DOCSLIB.ORG

The London School of Economics and Political Science Making EU

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

The London School of Economics and Political Science Making EU Foreign Policy towards a ‘Pariah’ State: Consensus on Sanctions in EU Foreign Policy towards Myanmar Arthur Minsat A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, June 2012 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 97,547 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Dr. Joe Hoover. 2 Abstract This thesis seeks to explain why the European Union ratcheted up restrictive measures on Myanmar from 1991 until 2010, despite divergent interests of EU member states and the apparent inability of sanctions to quickly achieve the primary objectives of EU policy. This empirical puzzle applies the ‘sanctions paradox’ to the issue of joint action in the EU. It also connects the assessment of policy effectiveness to EU foreign policy-making. The investigation unravels this conundrum through competitive theory testing. The study discovers that EU foreign policy was essentially decided by the largest member states. Since 1996, the UK has fostered a consensus among EU policy- makers on a principled common policy, which would induce political reform in Myanmar mainly via the implementation of punitive measures. Hence, non- compliance by the target with EU demands offers a credible, but insufficient explanation of why the EU tightened its sanctions regime. US pressure on EU policy was marginal. The dissertation argues that a ‘normative’ interpretation of liberal intergovernmentalism best solves this puzzle. The EU met domestic pressures for action, although the measures adopted were clearly too inadequate to be effective. Feedback on policy effectiveness did not play a significant role in EU decision-making. EU policy was driven by a consensus to treat Myanmar as a ‘pariah’ state. Ideological motivations have largely outweighed material interests. Normative arguments were necessary to put proposals on the common agenda; yet, decisions ultimately involved ‘cooperative bargaining’ among the largest states. Consensus building was therefore a dynamic process. The policy entrepreneur defined its interests domestically; member states with lower preference intensity generally refrained from opposing its leadership. This thesis thus contributes to the liberal intergovernmental scholarship by proposing a more comprehensive explanation for the drivers and constraints that influence the making of European sanctions. 3 Table of Contents Part I/ Introduction Chapter 1 Introduction: The Paradox of EU Sanctions on Myanmar 14 Chapter 2 Explaining EU Foreign Policy-making: The Special Case of EU Sanctions Regimes 56 Part II/ Case Study Chapter 3 The Context of EU Foreign Policy towards Myanmar 99 Chapter 4 The EU and Myanmar until 1995: From a Non-existent Relation to ‘Critical Engagement’ 135 Chapter 5 The EU and Myanmar between 1996 and 2003: UK Norm Entrepreneurship and European Consensus 175 Chapter 6 The EU and Myanmar between 2004 and 2010: Strengthening the Consensus in an Intergovernmental Framework 238 Part III/ Conclusions Chapter 7 Conclusions: Explaining the Consensus on Tougher Sanctions 301 Annexes 349 Bibliography 364 List of Persons Interviewed 454 4 Acknowledgements Writing a PhD thesis is a difficult enterprise, which I would not have been able to accomplish without the help of many persons. My supervisors, Professor Karen E. Smith and Dr. Jürgen Haacke, unwaveringly guided my research project despite its tumultuous route. Among many things, I am immensely grateful for their impeccable intellectual rigor. My examiners, Dr. David Camroux and Dr. Spyros Economides, engaged with my dissertation in its finest details and made constructive comments. Dr. Joe Hoover deserves special thanks for proofreading this thesis painstakingly. The members of my research panel, Dr. John Kent and Dr. Ulrich Sedelmeier, graciously shared helpful comments on original chapters. I thank the Department of International Relations for awarding me a four years research studentship, as well as grants for my fieldwork, which provided me with essential financial support. Thanks also to the Student Union for a grant for student parents facing financial difficulties. Moreover, the Department generously allowed me to suspend my studies to take part in the UN peace-keeping mission in Côte d’Ivoire. I am thankful to the 80 anonymous interviewees who kindly shared their experiences with me. I can credit in person: the Head of the EU Office in Yangon Dr. Andreas List, former Ambassador to Burma Vicky Bowman, and the former ambassador and chairman of Network Myanmar Derek Tonkin. I enjoyed Bert Morsbach’s open-hearted hospitality during my field research in Yangon. My heartfelt memories go to my friend late Dr. Nay Win Maung, founder of Myanmar Egress, for his generous inputs and frank discussions. The London School of Economics is a unique place to grow intellectually. This thesis benefits from multiple seminars organised at the school and enriching interactions with members of the faculty. Fellow students and friends gave me much feedback on my thesis as we shared many pains and joys. Teaching several courses at the school proved one of the most stimulating experiences – I hope my students learned as much from me as I did from them. My gratitude also 5 goes to Professor Brigitte Young, Dr. Kyaw Yin Hlaing, and Dr. Willem van der Geest who encouraged me to apply to this PhD programme. Last, but certainly not least, I could not have completed this thesis without the love of my wife Sandy and my daughter Dewy, who inspired me and courageously put up with my prolonged absences from home. During these challenging years, scarce were the moments we spent together. My parents, Gérard and Françoise, and my brother Hugo trusted me wholeheartedly. 6 List of Acronyms 3DF Three Diseases Fund AA Auswärtiges Amt ABC Atomic, Bacteriological, and Chemical ABSDF All Burma Students’ Democratic Front ADB Asian Development Bank APEC Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations ASEM Asia-Europe Meeting ASSK Aung San Suu Kyi BC UK Burma Campaign UK BGR Bundesanstalt für Geowissenschaften und Rohstoffe BMZ Bundesministerium für Zusammenarbeit (Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, Germany) BSPP Burmese Socialist Programme Party CDU Christlich Demokratische Union (Germany) CEO Chief Executive Officer COFACE Compagnie Française d’Assurance pour le Commerce Extérieur COREPER Committee of Permanent Representatives CRDB Committee for the Restoration of Democracy in Burma CSR Corporate and Social Responsibilities DAB Democratic Alliance of Burma DCI Development Cooperation Instrument DFID UK Department for International Development DPNS Democratic Party for a New Society (Myanmar) DPRK Democratic People’s Republic of Korea DS Democrazia Sinistra (Italy) DTI Department of Trade and Industry (UK) DVB Democratic Voice of Burma EBA Everything But Arms EBO Euro Burma Office ECGD Export Credit Guarantees Department ECHO European Commission Humanitarian Office (i.e. the Commission’s Directorate General for humanitarian aid) EFP European foreign policy ETUC European Trade Union Confederation EEAS European External Action Service EEPA Europe External Policy Advisor EESC European Economic and Social Committee EIAS European Institute for Asian Studies ENC Ethnic Nationalities Council EU European Union FAC Foreign Affairs Council FCO UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office FDI Foreign Direct Investment 7 FDP Freie Demokratische Partei (Germany) FLEGT Forestry Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade FPA Foreign Policy Analysis FRG Federal Republic of Germany FTUB Federation of the Trade Unions of Burma GAERC General Affairs and External Relations Council GDP (PPP) Gross Domestic Product based on purchasing-power-parity GDR German Democratic Republic GFATM Global Fund for Aids, Tuberculosis and Malaria GIZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (German Society for International Cooperation) GmbH Gesellschaft mit begrentzter Haftung (Germany) GNA ECHO’s Global Needs Assessment GNI Gross National Income GONGOs Government-organised Non-Governmental Organisations GSP Generalised System of Preferences GTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (German Society for International Cooperation) HRVP High Representative for EU Foreign and Security Policy and Vice President of the Commission ICG International Crisis Group ICFTU International Confederation of Free Trade Unions ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross IDOs International Development Organisations IFIs International Financial Institutions ILO International Labour Organisation IMF International Monetary Fund IQR Interquartile range IR International Relations
Recommended publications
  • North Korea Today

    North Korea Today

    North Korea Today Research Institute for the North Korean Society 12th issue Good Friends: Centre for Peace, Human Rights and Refugees 1585-16 Seocho 3dong, Seochogu, Seoul, Korea 137-875 | Ph:+82 2 587 0662 | email: [email protected] Featured Article Hoeryung, Ten Days Worth of Food The December rations were provided from the Distribution are sold in December South Korean aid, and this was told at the official In Hoeryung, the provincial governement of food distributor (shop). Since there were North Hamkyung made a public announcement insufficient amount of rice to be distributed, some through a lecture on the new Public who have food coupons could not buy any rations. Distribution(PDS) system will emerge from 16th It could be seen as the state is trying to of December 2005 to the end of December. The monopolise the rice market – although this is not same was promised in November, but the actual a common situation throughout the country, since distribution did not take place. End of at Hamheung in the North Hamgyung province December 2005, however, 10days worth of rice did not control the black market, but proceed with was distributed for people who have brought the the PDS(Publc Distribution System). ration tickets. Hamheung, in October and November last year, After the Economic Management Improvement the PDS resumed as per normal and grains (rice Measures Policy in July 2002, the government and maize) were all threshed and in normal ration. was planning to provide rice at government This is a comparable change from distributing price(44won ed.), but this time the rice is unthreshed grains while the PDS was suspended.
  • The Third Force in Myanmar

    The Third Force in Myanmar

    The Third Force and the Architecture of Civil Society -State Relations in the Transition in Myanmar, 2008-2017 The Third Force and the Architecture of Civil Society -State Relations in the Transition in Myanmar, 2008-2017 ___________________________ Mael Raynaud Independent Analyst [email protected] Abstract Myanmar has embarked on a political transition in 2011, a transition better described here as a transition to a hybrid system, with elements of democracy and elements of a military rule. Building on the existing literature on transitions, political crises, civil society, and political influence, the present article attempts to define what the role of civil society has been in this process. Using the author ‘s concepts of a social stupa, in Myanmar, and of the "architecture of civil society-state relations", observed through various "points วารสาร สิทธิและสันติศึกษา ปีที่ 4 ฉบับที่ 2 of contacts" between the two, the author sets an argument that political influence is stronger in the points of contact at the top of the social stupa where the civil society elite meets political elite. In that sense, civil society leaders can be seen as groups that organically channel the voice of civil society to those in power. This perspective explains the strategy behind the Third Force, a group of civil society leaders that gained influence in the wake of cyclone Nargis in 2008 and had a significant impact on the political process, and officially or semi-officially became advisors to President U Thein Sein from 2011 to 2016. The article then argues that the NLD government has cut much of these ties, but that civil society-state relations have nevertheless been profoundly re-shaped in the last decade.
  • West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report

    West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report

    WEST BANK AND GAZA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Palestinian Authority basic law provides for an elected president and legislative council. There have been no national elections in the West Bank and Gaza since 2006. President Mahmoud Abbas has remained in office despite the expiration of his four-year term in 2009. The Palestinian Legislative Council has not functioned since 2007, and in 2018 the Palestinian Authority dissolved the Constitutional Court. In September 2019 and again in September, President Abbas called for the Palestinian Authority to organize elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council within six months, but elections had not taken place as of the end of the year. The Palestinian Authority head of government is Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. President Abbas is also chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and general commander of the Fatah movement. Six Palestinian Authority security forces agencies operate in parts of the West Bank. Several are under Palestinian Authority Ministry of Interior operational control and follow the prime minister’s guidance. The Palestinian Civil Police have primary responsibility for civil and community policing. The National Security Force conducts gendarmerie-style security operations in circumstances that exceed the capabilities of the civil police. The Military Intelligence Agency handles intelligence and criminal matters involving Palestinian Authority security forces personnel, including accusations of abuse and corruption. The General Intelligence Service is responsible for external intelligence gathering and operations. The Preventive Security Organization is responsible for internal intelligence gathering and investigations related to internal security cases, including political dissent. The Presidential Guard protects facilities and provides dignitary protection.
  • Factsheet: Promoting Freedom of Religion Or Belief Within the United

    Factsheet: Promoting Freedom of Religion Or Belief Within the United

    UNITED STATES COMMISSION on INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM FACTSHEET October 2020 UN HUMAN RIGHTS SYSTEM Gayle Manchin Promoting Freedom of Religion or Belief within the United Nations Chair Human Rights System Tony Perkins Vice Chair By Kirsten Lavery, Supervisory Policy Analyst Anurima Bhargava Vice Chair Pursuant to the International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA), the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) monitors freedom of religion or Commissioners belief abroad using international human rights standards, including the Universal Gary Bauer Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and James W. Carr Political Rights (ICCPR). Within the United Nations (UN) system, there are a variety of charter and treaty-based mechanisms with mandates that address international Frederick A. Davie human rights issues according to the same standards. This factsheet describes Nadine Maenza those mechanisms, with a particular focus on those most relevant to freedom of Johnnie Moore religion or belief. Although these bodies have various imperfections and limitations, Nury Turkel they nevertheless provide opportunities for advocacy by and collaboration among states and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) working to promote religious freedom internationally. Erin D. Singshinsuk Executive Director UN Human Rights Focused Mechanisms Charter-Based Mechanisms: UN charter-based mechanisms are mandated through resolutions of the principal organs of the UN that were established by the UN Charter. USCIRF’s Mission Currently, the charter-based human rights mechanisms are the Human Rights Council (HRC) and its subsidiaries. HRC: The HRC is an inter-governmental body of 47 member states that was To advance international established in 2006 by General Assembly Resolution 60/251 as a subsidiary body to the UN General Assembly.
  • Download (515Kb)

    Download (515Kb)

    European Community No. 26/1984 July 10, 1984 Contact: Ella Krucoff (202) 862-9540 THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: 1984 ELECTION RESULTS :The newly elected European Parliament - the second to be chosen directly by European voters -- began its five-year term last month with an inaugural session in Strasbourg~ France. The Parliament elected Pierre Pflimlin, a French Christian Democrat, as its new president. Pflimlin, a parliamentarian since 1979, is a former Prime Minister of France and ex-mayor of Strasbourg. Be succeeds Pieter Dankert, a Dutch Socialist, who came in second in the presidential vote this time around. The new assembly quickly exercised one of its major powers -- final say over the European Community budget -- by blocking payment of a L983 budget rebate to the United Kingdom. The rebate had been approved by Community leaders as part of an overall plan to resolve the E.C.'s financial problems. The Parliament froze the rebate after the U.K. opposed a plan for covering a 1984 budget shortfall during a July Council of Ministers meeting. The issue will be discussed again in September by E.C. institutions. Garret FitzGerald, Prime Minister of Ireland, outlined for the Parliament the goals of Ireland's six-month presidency of the E.C. Council. Be urged the representatives to continue working for a more unified Europe in which "free movement of people and goods" is a reality, and he called for more "intensified common action" to fight unemployment. Be said European politicians must work to bolster the public's faith in the E.C., noting that budget problems and inter-governmental "wrangles" have overshadolted the Community's benefits.
  • 1 June 8, 2020 to Members of The

    1 June 8, 2020 to Members of The

    June 8, 2020 To Members of the United Nations Human Rights Council Re: Request for the Convening of a Special Session on the Escalating Situation of Police Violence and Repression of Protests in the United States Excellencies, The undersigned family members of victims of police killings and civil society organizations from around the world, call on member states of the UN Human Rights Council to urgently convene a Special Session on the situation of human rights in the United States in order to respond to the unfolding grave human rights crisis borne out of the repression of nationwide protests. The recent protests erupted on May 26 in response to the police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Minnesota, which was only one of a recent string of unlawful killings of unarmed Black people by police and armed white vigilantes. We are deeply concerned about the escalation in violent police responses to largely peaceful protests in the United States, which included the use of rubber bullets, tear gas, pepper spray and in some cases live ammunition, in violation of international standards on the use of force and management of assemblies including recent U.N. Guidance on Less Lethal Weapons. Additionally, we are greatly concerned that rather than using his position to serve as a force for calm and unity, President Trump has chosen to weaponize the tensions through his rhetoric, evidenced by his promise to seize authority from Governors who fail to take the most extreme tactics against protestors and to deploy federal armed forces against protestors (an action which would be of questionable legality).
  • In Burma, Transition Neglects Press Freedom a Special Report by the Committee to Protect Journalists

    In Burma, Transition Neglects Press Freedom a Special Report by the Committee to Protect Journalists

    In Burma, transition neglects press freedom A special report by the Committee to Protect Journalists Committee to Protect Journalists In Burma, transition neglects press freedom Thein Sein’s new civilian government has promised reform, but authorities continue to censor and imprison journalists. Those who report for critical, exile-run media remain at great risk. A CPJ special report by Shawn W. Crispin Burma is at a crossroads between a tradition of military control and prospects for a democratic future. (AP/Khin Maung Win) Published September 20, 2011 Away from the probing surveillance of Special Branch intelligence agents, a Burmese editor ticks off the recent stories the Press Scrutiny and Registration Department, Burma’s powerful state censorship body, would not allow him to publish. The banned topics were wide-ranging: volatility in fuel prices; recent land purchases by Chinese investors around the city of Mandalay; a shortage of fresh water near a southern coast development. After his paper published a seemingly innocuous story about the falling price of SIM cards—without the censors’ approval—authorities reacted swiftly in suspending the publication for two weeks. “We are pushing the limits as much as we can,” said the editor during a recent trip to Bangkok. As a small sign of success, he pointed to the publication of a recent series on the struggles of farmers facing high debts. But the censorship process remains arbitrary, intensive, and highly restrictive. “It’s like fighting with a spear while on horseback to get news published. … We must prepare many extra stories each week to fill the spaces for stories that will inevitably be cut,” said the editor, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of government reprisal.
  • Conditions and Challenges Experienced by Human Rights Defenders in Carrying out Their Work

    Conditions and Challenges Experienced by Human Rights Defenders in Carrying out Their Work

    Conditions and challenges experienced by human rights defenders in carrying out their work: Findings and recommendations of a fact-finding mission to Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories carried out by Forefront and by the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) in their joint programme the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders Table of contents Paragraphs Executive Summary A. Mission’s rationale and objectives 1-4 B. The delegation’s composition and activities • Composition 5 • Programme 6-12 • Working methods 13-14 C. The environment in which human rights NGOs operate • Upholding human rights in a context of armed conflict and terrorism 15-23 • Freedom of association: Issues relating to human rights NGO’s registration and funding 24-34 • Freedom of expression of human rights defenders 35-37 • Restrictions on freedom of movement affecting the work of human rights NGOs 38-43 • Conditions experienced by the international human rights organisations 44-46 • The NGOs section of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the State of Israel 47-50 D. Main issues that human rights NGOs address • Upholding international humanitarian law in a context of occupation 51-55 • Protecting persons in administrative detention and opposing any forms of torture and ill-treatment 56-61 • Upholding the right to defence and due process of law 62-70 • Opposing house demolitions in the OPTs as collective punishment and ill-treatment 71-72 • Fighting for the dismantlement of Israeli settlements and opposing land-seizure in the OPTs 73-75 E. Specific risks to which human rights defenders are exposed • Physical risks and security hazards faced by human rights defenders in Israel and the OPTs 76-77 • Detention and ill-treatment of human rights defenders: The case of Mr.
  • Evaluation of the Irish Referendum on Lisbon Treaty, June 2008

    Evaluation of the Irish Referendum on Lisbon Treaty, June 2008

    Evaluation of the Irish Referendum on Lisbon Treaty, June 2008 Markus Schmidgen democracy international is a network promoting direct democracy. Our basic goal is the establishment of direct democracy (initiative and referendum) as a complement to representative democracy within the European Union and in the nation states. We also work on the general democratisation of the European Union, democratic reform and more direct and participatory democracy worldwide. http://www.democracy-international.org Written by Markus Schmidgen Layout: Ronald Pabst Proof-reading (contents):, Gayle Kinkead, Ronald Pabst, Thomas Rupp Proof-reading (language): Sheena A. Finley, Warren P. Mayr Advice: Dr. Klaus Hofmann, Bruno Kaufmann, Frank Rehmet Please refer all questions to: [email protected] Published by democracy international V 0.9 (4.9.2008) Evaluation of the Irish Referendum on Lisbon Treaty, June 2008 I Introduction This report examines the process of the Irish CONTENT referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon. The referendum was held on June 12, 2008 and was the only referendum on this treaty. The evaluation is I INTRODUCTION .......................................... 3 based on the criteria set by the Initiative and Referendum Institute Europe (IRIE). These criteria are internationally recognized as standards to II SETTING...................................................... 4 measure how free and fair a referendum process is conducted. This enables the reader to compare the II.1 Background ................................................... 4 Irish Lisbon referendum to other referendums and to identify the points that could be improved as well II.2 Actors ............................................................. 4 as those that are an example to other nations. II.3 Evaluation...................................................... 7 We at Democracy International and our European partners have already published a series of reports on the EU constitutional referenda of 2005: Juan III CONCLUSION.........................................
  • The Historical Development of Irish Euroscepticism to 2001

    The Historical Development of Irish Euroscepticism to 2001

    The Historical Development of Irish Euroscepticism to 2001 Troy James Piechnick Thesis submitted as part of the Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) program at Flinders University on the 1st of September 2016 Social and Behavioural Sciences School of History and International Relations Flinders University 2016 Supervisors Professor Peter Monteath (PhD) Dr Evan Smith (PhD) Associate Professor Matt Fitzpatrick (PhD) Contents GLOSSARY III ABSTRACT IV ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS V CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 DEFINITIONS 2 PARAMETERS 13 LITERATURE REVIEW 14 MORE RECENT DEVELOPMENTS 20 THESIS AND METHODOLOGY 24 STRUCTURE 28 CHAPTER 2 EARLY ANTECEDENTS OF IRISH EUROSCEPTICISM: 1886–1949 30 IRISH REPUBLICANISM, 1780–1886 34 FIRST HOME RULE BILL (1886) AND SECOND HOME RULE BILL (1893) 36 THE BOER WAR, 1899–1902 39 SINN FÉIN 40 WORLD WAR I AND EASTER RISING 42 IRISH DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 46 IRISH WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 1919 AND CIVIL WAR 1921 47 BALFOUR DECLARATION OF 1926 AND THE STATUTE OF WESTMINSTER IN 1931 52 EAMON DE VALERA AND WORLD WAR II 54 REPUBLIC OF IRELAND ACT 1948 AND OTHER IMPLICATIONS 61 CONCLUSION 62 CHAPTER 3 THE TREATY OF ROME AND FAILED APPLICATIONS FOR MEMBERSHIP IN 1961 AND 1967 64 THE TREATY OF ROME 67 IRELAND IN THE 1950S 67 DEVELOPING IRISH EUROSCEPTICISM IN THE 1950S 68 FAILED APPLICATIONS FOR MEMBERSHIP IN 1961 AND 1967 71 IDEOLOGICAL MAKINGS: FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS OF A EUROSCEPTIC NATURE (1960S) 75 Communist forms of Irish euroscepticism 75 Irish eurosceptics and republicanism 78 Irish euroscepticism accommodating democratic socialism 85
  • Norway's Constructive Engagement in Myanmar

    Norway's Constructive Engagement in Myanmar

    Master’s Thesis 2016 30 ECTS Department of International Environment and Development Studies (Noragric) Norway’s Constructive Engagement in Myanmar. A small state as norm entrepreneur. Birgitte Moe Olsen Master of Science in International Relations I The Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Noragric, is the international gateway for the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU). Eight departments, associated research institutions and the Norwegian College of Veterinary Medicine in Oslo. Established in 1986, Noragric’s contribution to international development lies in the interface between research, education (Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes) and assignments. The Noragric Master thesis are the final theses submitted by students in order to fulfil the requirements under the Noragric Master programme “International Environmental Studies”, “International Development Studies” and “International Relations”. The findings in this thesis do not necessarily reflect the views of Noragric. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the author and on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation contact Noragric. © Birgitte Moe Olsen, December 2016 [email protected] Noragric Department of International Environment and Development Studies P.O. Box 5003 N-1432 Ås Norway Tel.: +47 64 96 52 00 Fax: +47 64 96 52 01 Internet: http://www.nmbu.no/noragric II Declaration I, Birgitte Moe Olsen, declare that this thesis is a result of my research investigations and findings. Sources of information other than my own have been acknowledged and a reference list has been appended. This work has not been previously submitted to any other university for award of any type of academic degree.
  • Guide to Equality and the Policies, Institutions and Programmes of the European Union

    Guide to Equality and the Policies, Institutions and Programmes of the European Union

    Guide to Equality and the Policies, Institutions and Programmes of the European Union Guide to Equality and the Policies, Institutions and Programmes of the European Union By Brian Harvey This document was commissioned by the Equality Authority and the views expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the Equality Authority. Preface The European Union has played a valuable role in stimulating and shaping equality strategies in Ireland over the past three decades.The majority of key equality initiatives in Ireland can trace their origins to European Union directives, European case law or European Union action programmes. This influence continues to the present moment. However, innovation and ambition in our new equality legislation – the Employment Equality Act, 1998 and the Equal Status Act, 2000 – and our related equality institutions have changed this situation to one of mutual influencing. Europe now looks to the Irish experience of implementing a multi- ground equality agenda for learning. This publication provides an introductory briefing on approaches to equality at the level of the European Union – focusing on policy, institutions and funding programmes. It seeks to resource those who are engaging with the challenge to shape European Union policy and programmes in relation to equality. It aims to assist those addressing the impact of European Union policy and programmes on Ireland or to draw benefit from this influence. It is a unique document in bringing an integrated nine-ground equality focus to policy and programmes at European Union level.We are grateful to Brian Harvey for this work in drawing all this material together in this format.We are also grateful to Jenny Bulbulia B.L.