West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report
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Additional Documents to the Amicus Brief Submitted to the Jerusalem District Court
בבית המשפט המחוזי בירושלים עת"מ 36759-05-18 בשבתו כבית משפט לעניינים מנהליים בעניין שבין: 1( ארגון Human Rights Watch 2( עומר שאקר העותרים באמצעות עו"ד מיכאל ספרד ו/או אמילי שפר עומר-מן ו/או סופיה ברודסקי מרח' דוד חכמי 12, תל אביב 6777812 טל: 03-6206947/8/9, פקס 03-6206950 - נ ג ד - שר הפנים המשיב באמצעות ב"כ, מפרקליטות מחוז ירושלים, רחוב מח"ל 7, מעלות דפנה, ירושלים ת.ד. 49333 ירושלים 9149301 טל: 02-5419555, פקס: 026468053 המכון לחקר ארגונים לא ממשלתיים )עמותה רשומה 58-0465508( ידיד בית המשפט באמצעות ב"כ עו"ד מוריס הירש מרח' יד חרוצים 10, ירושלים טל: 02-566-1020 פקס: 077-511-7030 השלמת מסמכים מטעם ידיד בית המשפט בהמשך לדיון שהתקיים ביום 11 במרץ 2019, ובהתאם להחלטת כב' בית המשפט, מתכבד ידיד בית המשפט להגיש את ריכוז הציוציו של העותר מס' 2 החל מיום 25 ליוני 2018 ועד ליום 10 למרץ 2019. כפי שניתן להבחין בנקל מהתמצית המצ"ב כנספח 1, בתקופה האמורה, אל אף טענתו שהינו "פעיל זכויות אדם", בפועל ציוציו )וציוציו מחדש Retweets( התמקדו בנושאים שבהם הביע תמיכה בתנועת החרם או ביקורת כלפי מדינת ישראל ומדיניותה, אך נמנע, כמעט לחלוטין, מלגנות פגיעות בזכיות אדם של אזרחי מדינת ישראל, ובכלל זה, גינוי כלשהו ביחס למעשי רצח של אזרחים ישראלים בידי רוצחים פלסטינים. באשר לטענתו של העותר מס' 2 שחשבון הטוויטר שלו הינו, בפועל, חשבון של העותר מס' 1, הרי שגם כאן ניתן להבין בנקל שטענה זו חסרת בסיס כלשהי. ראשית, החשבון מפנה לתפקידו הקודם בארגון CCR, אליו התייחסנו בחוות הדעת המקורית מטעם ידיד בית המשפט בסעיף 51. -
At the Supreme Court Sitting As the High Court of Justice
Disclaimer: The following is a non-binding translation of the original Hebrew document. It is provided by HaMoked: Center for the Defence of the Individual for information purposes only. The original Hebrew prevails in any case of discrepancy. While every effort has been made to ensure its accuracy, HaMoked is not liable for the proper and complete translation nor does it accept any liability for the use of, reliance on, or for any errors or misunderstandings that may derive from the English translation. For queries about the translation please contact [email protected] At the Supreme Court Sitting as the High Court of Justice HCJ 8091/14 Before: Honorable Justice E. Rubinstein Honorable Justice E. Hayut Honorable Justice N. Sohlberg The Petitioners: 1. HaMoked: Center for the Defence of the Individual, founded by Dr. Lotte Salzberger 2. Bimkom – Planners for Planning Rights 3. B'Tselem – The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories 4. The Public Committee against Tortures in Israel 5. Yesh Din – Volunteers for Human Rights 6. Adalah – The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel 7. Physicians for Human Rights 8. Rabbis for Human Rights v. The Respondent: 1. Minister of Defence 2. IDF Commander in the West Bank Petition for Order Nisi Session date: 11 Kislev 5775 (December 3, 2014) Panel secretary: Matan Barzilai Typist: Sigalit Doster Representing the Petitioners: Adv. Michael Sfard, Adv. Noa Amrami; Adv. Roni Peli Representing the Respondent: Aner Helman Protocol For the petitioners Adv. Sfard: …This may be one of the most difficult cases which were brought before this honorable court. -
The-Legal-Status-Of-East-Jerusalem.Pdf
December 2013 Written by: Adv. Yotam Ben-Hillel Cover photo: Bab al-Asbat (The Lion’s Gate) and the Old City of Jerusalem. (Photo by: JC Tordai, 2010) This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position or the official opinion of the European Union. The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) is an independent, international humanitarian non- governmental organisation that provides assistance, protection and durable solutions to refugees and internally displaced persons worldwide. The author wishes to thank Adv. Emily Schaeffer for her insightful comments during the preparation of this study. 2 Table of Contents Table of Contents .......................................................................................................................... 3 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 5 2. Background ............................................................................................................................ 6 3. Israeli Legislation Following the 1967 Occupation ............................................................ 8 3.1 Applying the Israeli law, jurisdiction and administration to East Jerusalem .................... 8 3.2 The Basic Law: Jerusalem, Capital of Israel ................................................................... 10 4. The Status -
B'tselem" Representatives; We Will Therefore Address This Claim in Short
מרכז המידע הישראלי לזכויות האדם בשטחים (ע.ר.) B’Tselem – The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories -DRAFT- Take No Prisoners The Fatal Shooting of Palestinians by Israeli Security Forces during “Arrest Operations” May 2005 Researched and written by Ronen Shnayderman Data coordination by Suhair ‘Abdi, Antigona Ashkar, Shlomi Swissa, Sohad Sakalla Fieldwork by `Atef Abu a-Rob, Salma Deba’i, Musa Abu Hashhash Translated by Shaul Vardi Edited by Zvi Shulman רחוב התעשייה 8, ת.ד. 53132, ירושלים 91531, טלפון 6735599 (02), פקס 6749111 (02) 8 Hata’asiya St. (4th Floor), P.O.Box 53132, Jerusalem 91531, Tel. (02) 6735599, Fax (02) 6749111 [email protected] http://www.btselem.org Introduction In the early morning of Friday, 3 December 2004, IDF soldiers killed Mahmud `Abd a-Rahman Hamdan Kmeil in Raba, a village southeast of Jenin. The press release by the IDF Spokesperson stated that during an operation to arrest Kmeil, he was shot and killed while attempting to escape from the house in which he was hiding. However, testimonies collected by B’Tselem from eyewitnesses raise grave concerns that the IDF soldiers executed Kmeil as he lay injured on the ground, after his weapon had been taken from him. During the course of the second intifada, Israel officially adopted a policy of assassinating Palestinians suspected of belonging to the armed Palestinian organizations.1 Israel argues that the members of these organizations are combatants and are, therefore, a legitimate target of attack. However, Israel does not grant them the rights given to combatants by international humanitarian law, primarily the right to be recognized as a prisoner of war when captured, which entails immunity from criminal prosecution. -
Palestine's Occupied Fourth Estate
Arab Media and Society (Issue 17, Winter 2013) Palestine’s Occupied Fourth Estate: An inside look at the work lives of Palestinian print journalists Miriam Berger Abstract While for decades local Palestinian media remained a marginalized and often purely politicized subject, in recent years a series of studies has more critically analyzed the causes and consequences of its seeming diversity but structural underdevelopment.1 However, despite these advances, the specific conditions facing Palestinian journalists in local print media have largely remained underreported. In this study, I address this research gap from a unique perspective: as viewed from the newsroom itself. I present the untold stories of the everyday work life of Palestinian journalists working at the three local Jerusalem- and Ramallah-based newspapers— al-Quds, al-Ayyam, and al-Hayat al-Jadida—from 1994 until January 2012. I discuss the difficult working conditions journalists face within these news organizations, and situate these experiences within the context of Israeli and Palestinian Authority policies and practices that have obstructed the political, economic, and social autonomy of the local press. I first provide a brief background on Palestinian print media, and then I focus on several key areas of concern for the journalists: Israeli and Palestinian violence, the economics of printing in Palestine, the phenomenon of self-censorship, the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, and internal newspaper organization. This study covers the nearly two decades since the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) which put in place the now stalled process of ending the Israeli military occupation of Palestine (used here to refer to the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip). -
UNDER COVER of DARKNESS Night Arrests of Palestinian Minors by Israeli Security Forces in the West Bank
UNDER COVER OF DARKNESS Night Arrests of Palestinian Minors by Israeli Security Forces in the West Bank UNDER COVER OF DARKNESS 1 UNDER COVER OF DARKNESS Night Arrests of Palestinian Minors by Israeli Security Forces in the West Bank October 2020 UNDER COVER OF DARKNESS Night Arrests of Palestinian Minors by Israeli Security Forces in the West Bank Research and writing: Shelly Cohen Editing, writing and research assistance: Andrea Szlecsan Data coordination: Orly Bermack, Morad Muna, Yarin Szachter Affidavits taken by Adv. Tagrid Shabita Legal advice: Adv. Nadia Daqqa, Adv. Daniel Shenhar Translation: MJ Translations Copy editing: Shelly Cohen Cover illustration: Noa Finkelstein Graphic design: Sofi Cooperative Typesetting and layout: Debora Pollak October 2020 HaMoked wishes to thank the hundreds of individuals and institutions in Israel and around the world that support its activities. Over half of our funding is provided by foreign government entities. A full list of donors appears on the website of the Israeli Registrar of Non-Profit Organizations and HaMoked's website. ISBN 978-965-7625-05-7 Contents 6 Introduction 8 Night arrests: A routine affair 10 Systemic violation of minorsˈ rights in night arrests 23 Summoning minors for interrogation: The appropriate alternative to pre-planned night arrests 26 Conclusions and recommendations Introduction Hundreds of times a year, Israeli troops invade Palestinian 1 Figures provided to HaMoked homes in the West Bank in the middle of the night, sow fear in response to a Freedom of and panic among household members – children and adults Information application alike – and take a teenager from the family into custody.1 indicate that Israeli security forces arrested 970 The arrests are a violent affair: the soldiers often break Palestinian minors from the down the front door and sometimes forcefully drag the West Bank in 2018 and 855 in teenagers out of bed. -
Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy
Order Code RL33530 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Updated August 4, 2006 Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Summary After the first Gulf war, in 1991, a new peace process involved bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. On September 13, 1993, Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) signed a Declaration of Principles (DOP), providing for Palestinian empowerment and some territorial control. On October 26, 1994, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein of Jordan signed a peace treaty. Israel and the Palestinians signed an Interim Self-Rule in the West Bank or Oslo II accord on September 28, 1995, which led to the formation of the Palestinian Authority (PA) to govern the West Bank and Gaza. The Palestinians and Israelis signed additional incremental accords in 1997, 1998, and 1999. Israeli-Syrian negotiations were intermittent and difficult, and were postponed indefinitely in 2000. On May 24, 2000, Israel unilaterally withdrew from south Lebanon after unsuccessful negotiations. From July 11 to 24, 2000, President Clinton held a summit with Israeli and Palestinian leaders at Camp David on final status issues, but they did not produce an accord. A Palestinian uprising or intifadah began that September. On February 6, 2001, Ariel Sharon was elected Prime Minister of Israel, and rejected steps taken at Camp David and afterwards. The post 9/11 war on terrorism prompted renewed U.S. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Making EU
The London School of Economics and Political Science Making EU Foreign Policy towards a ‘Pariah’ State: Consensus on Sanctions in EU Foreign Policy towards Myanmar Arthur Minsat A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, June 2012 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 97,547 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Dr. Joe Hoover. 2 Abstract This thesis seeks to explain why the European Union ratcheted up restrictive measures on Myanmar from 1991 until 2010, despite divergent interests of EU member states and the apparent inability of sanctions to quickly achieve the primary objectives of EU policy. This empirical puzzle applies the ‘sanctions paradox’ to the issue of joint action in the EU. -
Factsheet: Promoting Freedom of Religion Or Belief Within the United
UNITED STATES COMMISSION on INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM FACTSHEET October 2020 UN HUMAN RIGHTS SYSTEM Gayle Manchin Promoting Freedom of Religion or Belief within the United Nations Chair Human Rights System Tony Perkins Vice Chair By Kirsten Lavery, Supervisory Policy Analyst Anurima Bhargava Vice Chair Pursuant to the International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA), the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) monitors freedom of religion or Commissioners belief abroad using international human rights standards, including the Universal Gary Bauer Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and James W. Carr Political Rights (ICCPR). Within the United Nations (UN) system, there are a variety of charter and treaty-based mechanisms with mandates that address international Frederick A. Davie human rights issues according to the same standards. This factsheet describes Nadine Maenza those mechanisms, with a particular focus on those most relevant to freedom of Johnnie Moore religion or belief. Although these bodies have various imperfections and limitations, Nury Turkel they nevertheless provide opportunities for advocacy by and collaboration among states and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) working to promote religious freedom internationally. Erin D. Singshinsuk Executive Director UN Human Rights Focused Mechanisms Charter-Based Mechanisms: UN charter-based mechanisms are mandated through resolutions of the principal organs of the UN that were established by the UN Charter. USCIRF’s Mission Currently, the charter-based human rights mechanisms are the Human Rights Council (HRC) and its subsidiaries. HRC: The HRC is an inter-governmental body of 47 member states that was To advance international established in 2006 by General Assembly Resolution 60/251 as a subsidiary body to the UN General Assembly. -
Protection of Space for Civil Society and Human Rights Defenders—The Case of Israel and Palestine
Protection of Space for Civil Society and Human Rights Defenders —The Case of Israel and Palestine Protection of Space for Civil Society and Human Rights Defenders The Case of Israel and Palestine Contents Preface ............................................................................................................................. 3 1 | The context ................................................................................................................ 4 2 | About this report ....................................................................................................... 5 3 | New era, new measures? ......................................................................................... 6 4 | CSO “disenabling” measures in evidence ................................................................10 4.1 | In the OPT ........................................................................................................10 4.2 | In Israel ............................................................................................................15 4.3 | Other challenges faced by civil society in Israel and the OPT ........................19 5 | Recommended actions .............................................................................................20 ACTIONS FOR EU, MEMBER STATES AND OTHER STATE ACTORS ................................20 ACTIONS FOR ACT ALLIANCE MEMBERS/INTERNATIONAL NGOS ..............................21 6 | References .................................................................................................................23 -
Human Rights Watch (HRW)
Human Rights Watch Submission to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Resolution 43/1 Report on the Promotion and Protection of the Human Rights of Africans/People of African Descent against Excessive Use of Force March 9, 2021 Human Rights Watch is pleased to offer this submission to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) as background information for the preparation of OHCHR’s report on the Promotion and Protection of the Human Rights of Africans/People of African Descent against Excessive Use of Force. We have compiled published reports of our investigations and legal analysis, congressional testimony, and related materials in the United States and France beneath each of the relevant headings from the OHCHR’s request for information. OHCHR has requested information on, “measures taken to identify, address, reform and remedy systems, institutions, structures, mechanisms, legislation, policies and/or practices that give rise to, perpetuate, entrench and/or reinforce systemic racism, racial discrimination and associated human rights violations against Africans and people of African descent, including those resulting from historical legacies, as relevant.” Human Rights Watch would like to draw OHCHR’s attention to current efforts to provide reparations to people of African descent within the United States. Human Rights Watch, alongside several local and national activists and groups, has been a part of efforts to call for reparative justice for racial discrimination and human rights violations against people of African descent, including those resulting from historical events, such as the Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921 and from the legacy of slavery in the United States. -
Migrant and Displaced Children in the Age of COVID-19
Vol. X, Number 2, April–June 2020 32 MIGRATION POLICY PRACTICE Migrant and displaced children in the age of COVID-19: How the pandemic is impacting them and what can we do to help Danzhen You, Naomi Lindt, Rose Allen, Claus Hansen, Jan Beise and Saskia Blume1 vailable data and statistics show that children middle-income countries where health systems have have been largely spared the direct health been overwhelmed and under capacity for protracted effects of COVID-19. But the indirect impacts periods of time. It is in these settings where the next A surge of COVID-19 is expected, following China, Europe – including enormous socioeconomic challenges – are potentially catastrophic for children. Weakened and the United States.3 In low- and middle-income health systems and disrupted health services, job countries, migrant and displaced children often and income losses, interrupted access to school, and live in deprived urban areas or slums, overcrowded travel and movement restrictions bear directly on camps, settlements, makeshift shelters or reception the well-being of children and young people. Those centres, where they lack adequate access to health whose lives are already marked by insecurity will be services, clean water and sanitation.4 Social distancing affected even more seriously. and washing hands with soap and water are not an option. A UNICEF study in Somalia, Ethiopia and the Migrant and displaced children are among the most Sudan showed that almost 4 in 10 children and young vulnerable populations on the globe. In 2019, around people on the move do not have access to facilities to 33 million children were living outside of their country properly wash themselves.5 In addition, many migrant of birth, including many who were forcibly displaced and displaced children face challenges in accessing across borders.