An Unusual Revolution: the Palestinian Thawra in Lebanon, C
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UNIO - EU Law Journal. Vol. 5, No. 2, July 2019, pp 103-127. ®2019 Centre of Studies in European Union Law School of Law – University of Minho You can’t have your cake and eat it too: Portugal and the self-determination of Western Sahara Francisco Pereira Coutinho* ABSTRACT: Western Sahara self-determination posits a conundrum to Portuguese foreign policy. Moral and legal imperatives which stem from the relentless efforts taken in the 80’s and the 90’s advocating in international fora the self-determination of East Timor impel the pursuit of an idealistic diplomacy of unconditional support for the akin self-determination of Western Sahara. Political, strategic, economic, historical and cultural ties dictate a realpolitik aimed at fostering diplomatic relations with Morocco without shunning Algeria, another key stakeholder in the Maghreb region. These constraints motivated the adoption of an impartial and equidistant position towards the Western Sahara conflict. This strategy was exposed after the Court of Justice ceased in Front Polisario, the de facto application of the EU/Morocco agreements in Western Sahara. Notwithstanding multiple pledges to the contrary, the Portuguese Government picked Morocco’s side in the conflict by lodging written interventions aimed at neutralizing the Court of Justice of the EU, and by approving Council decisions that expressly extend EU/Morocco agreements to Western Sahara in breach of EU and international law. KEYWORDS: access to documents – decolonization – international agreements – self- determination – Western Sahara. * Professor at the Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Nova de Lisboa (Lisbon Nova Law School). Member of CEDIS – R & D Research Center for Law and Society. -
War and Insurgency in the Western Sahara
Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. STRATEGIC STUDIES INSTITUTE The Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) is part of the U.S. Army War College and is the strategic-level study agent for issues relat- ed to national security and military strategy with emphasis on geostrategic analysis. The mission of SSI is to use independent analysis to conduct strategic studies that develop policy recommendations on: • Strategy, planning, and policy for joint and combined employment of military forces; • Regional strategic appraisals; • The nature of land warfare; • Matters affecting the Army’s future; • The concepts, philosophy, and theory of strategy; and, • Other issues of importance to the leadership of the Army. Studies produced by civilian and military analysts concern topics having strategic implications for the Army, the Department of Defense, and the larger national security community. In addition to its studies, SSI publishes special reports on topics of special or immediate interest. These include edited proceedings of conferences and topically-oriented roundtables, expanded trip reports, and quick-reaction responses to senior Army leaders. The Institute provides a valuable analytical capability within the Army to address strategic and other issues in support of Army participation in national security policy formulation. Strategic Studies Institute and U.S. Army War College Press WAR AND INSURGENCY IN THE WESTERN SAHARA Geoffrey Jensen May 2013 The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. -
Palestinian Refugees: Adiscussion ·Paper
Palestinian Refugees: ADiscussion ·Paper Prepared by Dr. Jan Abu Shakrah for The Middle East Program/ Peacebuilding Unit American Friends Service Committee l ! ) I I I ' I I I I I : Contents Preface ................................................................................................... Prologue.................................................................................................. 1 Introduction . .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 2 The Creation of the Palestinian Refugee Problem .. .. .. .. .. 3 • Identifying Palestinian Refugees • Counting Palestinian Refugees • Current Location and Living Conditions of the Refugees Principles: The International Legal Framework .... .. ... .. .. ..... .. .. ....... ........... 9 • United Nations Resolutions Specific to Palestinian Refugees • Special Status of Palestinian Refugees in International Law • Challenges to the International Legal Framework Proposals for Resolution of the Refugee Problem ...................................... 15 • The Refugees in the Context of the Middle East Peace Process • Proposed Solutions and Principles Espoused by Israelis and Palestinians Return Statehood Compensation Resettlement Work of non-governmental organizations................................................. 26 • Awareness-Building and Advocacy Work • Humanitarian Assistance and Development • Solidarity With Right of Return and Restitution Conclusion .... ..... ..... ......... ... ....... ..... ....... ....... ....... ... ......... .. .. ... .. ............ -
West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report
WEST BANK AND GAZA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Palestinian Authority basic law provides for an elected president and legislative council. There have been no national elections in the West Bank and Gaza since 2006. President Mahmoud Abbas has remained in office despite the expiration of his four-year term in 2009. The Palestinian Legislative Council has not functioned since 2007, and in 2018 the Palestinian Authority dissolved the Constitutional Court. In September 2019 and again in September, President Abbas called for the Palestinian Authority to organize elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council within six months, but elections had not taken place as of the end of the year. The Palestinian Authority head of government is Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. President Abbas is also chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and general commander of the Fatah movement. Six Palestinian Authority security forces agencies operate in parts of the West Bank. Several are under Palestinian Authority Ministry of Interior operational control and follow the prime minister’s guidance. The Palestinian Civil Police have primary responsibility for civil and community policing. The National Security Force conducts gendarmerie-style security operations in circumstances that exceed the capabilities of the civil police. The Military Intelligence Agency handles intelligence and criminal matters involving Palestinian Authority security forces personnel, including accusations of abuse and corruption. The General Intelligence Service is responsible for external intelligence gathering and operations. The Preventive Security Organization is responsible for internal intelligence gathering and investigations related to internal security cases, including political dissent. The Presidential Guard protects facilities and provides dignitary protection. -
Palestine's Occupied Fourth Estate
Arab Media and Society (Issue 17, Winter 2013) Palestine’s Occupied Fourth Estate: An inside look at the work lives of Palestinian print journalists Miriam Berger Abstract While for decades local Palestinian media remained a marginalized and often purely politicized subject, in recent years a series of studies has more critically analyzed the causes and consequences of its seeming diversity but structural underdevelopment.1 However, despite these advances, the specific conditions facing Palestinian journalists in local print media have largely remained underreported. In this study, I address this research gap from a unique perspective: as viewed from the newsroom itself. I present the untold stories of the everyday work life of Palestinian journalists working at the three local Jerusalem- and Ramallah-based newspapers— al-Quds, al-Ayyam, and al-Hayat al-Jadida—from 1994 until January 2012. I discuss the difficult working conditions journalists face within these news organizations, and situate these experiences within the context of Israeli and Palestinian Authority policies and practices that have obstructed the political, economic, and social autonomy of the local press. I first provide a brief background on Palestinian print media, and then I focus on several key areas of concern for the journalists: Israeli and Palestinian violence, the economics of printing in Palestine, the phenomenon of self-censorship, the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, and internal newspaper organization. This study covers the nearly two decades since the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) which put in place the now stalled process of ending the Israeli military occupation of Palestine (used here to refer to the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip). -
Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy
Order Code RL33530 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Updated August 4, 2006 Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Summary After the first Gulf war, in 1991, a new peace process involved bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. On September 13, 1993, Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) signed a Declaration of Principles (DOP), providing for Palestinian empowerment and some territorial control. On October 26, 1994, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein of Jordan signed a peace treaty. Israel and the Palestinians signed an Interim Self-Rule in the West Bank or Oslo II accord on September 28, 1995, which led to the formation of the Palestinian Authority (PA) to govern the West Bank and Gaza. The Palestinians and Israelis signed additional incremental accords in 1997, 1998, and 1999. Israeli-Syrian negotiations were intermittent and difficult, and were postponed indefinitely in 2000. On May 24, 2000, Israel unilaterally withdrew from south Lebanon after unsuccessful negotiations. From July 11 to 24, 2000, President Clinton held a summit with Israeli and Palestinian leaders at Camp David on final status issues, but they did not produce an accord. A Palestinian uprising or intifadah began that September. On February 6, 2001, Ariel Sharon was elected Prime Minister of Israel, and rejected steps taken at Camp David and afterwards. The post 9/11 war on terrorism prompted renewed U.S. -
Syria a Revolution, a Conspiracy Or a Civil
Foreign debts, reforms and the change of the social pact in the Arab World The Making of the Washington Consensus in the Middle East and North Africa. Negotiating international assets, debts and power (1979-91) University of Bologna, October 10-11, 2018 Samir AITA President, Cercle des Economistes Arabes The 1980’s and the Arab countries • What really characterizes this decade comparatively to others? • Did this decade really changed the Arab countries and rooted the “Arab Spring”? • How internal social, economic and political issues interacted with world environment? • Is it all about oil? Or about development paradigms? The 1980’s and the Arab countries • Why a crisis of foreign debts in the 1980’s? The 1980’s and the Arab countries • What were the causes and the consequences of inflation? Political and social issues 1950’s-1960’s 1970’s 1980’s 1990’s Internal politics • Political instability • Stability • Extreme stability • Extreme stability Regional politics • Comptetition • Cohesive • Extreme divisions • Cohesive • Wars Ideology • Anti-colonial • Arabism • « Me first » • Islamism • Arabism • Palestine less • Islamism • Palestine less • Modernism/reactio central • Palestine not central central nary • Democracy? • War on • Democracy? • Palestine Central « communism » (Afghanistan) • Democracy? Elites • Urban elites • Rural, tribal • ‘Asabiyah • Extremely • Urban ➔Rural, ‘Asabiyah & • Extremely authoritarian tribal elites clientelism authoritarian • ‘Asabiyah • Authoritarian • Clientelism weakening • What’s next? Society • Rural-urban -
General Chronology of the Mediterranean
Chronologies General Chronology of the Mediterranean The general chronology presented continues to weaken and early elec- on 3rd July, after the scandal provoked here assembles details of the most tions are announced. by his insinuations about the assassi- Appendices relevant events that have taken place nation of the government labour con- in each of the states of the Mediter- Spain sultant, Marco Biagi. ranean region between July 2002 and • On 23rd July, President Carlo June 2003. The episodes are organ- • On 16th July, in the French depart- Aseglio Ciampi denounces the conflict ised according to the months in which ment of Les Landes four people are between Prime Minister Silvio Berlus- they happened, and each month is arrested and accused of belonging to coni’s political duties and his power 2003 headed by a schematic selection of ETA. In Paris, a court sentences ex- over the media. The President calls for news items; and accounts are given commander of ETA, Francisco Javier legislation that will assure its pluralism Med. of the most significant events in the dif- García Gaztelu, alias Txapote, to ten and impartiality. ferent countries. Furthermore, the es- years in prison for the planning of ter- tablishment of the African Union is in- rorist acts. Croatia cluded, as well as the monthly section • On 18th July, the French police, in that includes a segment about the Eu- collaboration with the Spanish Civil • After a crisis in the coalition gov- ropean Union, whose power and ini- Guard, arrest eight alleged members ernment, the reformist Prime Minister tiatives have a decisive influence on of the urban guerrilla group, the First of Ivica Racan resigns on 5th July, pub- 238-239 the Mediterranean area. -
The Israeli Experience in Lebanon, 1982-1985
THE ISRAELI EXPERIENCE IN LEBANON, 1982-1985 Major George C. Solley Marine Corps Command and Staff College Marine Corps Development and Education Command Quantico, Virginia 10 May 1987 ABSTRACT Author: Solley, George C., Major, USMC Title: Israel's Lebanon War, 1982-1985 Date: 16 February 1987 On 6 June 1982, the armed forces of Israel invaded Lebanon in a campaign which, although initially perceived as limited in purpose, scope, and duration, would become the longest and most controversial military action in Israel's history. Operation Peace for Galilee was launched to meet five national strategy goals: (1) eliminate the PLO threat to Israel's northern border; (2) destroy the PLO infrastructure in Lebanon; (3) remove Syrian military presence in the Bekaa Valley and reduce its influence in Lebanon; (4) create a stable Lebanese government; and (5) therefore strengthen Israel's position in the West Bank. This study examines Israel's experience in Lebanon from the growth of a significant PLO threat during the 1970's to the present, concentrating on the events from the initial Israeli invasion in June 1982 to the completion of the withdrawal in June 1985. In doing so, the study pays particular attention to three aspects of the war: military operations, strategic goals, and overall results. The examination of the Lebanon War lends itself to division into three parts. Part One recounts the background necessary for an understanding of the war's context -- the growth of PLO power in Lebanon, the internal power struggle in Lebanon during the long and continuing civil war, and Israeli involvement in Lebanon prior to 1982. -
Introduction
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-87598-1 - The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948, Second Edition Edited by Eugene L. Rogan and Avi Shlaim Excerpt More information Introduction The Palestine War lasted less than twenty months, from the United Nations resolution recommending the partition of Palestine in November 1947 to the final armistice agreement signed between Israel and Syria in July 1949. Those twenty months transformed the political landscape of the Middle East forever. Indeed, 1948 may be taken as a defining moment for the region as a whole. Arab Palestine was destroyed and the new state of Israel established. Egypt, Syria and Lebanon suffered outright defeat, Iraq held its lines, and Transjordan won at best a pyrrhic victory. Arab public opinion, unprepared for defeat, let alone a defeat of this magnitude, lost faith in its politicians. Within three years of the end of the Palestine War, the prime ministers of Egypt and Lebanon and the king of Jordan had been assassinated, and the president of Syria and the king of Egypt over- thrown by military coups. No event has marked Arab politics in the second half of the twentieth century more profoundly. The Arab–Israeli wars, the Cold War in the Middle East, the rise of the Palestinian armed struggle, and the politics of peace-making in all of their complexity are a direct con- sequence of the Palestine War. The significance of the Palestine War also lies in the fact that it was the first challenge to face the newly independent states of the Middle East. -
Legitimization of Terrorism by Fatah and the Palestinian Authority
רמה כ ז מל ו תשר מה ו ד י ע י ן ( למ מ" ) רמה כרמ כ ז ז מל מה ו י תשר עד מל מה ו ד ו י ד ע י י ע ן י ן ו ל ( רט למ ו מ" ר ) כרמ ז מה י עד מל ו ד י ע י ן ול רט ו רור Legitimization of Terrorism by Fatah and the Palestinian Authority: Glorification of the Murder of the Israeli Athletes at the Munich Olympic Games November 11, 2018 Overview On September 5, 2018, the anniversary of the terrorist attack at the 1972 Munich Olympics was marked, in which 11 Israelis were murdered1. The Fatah Movement, which carried out the terrorist attack, mentioned the anniversary of the event in posts posted on its official Facebook pages. These posts glorified the attack (“a high-quality military operation”) and praised its perpetrators. The terrorists who carried out the murder are referred to in the post of the Fatah Movement in Nablus as “the heroes of the Munich operation;” and in the post of the Fatah Movement in Bethlehem they are referred to as “heroes of the Fatah Movement, sons of Yasser [Arafat].” The portrayal of the terrorist attack in Munich is also expressed favorably in a Palestinian Authority history textbook, in which the murder is described as an act carried out by Fedayeen (who sacrifice their lives by carrying out a military operation) with the aim of “attacking Israeli interests abroad” (History Studies, 11th Grade, Part 2 (2017), p. 54)2. The glorification of terrorists who carried out murderous terrorist attacks is a common phenomenon in the Palestinian Authority and Fatah. -
AM/LANG 310 Modern History of Conflict
CET Syllabus of Record Program: Intensive Arabic Language in Amman Course Title: Modern History of Conflict in the Middle East: Influences on the Arab Spring Course Code: AM/LANG 310 Total Hours: 45 Recommended Credits: 3 Primary Discipline / Suggested Cross Listings: Arabic Language / Political Science, History, Middle East Studies Language of Instruction: Arabic/English Prerequisites/Requirements: Open to all program participants Description The Arab world is currently experiencing monumental upheaval and huge transitions in demographics, economics and politics. Some (those who ascribe to the maxim, “Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it”) attribute these changes to an ignorance of the region’s history. Others claim that current events are the result of conspiracies against the region or the greed of major world powers for natural resources. Still others attribute these changes to the Arab world’s sinking into the depths of religion, resulting in the disabling of civic life. This course sheds light on these competing views, providing a detailed examination of the historical background of the region and its impact on current events. The course examines the events which spurred the Arab Spring, as well as the historical reasons that the Arab Spring spread to some countries but did not take hold in others. This course questions the role of history in current events and takes a critical look at the impact of cycles of violence, war, victory and reconstruction on future generations and identity formation. This course begins meeting a few weeks into the program, after a period of intensive instruction in MSA and Jordanian dialect.