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DUBLIN CITY UNIVERSITY School of Communications THE IRISH PRESS AND POPULISM IN IRELAND Thesis submitted to Dublin City University m candidacy for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Catherine Curran December 1994 DECLARAIION I hereby certify that this material, which I now submit for assessment on the programme of study leading to the award of Doctor of Philosophy is entirely my own work and has not been taken from the work of others save and to the extent that such work has been cited and acknowledged within the text of my work Signed Signed Date Signed Date fd ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the following people, whose advice, support and encouragement were essential to the completion of this work My supervisors, Dr Paschal Preston, whose endless patience, time and energy were much appreciated, and Dr Luke Gibbons, who provided valuable source material m the initial stages of the research Professor Desmond Bell, University of Ulster, who stimulated my interest m political economy of the media and encouraged me to undertake further research in the area My fellow postgraduates and colleagues, Jean O'Halloran, Des McGumness, and Sharon Burke The School of Communications, Dublin City University, which provided me with the necessary research funding and all the facilities I required Tim Pat Coogan, Douglas Gageby, Dr Noel Browne and Michael Mills, who granted me interviews and Michael O'Toole and Sean Purcell at the Irish Press who provided many helpful suggestions The staff of the circulation departments of the Irish Press and the Irish Times, who supplied essential statistical data The staff of Dublin City University library, the National Library of Ireland, the National Manuscript library, and the British Newspaper Library, Oolmdale Finally, thanks to my family and especially to my sister Mary It goes without saying that the views put forward on the subject are those of the author unless otherwise specified, and m no way reflect the opinions of persons interviewed Likewise, any errors are the sole responsibility of the author Catherine Curran D C U , December 1994 I ABSTRACT This thesis draws on critical perspectives in media and development studies m order to explain the formation, evolution and decline of one of Ireland's national daily newspapers, the Irish Press From the mid-1970's onward, media and development studies was dominated by the conceptual framework provided by Dependency theory The crisis of dependency approaches m the mid-1980's led some writers towards a re-orientation of policy studies away from th< question of external structural influences and towards a new consideration of class conflicts and the inter-relations between the state, industry and the media In particular, the work of Latin American theorists Cardoso and Faletto was re interpreted within media studies to provide a model for concrete studies of specific socio- historical formations and their interaction with the institutions of the mass media m late industrialising countries This thesis proposes a critical reading of the model of Cardoso and Faletto with reference to "national- popular" phases of development and shows how some of the insights can be used to explain the rise and fall of the Irish Press in Ireland Hence, it possible to draw an analogy between populism m Latin America and the case of Ireland m the 1930's The empirical section of the thesis seeks to demonstrate, at one end the political circumstances underlying the foundation of the Irish Press in 1931 and, at another, the construction of a populist discourse of development m the Irish Pi ess It shows how this discourse sought to incorporate sections of the industrial bourgeoisie, the working class and marginalised rural groups within the Fianna Fail project of * tate-assisted industrialisation Finally, the thesis consideis how the multiple contradictions of this populist projet t shaped and influenced the development of the Irish Press from the 1930's to the present In conclusion, the thesis seeks to show that the democratic expectation of the populist era and the radical challenge of the Irish Press were undermined not simply by economic dependency but by the tensions inherent within the populist project II TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements I Abstract II List of Figures VII List of Tables VIII List of Abbreviations VIII Introduction 1 PART ONE THE THEORY OF POPULISM 37 1 Populism and Underdevelopment 38 1 1 Populism as Agrarian Radicalism 39 111 Romantic Primitivism 40 1 1 2 The Critique of Monopoly Capital 42 113 Populism and Democracy 45 1 1 4 Populism and tht State 48 1 2 Populism and Late Industrialisation 55 1 2 1 The Premature Emergence of Mass Society 55 1 2 2 Populism and Political Mobilisation 58 1 3 Populism and Hegemonic Strategies 64 13 1 Populism and Voter Manipulation 64 13 2 Popular-Democratic Interpellations 66 1 3 3 Populism and Charismatic leaders 69 1 4 Populism and National D< velopment 70 1 4 1 Populism and Political Conflict 71 1 4 2 The Politics of 3 SI 72 2 Populism m Ireland 78 2 1 Political Divisions m Independent Ireland 79 2 11 Asynchronic Devtlopment 80 2 1 2 Political Mobil sation 81 2 1 3 Fianna Fail and Political Mobilisation 82 2 14 Alternatives Hypotheses 85 2 2 Modernisation and Par - lamentary Democracy 89 2 2 1 The Legacy of British Democracy 90 2 2 2 Fianna Fail and Modernisation 92 2 3 Problems of Modernisa ion 95 2 3 1 The Latin Amer can Paradigm 96 2 3 2 Dependency and Political Divisions 97 2 3 3 Cumann na nGaedheal 99 2 3 4 Fianna Fail 102 PART TWO THE IRISH PRESS AND RADICAL POPULISM 111 3 The Origins of the Irish Press 113 3 1 The Press in Ireland 1900-1930 115 3 1 1 The Commercial Press 115 3 1 2 The Republican Press 118 3 1 3 The Nation 127 3 1 4 The British Press 129 3 2 Financing the Irish Press 134 3 2 1 The Republican Bonds 135 3 2 2 The Appeal to Business 138 3 2 3 The Appeal to the People 140 3 2 4 Fianna Fail Support 142 3 2 5 The Irish Press As a Business 143 3 3 Ownership and Control 147 3 3 1 The People's Representative 148 3 3 2 The Board of Directors 149 3 3 3 The Powers of the Controlling Director 150 3 4 The Ethos of the Irish Press 152 3 4 1 The Influence of Radical Republicanism 153 3 4 2 The Aims and Objectives 155 3 4 3 The Style of tht Irish Press 156 4 The Irish Press and the World Crisis 1931-32 160 4 1 The Campaign against Imperialism 161 4 1 1 Criticism of the League of Nations 162 4 1 2 Support for Indian Independence 164 4 1 3 The Crisis of International Trade 167 4 1 4 The Collapse of International Finance 171 4 2 The Response to the Economic Crisis 176 4 2 1 The Campaign Against Transport Monopolies 176 4 2 2 NAIDA and Irish Industry 184 4 2 3 The Campaign Against Dumping 186 4 3 The Needs of the People 194 4 3 1 The Crisis of Industrial Society 195 4 3 2 Combatting the Lvil of the Slums 197 4 3 3 The Appeal to Women Readers 199 4 3 4 Monopoly Capitalism and Communism 203 4 4 The Response to the Irish Press 208 4 4 1 The Press Reaction ' 209 4 4 2 The Commercial Reaction 211 4 4 3 The Political Reaction 215 4 4 4 The Prosecution of the Irish Press 217 IV 1 V ^ ; 5 The Irish Press and Radic«1 Populism 222 5 1 The Triumph over Cumann na nGaedheal 222 5 1 1 The General Elect ion Campaign Jan 1932 223 5 1 2 The Irish Independent and the Communist Threat 225 5 1 3 The Response of the Irish Press 229 5 2 De Valera and the Land Annuities 230 5 2 1 The Thomas Duties 231 5 2 2 The Lausanne Coni erence 235 5 2 3 Rallying Support for de Valera 236 5 2 4 The Ottawa Confei ence 241 5 3 The Irish Press and Prot ectiomsm 249 5 3 1 The Irish Press and Industry 249 5 3 2 The Irish Press and Ruralisation 252 5 4 The Irish Press and State Distributivism 257 5 4 1 The Problem of Unemployment 257 5 4 2 The Needs of tho Poor 258 5 4 3 The Campaign against Profiteering 259 5 4 4 The Solution to the Housing Problem 262 PART THREE THE IRISH PRESS AND CONSERVATIVE POPUJISM 266 6 The Irish Press and Consei vative Populism 268 6 1 The Decline of Radicali'm m the Irish Press 268 6 1 1 The Commercial Inperative 270 6 1 2 The Resignation of Frank Gallagher 275 6 1 3 The New Irish Press 280 6 2 The Links With Irish Industry 287 6 2 1 Advertising New Irish Industry 288 6 2 2 The IP Ltd and Irish Business 289 6 2 3 New Irish Factories 290 6 3 The Press and the State 296 6 3 1 State and Industiy the Conflict 297 6 3 2 The New Phase of Industrialisation 305 6 3 3 The Anglo-Irish Trade Pacts 307 6 3 4 The FIM response 310 V 7 The Identity Crisis of tie Irish Press 318 7 1 The General Election Campaign, Jan 1948 320 7 1 1 The Threat of Clann na Poblachta 321 7 1 2 The Irish Press and the Communist Threat 325 7 2 The Conservative Turn 327 , 7 2 1 Economic Orthodoxy 328 7 2 2 The Retreat to Economic Nationalism 330 7 2 3 Fianna Fail in Crisis 332 7 3 The Issue of Foreign Capital 338 7 3 1 The IP and Foreign Investment 339 7 3 2 The IP and Tariff Reform 340 7 3 3 Divisions Within Fianna Fail 341 7 4 The Press And The End ol Populism 346 7 4 1 The Sunday Press and the Evening Press 347 7 4 2 The Irish Press and Fianna Fail 349 7 4 3 De Valera's Control Challenged 350 7 4 4 The Fianna Fail Response 351 7 4 5 The American Corporation 352 8 The Irish Press After de Valera 357 8 1 Political Modernisation and the Media 359 8 1 1 The Irish Press and Fianna Fail 360 8 1 2 The Modernisation of the Irish Press 362 8 1 3 News Reporting , 363 8 2 The Changing Newspaper Market 365 8 2 1 The View of Advertisers 367 8 2 2 The Press Response 369 8 3 The Crisis of the Irish Press 370 8 3 1 The Conflict Over Modernisation 371 8 3 2 The Effects on
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  • Sit Down and Be Counted/Doolan, Dowling, Quinn 2

    Sit Down and Be Counted/Doolan, Dowling, Quinn 2

    Free Sample In the mid-1880s, the youthful, red-bearded George Bernard Shaw and his friend, William Archer, decided to collaborate on a play.... ... Six weeks later, Shaw startled Archer by saying: *Look here, I've knocked off the first act of that play of ours and haven't come to the plot yet. In fact, I've forgotten the plot. You might tell me the story again.'... ... Three days later, Shaw again visited Archer. T've written three pages of the second act and have used up all your plot,' Shaw said in a matter-of-fact manner.'Can you let me have some more to go on with?' --MYRICKLAND In the beginning was the Act. --GOETHE Sit Down And Be Counted/Doolan, Dowling, Quinn 2 Irish television went on the air for the first time on the last, cold, night of December 1961. At Donnybrook, the celebrities picked their way through pools of mud to reach the half-completed studio building. In O'Connell Street, outside-broadcast cameras panned across the crowds near the Gresham Hotel. Inside the hotel, 'a tremendous party'1 was in progress under the observing eyes of another pair of cameras. The festivities in O'Connell Street were 'live' and punctuated an evening's transmission of otherwise largely recorded material. The station opened with the Anthem at seven o'clock. The traditional national proprieties were observed. President Éamon De Valera inaugurated the service. The Taoiseach, Sean Lemass, and the Minister, Michael Hilliard, 'also spoke'. The Archbishop of Dublin, Most Rev. Dr McQuaid, gave Benediction.