The Third Force in Myanmar
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Myanmar's Spring Revolution
EUROPEAN POLICY BRIEF MYANMAR ’S SPRING REVOLUTION : A PEOPLE ’S REVOLUTION Myanmar’s Spring Revolution is a grassroots, bottom-to-top nationwide resistance against the military ruling class that retook state power in February 2021. It is unprecedented in scale, fascinating in form and shows a profound societal change within the country. Michal Lubina , April 2021 INTRODUCTION A People’s revolution Myanmar’s Spring Revolution is a grassroots, bottom-to-top nationwide resistance against the military ruling class that retook state power in February 2021. It is unprecedented in scale, fascinating in form and shows a profound societal change within the country. EVIDENCE AND ANALYSIS The end of hermit country Burma has traditionally been called a hermit country 1 – a designation not uncommon in Asia (Bhutan and especially Korea were similarly named), yet very fitting in the case of Myanmar. Precolonial Burmese kingdoms were generally inward-looking, with periods of sometimes spectacular external expeditions being exceptions rather than the rule. Some believed Burma’s isolation was due to economic self-sufficiency, others ascribed it to geography. Still others looked for explanations in the cultural realm, believing - like Aung San Suu Kyi in her early writings 2 - that Buddhism made Burmese uninterested in foreign ideas. Whatever the reasons, it was only the colonial period that brought Burma into the global, capitalist world, however imperfectly: “Burma had been thrown open to the world, but the world had not been opened up to Burma.” 3 This forceful incursion inflicted wounds that never healed. That is why after the creative and chaotic decade of the 1950s (somewhat similar to the last ten years), Burma reverted to self-isolation after the 1962 1 Gustaaf Houtman, Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics: Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy, ISLCAA Tokyo 1999, p. -
Civil Courage Newsletter
Civil Courag e News Journal of the Civil Courage Prize Vol. 11, No. 2 • September 2015 For Steadfast Resistance to Evil at Great Personal Risk Bloomberg Editor-in-Chief John Guatemalans Claudia Paz y Paz and Yassmin Micklethwait to Deliver Keynote Barrios Win 2015 Civil Courage Prize Speech at the Ceremony for Their Pursuit of Justice and Human Rights ohn Micklethwait, Bloomberg’s his year’s recipients of the JEditor-in-Chief, oversees editorial TCivil Courage Prize, Dr. content across all platforms, including Claudia Paz y Paz and Judge Yassmin news, newsletters, Barrios, are extraordinary women magazines, opinion, who have taken great risks to stand television, radio and up to corruption and injustice in digital properties, as their native Guatemala. well as research ser- For over 18 years, Dr. Paz y Paz vices such as has been dedicated to improving her Claudia Paz y Paz Bloomberg Intelli - country’s human rights policies. She testing, wiretaps and other technol - gence. was the national consultant to the ogy, she achieved unprecedented re - Prior to joining UN mission in Guatemala and sults in sentences for homicide, rape, Bloomberg in February 2015, Mickle- served as a legal advisor to the violence against women, extortion thwait was Editor-in-Chief of The Econo - Human Rights Office of the Arch - and kidnapping. mist, where he led the publication into the bishop. In 1994, she founded the In - In a country where witnesses, digital age, while expanding readership stitute for Com- prosecutors, and and enhancing its reputation. parative Criminal judges were threat - He joined The Economist in 1987, as Studies of Guate- ened and killed, she a finance correspondent and served as mala, a human courageously Business Editor and United States Editor rights organization sought justice for before being named Editor-in-Chief in that promotes the victims of the 2006. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Making EU
The London School of Economics and Political Science Making EU Foreign Policy towards a ‘Pariah’ State: Consensus on Sanctions in EU Foreign Policy towards Myanmar Arthur Minsat A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, June 2012 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 97,547 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Dr. Joe Hoover. 2 Abstract This thesis seeks to explain why the European Union ratcheted up restrictive measures on Myanmar from 1991 until 2010, despite divergent interests of EU member states and the apparent inability of sanctions to quickly achieve the primary objectives of EU policy. This empirical puzzle applies the ‘sanctions paradox’ to the issue of joint action in the EU. -
In Burma, Transition Neglects Press Freedom a Special Report by the Committee to Protect Journalists
In Burma, transition neglects press freedom A special report by the Committee to Protect Journalists Committee to Protect Journalists In Burma, transition neglects press freedom Thein Sein’s new civilian government has promised reform, but authorities continue to censor and imprison journalists. Those who report for critical, exile-run media remain at great risk. A CPJ special report by Shawn W. Crispin Burma is at a crossroads between a tradition of military control and prospects for a democratic future. (AP/Khin Maung Win) Published September 20, 2011 Away from the probing surveillance of Special Branch intelligence agents, a Burmese editor ticks off the recent stories the Press Scrutiny and Registration Department, Burma’s powerful state censorship body, would not allow him to publish. The banned topics were wide-ranging: volatility in fuel prices; recent land purchases by Chinese investors around the city of Mandalay; a shortage of fresh water near a southern coast development. After his paper published a seemingly innocuous story about the falling price of SIM cards—without the censors’ approval—authorities reacted swiftly in suspending the publication for two weeks. “We are pushing the limits as much as we can,” said the editor during a recent trip to Bangkok. As a small sign of success, he pointed to the publication of a recent series on the struggles of farmers facing high debts. But the censorship process remains arbitrary, intensive, and highly restrictive. “It’s like fighting with a spear while on horseback to get news published. … We must prepare many extra stories each week to fill the spaces for stories that will inevitably be cut,” said the editor, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of government reprisal. -
Norway's Constructive Engagement in Myanmar
Master’s Thesis 2016 30 ECTS Department of International Environment and Development Studies (Noragric) Norway’s Constructive Engagement in Myanmar. A small state as norm entrepreneur. Birgitte Moe Olsen Master of Science in International Relations I The Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Noragric, is the international gateway for the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU). Eight departments, associated research institutions and the Norwegian College of Veterinary Medicine in Oslo. Established in 1986, Noragric’s contribution to international development lies in the interface between research, education (Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes) and assignments. The Noragric Master thesis are the final theses submitted by students in order to fulfil the requirements under the Noragric Master programme “International Environmental Studies”, “International Development Studies” and “International Relations”. The findings in this thesis do not necessarily reflect the views of Noragric. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the author and on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation contact Noragric. © Birgitte Moe Olsen, December 2016 [email protected] Noragric Department of International Environment and Development Studies P.O. Box 5003 N-1432 Ås Norway Tel.: +47 64 96 52 00 Fax: +47 64 96 52 01 Internet: http://www.nmbu.no/noragric II Declaration I, Birgitte Moe Olsen, declare that this thesis is a result of my research investigations and findings. Sources of information other than my own have been acknowledged and a reference list has been appended. This work has not been previously submitted to any other university for award of any type of academic degree. -
Moving Beyond Hermit Kingdoms. Korea in Burma's Foreign Policy
XII: 2015 nr 3 Michał Lubina MOVING BEYOND HERMIT KINGDOMS. KOREA IN BURMA’S FOREIGN POLICY Burma (Myanmar)1 has been called the Hermit Kingdom. Korea (more recently North Korea) has been labeled similarly. This is correct to some extend, given the fact that in both countries hermits played an important role in the political culture. It is interesting, therefore, to ask whether these similar cultural patters have had any effect on their relations. Has Korea been important to Burma? What place have Koreans had in Burma’s foreign policy? Introduction This article traces the most important aspects of Korea-Burma relations. It starts with the conceptual introduction by showing the ideological spectrum of the Bur- mese elites’ political thinking. Then it describes the “hermit” cultural similarity between Burma and Korea. In its most important part this paper is intended to present the contemporary political relations between Koreas and Burma from the 1 The name of this country invokes many controversies. In June 1989, the State Law and Restoration Council (the new junta) changed the offi cial international designation of the country from “Burma” to “Myanmar” (“Myanmar” is the autonym of the ethnic majority since ancient times and has always been used internally). The usage of the country’s name has been politically controversial since then. Personally, I consider this question highly political and, given the fact that BOTH names – Burma and Myanmar – are of Burmese origin, quite ridiculous. I follow traditional naming in English and therefore use Burma throughout the article. 162 MICHAŁ LUBINA failed assassination of Chun Doo Hwan to the recent dynamics. -
The Steel Butterfly: Aung San Suu Kyi Democracy Movement in Burma
presents The Steel Butterfly: Aung San Suu Kyi and the Democracy Movement in Burma Photo courtesy of First Post Voices Against Indifference Initiative 2012-2013 Dear Teachers, As the world watches Burma turn toward democracy, we cannot help but wish to be part of this historic movement; to stand by these citizens who long for justice and who so richly deserve to live in a democratic society. For 25 years, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi endured house arrest because of her unwavering belief in, and fight for, democracy for all the people of Burma. Through her peaceful yet tireless example, Madam Suu Kyi has demonstrated the power of the individual to change the course of history. Now, after 22 years, the United States of America has reopened diplomatic relations with Burma. President Barack Obama visited in November 2012, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited in December 2011 and, in July of 2012, Derek Mitchell was appointed to represent our country as Ambassador to Burma. You who are the teachers of young people, shape thinking and world views each day, directly or subtly, in categories of learning that cross all boundaries. The Echo Foundation thanks you for your commitment to creating informed, compassionate, and responsible young people who will lead us into the future while promoting respect, justice and dignity for all people. With this curriculum, we ask you to teach your students about Burma, the Burmese people, and their leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. The history of Burma is fascinating. Long in the margins of traditional studies, it deserves to come into the light so that we may join the people of Burma in their quest for a stable democracy. -
A Study of Myanmar-US Relations
INDEX A strike at Hi-Mo factory and, 146, “A Study of Myanmar-US Relations”, 147 294 All Burma Students’ Democratic abortion, 318, 319 Front, 113, 125, 130 n.6 accountability, 5, 76 All India Radio, 94, 95, 96, 99 financial management and, 167 All Mon Regional Democracy Party, administrative divisions of Myanmar, 104, 254 n.4 170, 176 n.12 allowances for workers, 140–41, 321 Africa, 261 American Centre, 118 African National Congress, 253 n.2 American Jewish World Service, 131 Agarwal, B., 308 n.7 “agency” of individuals, 307 Amyotha Hluttaw (upper house of Agricultural Census of Myanmar parliament), 46, 243, 251 (1993), 307 Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom Agricultural Ministers in States and League, 23 Regions, 171 Anwar, Mohammed, 343 n.1 agriculture, 190ff ANZ Bank (Australia), 188 loans for, 84 “Arab Spring”, 28, 29, 138 organizational framework of, “arbitrator [regime]”, 277 192, 193 Armed Forces Day 2012, 270 Ah-Yee-Taung, 309 armed forces (of Myanmar), 22, 23, aid, 295, 315 262, 269, 277, 333, 334 donors and, 127, 128 battalions 437 and 348, 288 Kachin people and, 293, 295 border areas and, 24 Alagappa, Muthiah, 261, 263, 264 constitution and, 16, 20, 24, 63, Albert Einstein Institution, 131 n.7 211, 265, 266 All Burma Federation of Student corruption and, 26, 139–40 Unions, 115, 121–22, 130 n.4, 130 disengagement from politics, 259 n.6, 148 expenditure, 62, 161, 165, 166 “fifth estate”, 270 356 Index “four cuts” strategy, 288, 293 Aung Kyaw Hla, 301 n.5 impunity and, 212, 290 Aung Ko, 60 Kachin State and, 165, 288, 293 Aung Min, 34, -
A History of the Burma Socialist Party (1930-1964)
University of Wollongong Theses Collection University of Wollongong Theses Collection University of Wollongong Year A history of the Burma Socialist Party (1930-1964) Kyaw Zaw Win University of Wollongong Win, Kyaw Zaw, A history of the Burma Socialist Party (1930-1964), PhD thesis, School of History and Politics, University of Wollongong, 2008. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/106 This paper is posted at Research Online. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/106 A HISTORY OF THE BURMA SOCIALIST PARTY (1930-1964) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree Doctor of Philosophy From University of Wollongong By Kyaw Zaw Win (BA (Q), BA (Hons), MA) School of History and Politics, Faculty of Arts July 2008 Certification I, Kyaw Zaw Win, declare that this thesis, submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy, in the School of History and Politics, Faculty of Arts, University of Wollongong, is wholly my own work unless otherwise referenced or acknowledged. The document has not been submitted for qualifications at any other academic institution. Kyaw Zaw Win______________________ Kyaw Zaw Win 1 July 2008 Table of Contents List of Abbreviations and Glossary of Key Burmese Terms i-iii Acknowledgements iv-ix Abstract x Introduction xi-xxxiii Literature on the Subject Methodology Summary of Chapters Chapter One: The Emergence of the Burmese Nationalist Struggle (1900-1939) 01-35 1. Burmese Society under the Colonial System (1870-1939) 2. Patriotism, Nationalism and Socialism 3. Thakin Mya as National Leader 4. The Class Background of Burma’s Socialist Leadership 5. -
NYU/CIC Draft Report
Pathways to Change Baseline Study to Identify Theories of Change on Political Settlements and Confidence Building By Molly Elgin-Cossart, Bruce Jones, and Jane Esberg July 31, 2012 This is one part of a two-part preliminary study. It is designed to excavate, through interviews with development field staff, perspectives and story lines on how international actors (especially development actors) can influence the degree of inclusiveness of political settlements. This is an interim step to a longer-term, more comprehensive study to assess the causal relationship between donor programming and political settlements. The purpose of this initial study is to narrow the field of inquiry by providing ‘theories of change’ that can then be tested. A cognate study, more conceptually oriented, focuses on political settlements (defined below) that follow violence or episodes or imminent threatened violence, to provide an exegesis of the argument that ‘inclusive enough’ settlements matter to stability and thus development in fragile states. That study is designed to help establish a research agenda that could test and refine that proposition. Prepared with support from the UK Department for International Development, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Carnegie Corporation. 1 Preface ........................................................................................................................... 3 Background: Why an emphasis on inclusive political settlements? ........................... 4 Research approach ....................................................................................................... -
Women Arrested & Charged List
ARRESTS No. Name Sex /Age Father's Name Position Date of Arrest Section of Law Plaintiff Current Condition Address Remark S: 8 of the Export and Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD Import Law and S: 25 leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and of the Natural Superintendent Kyi President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s Disaster Management Lin of Special Branch, 1 (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi F State Counsellor (Chairman of NLD) 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Nay Pyi Taw chief ministers and ministers in the states and law, Penal Code - Dekkhina District regions were also detained. 505(B), S: 67 of the Administrator Telecommunications Law Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Chief Minister of Karen State President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s 1-Feb-21 and 8- Detained in Hpa-An 2 (Daw) Nan Khin Htwe Myint F (Central Executive Committee Karen State chief ministers and ministers in the states and Feb-21 Prison Member of NLD) regions were also detained. Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s Telecommunications Ayeyarwady 3 Dr. Hla Myat Thway F Minister of Social Affairs 1-Feb-21 Detained chief ministers and ministers in the states and Law - 66(D) Region regions were also detained. Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s Minister of Karen Ethnic Affairs of Detained in Insein 4 Naw Pan Thinzar Myo F 1-Feb-21 Rangoon Region chief ministers and ministers in the states and Rangoon Region Government Prison regions were also detained. -
TF Human Rights Committee’S 2005 Decision Requiring the Representatives
Civil Courage News Journal of the Civil Courage Prize Vol. 9, No. 2 • September 2013 For Steadfast Resistance to Evil at Great Personal Risk Physician Denis Mukwege Wins 2013 Civil Courage Prize for Championing Victims of Gender-based Violence in DR Congo New York Times Columnist Bill Keller to Deliver Keynote Speech ill Keller, Op-Ed columnist and Bformer executive editor of The New York Times, will give the keynote address at the Civil Courage Prize Ceremony this October 15th his year’s Civil Courage Prize needing surgery and aftercare. On the at the Harold Pratt House in New will be awarded to Denis subject of sexual violence as a weapon, York City. Mr. Keller was at the helm TMukwege. Founder of the Dr. Mukwege has noted that “It’s a of The New York Times for eight Panzi Hospital in Bukavu in Eastern strategy that destroys not only the vic- years, during which time the paper Congo, Dr. Mukwege is renowned for tim; it destroys the whole family, the won 18 Pulitzer Prizes and expanded his treatment of survivors of sexual vio- whole community.” its Internet presence and digital sub- lence and his active public denunciation In September 2012, Dr. Mukwege scription. Previous to that he had of mass rape. The Panzi Hospital has spoke publicly, at the UN in New York, been both managing editor and for- treated more than 30,000 women since of the need to prosecute the crime of eign editor for a number of years, its inception in 1999, many of whom mass rape and rape as a tool of war and and had been chief of the Johannes- have suffered the intolerable conse- terror.