEAPONS FROM EUROPEAn COMBAT BASES GLOBAL ZERO NATO-RUSSIA COMMISSION REPORT Removing U.S. and Russian Tactical Nuclear Weapons from European Combat Bases Copyright © 2012 by Global Zero All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, sorted in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without written permission of the copyright holder. Global Zero assumes full responsibility for the analysis and recommendations contained in this report. www.GLOBALZERO.ORG i GLOBAL ZERO NATO-RUSSIA COMMISSION REPORT REMOVING U.S. AnD RUSSIAN TACTICAL NUCLEAR WEAPONS FROM EUROPEAn COMBAT BASES Global ZERO NATO-RUSSIA COMMISSION AMB. RICHARD BURT, CO-CHAIR AMB. WOLfgAng ISCHIngER, CO-CHAIR COL. GEN. (RET.) VIctOR ESIN, CO-CHAIR SIR MALCOLM RIFKIND, MP, CO-CHAIR MIN. HIKMET ÇETIN AMB. THOMAS PICKERIng GEN. (RET.) AnATOLY KULIKOV AMB. StEVEN PIFER COL. GEN. (RET.) EVGENY MASLIN GEN. (RET.) JOHN SHEEHAN SEN. MIKHAIL MARGELOV COL. (RET.) VALERY YARYNICH GEN. (RET.) KLAUS NAUMAnn MAJ. GEN. (RET.) PAVEL ZOLOTAREV GEN. (RET.) BERNARD NORLAIN Global Zero is the international movement for the elimination of all nuclear weapons. It has grown to 300 leaders and more than 450,000 citizens worldwide, developed a step-by-step plan to eliminate nu- clear weapons, built an international student movement with 100 campus chapters in ten countries, and produced an acclaimed documentary film, Countdown to Zero. -
5 "Our People Want Russia to Be A
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS: 2018: #5 "OUR PEOPLE WANT RUSSIA TO BE A STRONG, INDEPENDENT AND PEACEFUL STATE" Author: Vladimir Putin President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin took part in a meeting of ambassadors and permanent representatives of Russia at international organizations and associations, where he outlined the main goals of Russian diplomacy. July 19,2018, Moscow URL: http://en.kremlin.ru COLLEAGUES, welcome to this traditional meeting. First of all, I would like to express my gratitude to the leadership, staff and veterans of the diplomatic service for their efforts to protect Russia's national interests and for their contribution to international cooperation. The Ministry's central office, our embassies and all other Russian missions abroad are acting professionally in a coordinated manner, fulfilling the tasks set before them. Russia is pursuing a responsible and independent foreign policy in a dynamically developing and eventful global situation. Our people want Russia to be a strong, independent and peaceful state. We are open to partnerships, to mutually beneficial and constructive relations with all countries and regional associations. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, Russia will continue to defend the fundamental principles documented in the UN Charter, which are sovereignty, equality of states, non-interference in other countries' domestic affairs, and the just resolution of disputes. We believe that by observing international law and working together we can deal with the most complex world problems. It was with Russia's decisive role that international terrorism, ISIL and other extremist groups suffered a crushing blow in Syria. This allowed Syria to maintain its statehood and create conditions for its economic recovery and the return of refugees. -
Regional Elections and Political Stability in Russia : E Pluribus Unum
TITLE : REGIONAL ELECTIONS AND POLITICAL STABILITY IN RUSSIA : E PLURIBUS UNUM AUTHOR : JEFFREY W . HAHN, Villanova University THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FO R EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 LEGAL NOTICE The Government of the District of Columbia has certified an amendment of th e Articles of Incorporation of the National Council for Soviet and East Europea n Research changing the name of the Corporation to THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FO R EURASIANANDEAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, effective on June 9, 1997. Grants , contracts and all other legal engagements of and with the Corporation made unde r its former name are unaffected and remain in force unless/until modified in writin g by the parties thereto . PROJECT INFORMATION : ' CONTRACTOR : Villanova Universit y PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Jeffrey W. Hah n COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 812-06 g DATE : September 25, 1997 COPYRIGHT INFORMATION Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from researc h funded by contract or grant from the National Council for Eurasian and East Europea n Research. However, the Council and the United States Government have the right t o duplicate and disseminate, in written and electronic form, this Report submitted to th e Council under this Contract or Grant, as follows : Such dissemination may be made by th e Council solely (a) for its own internal use, and (b) to the United States Government (1) fo r its own internal use ; (2) for further dissemination to domestic, international and foreign governments, entities and individuals to serve official United States Government purposes ; and (3) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United States Government granting the public rights of access to document s held by the United States Government . -
A Region with Special Needs the Russian Far East in Moscow’S Policy
65 A REGION WITH SPECIAL NEEDS THE RUSSIAN FAR EAST IN MOSCOW’s pOLICY Szymon Kardaś, additional research by: Ewa Fischer NUMBER 65 WARSAW JUNE 2017 A REGION WITH SPECIAL NEEDS THE RUSSIAN FAR EAST IN MOSCOW’S POLICY Szymon Kardaś, additional research by: Ewa Fischer © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies CONTENT EDITOR Adam Eberhardt, Marek Menkiszak EDITOR Katarzyna Kazimierska CO-OPERATION Halina Kowalczyk, Anna Łabuszewska TRANSLATION Ilona Duchnowicz CO-OPERATION Timothy Harrell GRAPHIC DESIGN PARA-BUCH PHOTOgrAPH ON COVER Mikhail Varentsov, Shutterstock.com DTP GroupMedia MAPS Wojciech Mańkowski PUBLISHER Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978-83-65827-06-7 Contents THESES /5 INTRODUctiON /7 I. THE SPEciAL CHARActERISticS OF THE RUSSIAN FAR EAST AND THE EVOLUtiON OF THE CONCEPT FOR itS DEVELOPMENT /8 1. General characteristics of the Russian Far East /8 2. The Russian Far East: foreign trade /12 3. The evolution of the Russian Far East development concept /15 3.1. The Soviet period /15 3.2. The 1990s /16 3.3. The rule of Vladimir Putin /16 3.4. The Territories of Advanced Development /20 II. ENERGY AND TRANSPORT: ‘THE FLYWHEELS’ OF THE FAR EAST’S DEVELOPMENT /26 1. The energy sector /26 1.1. The resource potential /26 1.2. The infrastructure /30 2. Transport /33 2.1. Railroad transport /33 2.2. Maritime transport /34 2.3. Road transport /35 2.4. -
Globalizing Nuclear Zero: Is a World Without Nuclear Weapons Really Attainable? GÖTZ NEUNECK
Globalizing Nuclear Zero: Is a World without Nuclear Weapons Really Attainable? GÖTZ NEUNECK Introduction After years in the doldrums, there is once more wind in the sails of nu- clear arms control. Important aims and proposals of the arms control community, which in recent decades have been worked out by non- governmental organizations, think tanks, and commissions (Palme 1982, Canberra 1996 and the Blix Commission 2006), are once again an inte- gral part of world politics. During the eight years of the George W. Bush administration the arms control and disarmament process, which was launched after the Cold War ended, was systematically neutered, en- feebled, and reversed. A un commission warned in 2004 that »we are approaching a point at which the erosion of the non-proliferation regime could become irreversible and result in a cascade of proliferation« (un 2004). us President Obama, in his Prague speech of April 5, 2009, de- clared – to widespread astonishment – that America was committed »to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons« (Obama 2009). He laid particular emphasis on the usa’s great moral responsibil- ity: »As a nuclear power, as the only nuclear power to have used a nuclear weapon, the United States has a moral responsibility to act. We cannot succeed in this endeavor alone, but we can lead it, we can start it.« Con- crete proposals were pledged. In June 2009, President Obama’s Repub- lican opponent for the us presidency, John McCain, recalled Ronald Reagan’s dream of a world free of nuclear weapons and he too demanded a dramatic reduction of nuclear arsenals across the world. -
Explaining BRICS Outreach: Motivations and Institutionalization
INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS RESEARCH JOURNAL. Vol. 15. No 2 (2020) Explaining BRICS Outreach: Motivations and Institutionalization H. Zhao, D. Lesage Huanyu Zhao – PhD, Researcher, Ghent Institute for International Studies (GIIS), Ghent University – Department of Political Science; 8 Universiteitstraat, B9000 Gent, Belgium; Email: [email protected] Dries Lesage – Associate Professor, Ghent Institute for International Studies (GIIS), Ghent University – Department of Political Science; 8 Universiteitstraat, B9000 Gent, Belgium; Email: [email protected] Abstract This article examines and explains the outreach activity of the BRICS group of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. We focus on two research puzzles: a) the motivations and b) the form and degree of the institutionalization of BRICS outreach. We define outreach as collaborative interaction among BRICS and other actors within and outside the BRICS area and focus on outreach to governments of non-BRICS countries and national top officials representing regional organizations. First, we offer a theoretical framework based on the experiences of the Group of 7/8 (G7/8) and the Group of 20 (G20), considering both commonalities and differences with BRICS. Second, we provide a detailed empirical analysis of BRICS outreach over time. Third, we explain BRICS outreach in light of the theoretical framework and enrich it based on our findings. Methodologically, we draw empirical information from official documents, news media and academic literature. We argue that the outreach activity of a major power grouping is reflective of its internal cohesion, as well as of how it defines its own position in the world and how it is perceived by others. -
Caucasian Review of International Affairs (CRIA) Is a Quarterly Peer-Reviewed, Non- Profit and Only-Online Academic Journal Based in Germany
CCCAUCASIAN REVIEW OF IIINTERNATIONAL AAAFFAIRS Vol. 4 (((3(333)))) sssummersummer 2020201020 101010 EU DEMOCRACY PROMOTION THROUGH CONDITIONALITY IN ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD JANINE REINHARD EU ENGAGEMENT IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN GEORGIA : TOWARDS A MORE PROACTIVE ROLE MEHMET BARDAKÇI RELIGION AND ITS IMPORTANCE IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS : A CASE STUDY OF 2008 RUSSIAN -GEORGIAN WAR INES -JACQUELINE WERKNER FROM RACKETEER TO EMIR : A POLITICAL PORTRAIT OF DOKU UMAROV , RUSSIA ’S MOST WANTED MAN KEVIN DANIEL LEAHY THE CRISIS OF GAZPROM AS THE CRISIS OF RUSSIA ’S “E NERGY SUPER -STATE ” POLICY TOWARDS EUROPE AND THE FORMER SOVIET UNION ANDREY KAZANTSEV EURASIAN BARGAINING , AGRICULTURE , AND THE DOHA ROUND SARITA D. JACKSON WAS KOSOVO ’S SPLIT -OFF LEGITIMATE ? BACKGROUND , MEANING AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE ICJ’ S ADVISORY OPINION HEIKO KRUEGER UKRAINE : A CHALLENGE FOR U.S., EU & NATO REGIONAL POLICY TAMERLAN VAHABOV ISSN: 1865-6773 www.cria -online.org EDITORIAL BOARD: Dr. Tracey German (King’s College Dr. Robin van der Hout (Europa-Institute, London, United Kingdom) University of Saarland, Germany) Dr. Andrew Liaropoulos (Institute for Dr. Jason Strakes (Analyst, Research European and American Studies, Greece) Reachback Center East, U.S.) Dr. Martin Malek (National Defence Dr. Cory Welt (George Washington Academy, Austria) University, U.S.) INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD: Prof. Hüseyin Bagci , Middle East Prof. Werner Münch , former Prime Technical University, Ankara, Turkey Minister of Saxony-Anhalt, former Member of the European Parliament, Germany Prof. Hans-Georg Heinrich, University of Vienna, Austria Prof. Elkhan Nuriyev , Director of the Centre for Strategic Studies under the Prof. Edmund Herzig , Oxford University, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan UK Dr.