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The Historical Development of Irish Euroscepticism to 2001

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The Historical Development of Irish Euroscepticism to 2001 The Historical Development of Irish Euroscepticism to 2001 Troy James Piechnick Thesis submitted as part of the Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) program at Flinders University on the 1st of September 2016 Social and Behavioural Sciences School of History and International Relations Flinders University 2016 Supervisors Professor Peter Monteath (PhD) Dr Evan Smith (PhD) Associate Professor Matt Fitzpatrick (PhD) Contents GLOSSARY III ABSTRACT IV ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS V CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 DEFINITIONS 2 PARAMETERS 13 LITERATURE REVIEW 14 MORE RECENT DEVELOPMENTS 20 THESIS AND METHODOLOGY 24 STRUCTURE 28 CHAPTER 2 EARLY ANTECEDENTS OF IRISH EUROSCEPTICISM: 1886–1949 30 IRISH REPUBLICANISM, 1780–1886 34 FIRST HOME RULE BILL (1886) AND SECOND HOME RULE BILL (1893) 36 THE BOER WAR, 1899–1902 39 SINN FÉIN 40 WORLD WAR I AND EASTER RISING 42 IRISH DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 46 IRISH WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 1919 AND CIVIL WAR 1921 47 BALFOUR DECLARATION OF 1926 AND THE STATUTE OF WESTMINSTER IN 1931 52 EAMON DE VALERA AND WORLD WAR II 54 REPUBLIC OF IRELAND ACT 1948 AND OTHER IMPLICATIONS 61 CONCLUSION 62 CHAPTER 3 THE TREATY OF ROME AND FAILED APPLICATIONS FOR MEMBERSHIP IN 1961 AND 1967 64 THE TREATY OF ROME 67 IRELAND IN THE 1950S 67 DEVELOPING IRISH EUROSCEPTICISM IN THE 1950S 68 FAILED APPLICATIONS FOR MEMBERSHIP IN 1961 AND 1967 71 IDEOLOGICAL MAKINGS: FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS OF A EUROSCEPTIC NATURE (1960S) 75 Communist forms of Irish euroscepticism 75 Irish eurosceptics and republicanism 78 Irish euroscepticism accommodating democratic socialism 85 Irish euroscepticism and individual nationalists 88 CONCLUSION 95 i CHAPTER 4 IRISH EUROSCEPTICISM AND THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY DEBATE (1970– 1972) 97 1970S CONTEXTUAL DETAIL 98 DEVELOPING CRITICISM OF EUROPE 100 CENTRAL-LEFT WING POLITICAL PARTIES AGAINST THE EUROPE ECONOMIC COMMUNITY (1970–72) 103 THE LEAD UP TO 10 MAY 110 Official Sinn Féin 119 The Irish Labour Party 121 NON-GOVERNMENT ORGANISATIONS 129 Trade unions 129 Common Market Defence Campaign 134 Common Market Study Group 138 IDENTIFIED EUROSCEPTIC INDIVIDUALS 140 CONCLUSION 147 CHAPTER 5 THE PRESENCE OF IRISH EUROSCEPTICISM (1973–2001) 149 THE CHANGING NATURE OF IRISH EUROSCEPTICISM 150 A CRITICAL TYPE OF EUROSCEPTICISM, 1973–1980 153 SPLINTERED EUROSCEPTICISM (1980S) AND THE SINGLE EUROPEAN ACT 158 FRACTURED EUROSCEPTICISM: SINN FÉIN AND ABSTENTIONISM (1980S) 162 A SOFTER APPROACH TO IRISH EUROSCEPTICISM: MAASTRICHT TREATY (1990S) 168 AN EVEN SOFTER APPROACH TO IRISH EUROSCEPTICISM: AMSTERDAM TREATY (1990S) 170 CONCLUSION 176 CHAPTER 6 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 177 BIBLIOGRAPHY 183 ii Glossary CAP Common Agricultural Policy CMDC Common Market Defence Campaign CPI Communist Party of Ireland EEC European Economic Community EU European Union GDP Gross Domestic Product GPO General Post Office ICTU Irish Congress of Trade Unions IRA Irish Republican Army ITGWU Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union IWL Irish Workers League IWP Irish Workers’ Party JCPC Judicial Committee of the Privy Council NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association PANA Peace and Neutrality Alliance RTÉ Raidió Teilifís Éireann TD Teachta Dála UCL University College London UK United Kingdom iii Abstract Why is it that the start of Irish euroscepticism is considered to be in 2001 with the defeat of the first Treaty of Nice? Is it possible a longer history of anti-European thought existed in Ireland? When did it actually begin? Has it changed in any way? Who represented a sceptical point of view towards Europe prior to 2001? The answers to these questions revise a historical discourse that has largely failed to account for what transpired in the past within Ireland. The political process of Ireland’s willing and committed integration into the European Economic Community (EEC) makes fundamental sense in the context of supranationalism. But who has documented this one-sided historical narrative? And to what purpose? The aim of this study is to analyse critically a range of primary source materials to demonstrate and account for the existence of euroscepticism in Ireland prior to 2001 and to trace its historical development to that point. The research will show that antecedents to Irish euroscepticism which manifested powerfully in 2001 can be found and ascertained, even if they are not generally acknowledged in studies of Irish politics. These anti- Europe developments are not just a contemporary phenomenon (although more widespread in 2001); rather, they can be traced along chronological lines to reveal a deeper historical source. The first historical period revealing antecedents of euroscepticism can be located in the process of decolonisation of Ireland from Britain at the turn of the 19th century. The second source of Irish anti-European feeling revolves around the Treaty of Rome debate and the failed applications for membership in 1961 and 1967. The third basis is situated in the EEC referendum debate and the lead up to the 1972 vote on membership. After successfully joining the EEC in 1973, anti- European sentiment again emerged, and can be clearly identified at the time of the Single European Act 1987, in the lead up to the Maastricht Treaty (1992), and finally, in time for the Amsterdam Treaty (1999), where a ‘softer’ approach to this resentment can finally be accounted for. An understanding of the history of Irish euroscepticism helps to explain its contemporary manifestations. Keywords: Ireland, Europe, Euroscepticism iv Acknowledgements There are numerous people I would like to thank for their valued support and continued assistance in enabling me to complete this thesis. First and foremost, my supervisors Professor Peter Monteath, Dr Evan Smith and Associate Professor Matthew Fitzpatrick. Thanks also to other numerous staff members in the School of History and International Relations at Flinders University, Associate Professor David Lockwood, Dr Catherine Kevin, Dr Andrekos Varnava and Dr Prudence Flowers. Professional editor, Rosemary Purcell, provided copyediting and proofreading services, within the guidelines laid out in the university-endorsed national Guidelines for editing research theses. This thesis would not have been possible without the wonderful support from my family and friends, who offered encouragement and understanding throughout the entire process. Troy James Piechnick I certify that this thesis does not incorporate without acknowledgment any material previously submitted for a degree or diploma in any university; and that to the best of my knowledge and belief it does not contain any material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the text. v Chapter 1 Introduction The Economist, with its own tradition of euroscepticism, revealed in 2011 that “Ireland is about to adopt the euroscepticism of its larger neighbour, Britain, but is bound to become more pragmatic”.1 The Economist also asked, “what is so unappealing about the modern-day European Union that even the Irish are turning Eurosceptical?”2 The question was not addressed, but the implications were clear; it was a contemporary development with no historical basis. Brigid Laffin suggested that with the increasing penetration of British newspapers and television stations in Ireland the Irish had potentially been infected with the virus of euroscepticism.3 While the United Kingdom (UK) does have higher levels of euroscepticism than elsewhere, this explanation is insufficient and limited in accounting for what had taken place. The context for this supposed new euroscepticism began in June 2001, when Ireland voted ‘no’ to the Treaty of Nice; the reaction in many quarters was as if “a good pupil had suddenly misbehaved”.4 A number of academics identify and point to June 2001 as the catalyst for the emergence of euroscepticism in Ireland, heightened by the notion implied by The Economist. Similarly, Karin Gilland in her study of Irish euroscepticism contended that the Irish Republic had a long consensus of pro-European support and had only recently shown signs of fraying at the edges.5 Jane O’Mahony agreed with Gilland and found that, until Nice 1, Irish governments and other pro-European campaigners were convincingly able to point to the benefits EU membership had brought, both in terms of direct financial transfers and in increased opportunities for Irish industry and workers.6 Mads Qvortrup reinforced the message in his work, stating that until the Nice Treaty the Irish had traditionally been among the most enthusiastic 1 The Economist, ‘After the Race, Ireland’s Crash’, US, 19 Feb 2011, Expanded Academic ASAP, 2011. 2 The Economist, ‘Charlemagne: Those Ungrateful Irish’, 17 October 2002, available: http://www.economist.com/node/1390007. 3 Brigid Laffin, cited in The Economist, ‘Charlemagne: Those Ungrateful Irish’. 4 Michael Holmes (ed.), ‘Irish Approaches to European Integration’, in Ireland and the European Union, Manchester, 2005, 1. 5 Karin Gilland, mentioned in Robert Harmsen and Menno Spiering (eds), ‘Introduction: Euroscepticism and the Evolution of European Political Debate’, in Euroscepticism: Party Politics, National Identity and European Integration, New York, 2004, 15. 6 Jane O’Mahony, ‘Ireland’s EU Referendum Experience’, Irish Political Studies, vol 24, no 2, 2009, 435. 1 supporters of European integration.7 In short, the very existence of euroscepticism before 2001 was often ignored or disregarded by scholars and commentators. This thesis aims to challenge the prevailing
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