Legitimization of Terrorism by Fatah and the Palestinian Authority
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10 Ecosy Congress
10 TH ECOSY CONGRESS Bucharest, 31 March – 3 April 2011 th Reports of the 9 Mandate ECOSY – Young European Socialists “Talking about my generation” CONTENTS Petroula Nteledimou ECOSY President p. 3 Janna Besamusca ECOSY Secretary General p. 10 Brando Benifei Vice President p. 50 Christophe Schiltz Vice President p. 55 Kaisa Penny Vice President p. 57 Nils Hindersmann Vice President p. 60 Pedro Delgado Alves Vice President p. 62 Joan Conca Coordinator Migration and Integration network p. 65 Marianne Muona Coordinator YFJ network p. 66 Michael Heiling Coordinator Pool of Trainers p. 68 Miki Dam Larsen Coordinator Queer Network p. 70 Sandra Breiteneder Coordinator Feminist Network p. 71 Thomas Maes Coordinator Students Network p. 72 10 th ECOSY Congress 2 Held thanks to hospitality of TSD Bucharest, Romania 31 st March - 3 rd April 2011 9th Mandate reports ECOSY – Young European Socialists “Talking about my generation” Petroula Nteledimou, ECOSY President Report of activities, 16/04/2009 – 01/04/2011 - 16-19/04/2009 : ECOSY Congress , Brussels (Belgium). - 24/04/2009 : PES Leaders’ Meeting , Toulouse (France). Launch of the PES European Elections Campaign. - 25/04/2009 : SONK European Elections event , Helsinki (Finland). Speaker on behalf of ECOSY. - 03/05/2009 : PASOK Youth European Elections event , Drama (Greece). Speaker on behalf of ECOSY. - 04/05/2009 : Greek Women’s Union European Elections debate , Kavala (Greece). Speaker on behalf of ECOSY. - 07-08/05/2009 : European Youth Forum General Assembly , Brussels (Belgium). - 08/05/2009 : PES Presidency meeting , Brussels (Belgium). - 09-10/05/2009 : JS Portugal European Election debate , Lisbon (Portugal). Speaker on behalf of ECOSY. -
An Unusual Revolution: the Palestinian Thawra in Lebanon, C
Durham Middle East Papers AN UNUSuaL REVOLUTION: THE PALESTINIAN THAWra IN LEBANON, C. 1969-82 Dr Anne Irfan Durham Middle East Paper No. 103 Durham Middle East Papers Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Durham University Al-Qasimi Building Elvet Hill Road Durham AN UNUSuaL REVOLUTION: Durham Middle East Papers No. 103 DH1 3TU ISSN 1476-4830 THE PALESTINIAN THAWra IN LEBANON, C. 1969-82 Tel: +44 (0)191 3345680 September 2020 The Durham Middle East Papers series covers all aspects of the economy, politics, social science, history, literature and languages of the Middle East. Authors are invited to submit papers to the Editorial Board for consideration for publication. Dr Anne Irfan The views expressed in this paper are the author(s) alone and do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher or IMEIS. All Rights Reserved. This paper cannot be photocopied or reproduced without prior permission. Durham Middle East Paper No. 103 © Dr Anne Irfan and Durham University, 2020 About The Institute Editorial Board The Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (IMEIS), within the Professor Anoush Ehteshami Dr Colin Turner School of Government & International Affairs, is a Social Science-focused Exofficio member Reader in Islamic Thought in academic institute of excellence, research-led in ethos, with a track-record of Professor of International Relations the School of Government and internationally acclaimed research outputs across all sub-areas of its activity. in the School of -
THE PLO and the PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London
THE PLO AND THE PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London The emergence of a durable Palestinian nationalism was one of the more remarkable developments in the history of the modern Middle East in the second half of the 20th century. This was largely due to a generation of young activists who proved particularly adept at capturing the public imagination, and at seizing opportunities to develop autonomous political institutions and to promote their cause regionally and internationally. Their principal vehicle was the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), while armed struggle, both as practice and as doctrine, was their primary means of mobilizing their constituency and asserting a distinct national identity. By the end of the 1970s a majority of countries – starting with Arab countries, then extending through the Third World and the Soviet bloc and other socialist countries, and ending with a growing number of West European countries – had recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The United Nations General Assembly meanwhile confirmed the right of the stateless Palestinians to national self- determination, a position adopted subsequently by the European Union and eventually echoed, in the form of support for Palestinian statehood, by the United States and Israel from 2001 onwards. None of this was a foregone conclusion, however. Britain had promised to establish a Jewish ‘national home’ in Palestine when it seized the country from the Ottoman Empire in 1917, without making a similar commitment to the indigenous Palestinian Arab inhabitants. In 1929 it offered them the opportunity to establish a self-governing agency and to participate in an elected assembly, but their community leaders refused the offer because it was conditional on accepting continued British rule and the establishment of the Jewish ‘national home’ in what they considered their own homeland. -
Isaac and Ishmael, 1985
This was the first High Holy Day sermon I delivered as the new young rabbi at UCSB Hillel in 1985. It was in many ways a classic “rabbinic school sermon,” full of textual analysis…and way too long. It was also a bold attempt to address the sensitive subject of the Arab-Israeli conflict; I remember seeing one of the prominent Jewish professors get up and walk out in the middle! (He has since become a dearly beloved friend). Issac and Ishmael 1985 Rosh HaShanah, UCSB Hillel This morning we read of the exile of Hagar and Ishmael, what the rabbis later called the most painful moment of Abraham’s life. The portion speaks to us directly in a way that it did not for hundreds of years, because the conflict between the children of Isaac, the Jews, and the children of Ishmael, the Arabs, has become the central fact of Jewish life in the second half of this century. The emotional strain of this conflict is par- ticularly terrible because, just as in the biblical story of Hagar and Ishmael, it is exceed- ingly difficult to sort out the rights and wrongs. In fact, it is difficult to escape the conclu- sion that--on certain levels--we, like Sarah, have morally compromised ourselves in this family conflict. The question which this text throws back at us year after year--and with particular vehemence in our generation--is: Can there be peace between Isaac and Ish- mael? Or was it necessary, is it necessary, for Abraham’s house to be broken apart? To most difficult questions, the textual tradition does not offer solution. -
Fatah and Hamas: the New Palestinian Factional Reality
Order Code RS22395 March 3, 2006 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Fatah and Hamas: the New Palestinian Factional Reality Aaron D. Pina Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary For the first time in its history, the Palestinian parliament is set to be led by Hamas, which the United States and European Union have designated a foreign terrorist organization. Although some lauded the generally free and fair election in January 2006, others criticized the outcome and accused Hamas of “hijacking” democracy. This report provides an overview of the new political realities in the West Bank and Gaza after the election, the challenges Fatah and Hamas face, and possible implications for U.S. policy. This report will be updated as warranted. For more information on the Palestinians, see CRS Report RL33269, Palestinian Elections, by Aaron D. Pina, CRS Issue Brief IB91137 The Middle East Peace Talks, by Carol Migdalovitz, and CRS Report RS22370, U.S. Assistance to the Palestinians, by Jeremy M. Sharp. Background On January 25, 2006, Palestinians voted in parliamentary elections and Hamas emerged as the clear winner, with 74 out of 132 parliamentary seats. Fatah, the dominant party in the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), won 45 seats, and 13 seats went to other minor parties. Since then, several governments, including the United States, have cautioned that unless Hamas disavows terrorism, recognizes Israel, and accepts all previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements, diplomatic and economic relations with the Palestinian Authority may be circumscribed or ended altogether. Hamas1 During the 1970s and 1980s, Palestinians experienced a rise in political Islam, embodied in Hamas, founded in 1987 by the late Sheik Ahmad Yasin. -
THE CHALLENGE of GAZA: Policy Options and Broader Implications
BROOKINGS 1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW Washington, D.C. 20036-2103 www.brookings.edu ANALYSIS PAPER Number 23, July 2011 THE CHALLENGE OF GAZA: Policy Options and Broader Implications Daniel Byman Gad Goldstein ANALYSIS PAPER Number 23, July 2011 THE CHALLENGE OF GAZA: Policy Options and Broader Implications Daniel Byman Gad Goldstein The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2011 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 www.brookings.edu Table of Contents Executive Summary . iv Acknowledgements . ix The Authors . x Introduction . 1 The Nature of the Challenge in Gaza . 3 Factors Beyond Gaza to Consider . 18 Policy Options . 24 THE CHALLENGE OF GAZA: Policy Options and Broader Implications The Saban Center at BRooKings iii Executive Summary lthough both the United States and Israel Hamas draws on many resources to stay in power . devote tremendous attention to the Middle Most notably, Hamas has long exploited its infra- East peace process, the Gaza Strip and its structure of mosques, social services, and communi- HamasA government have continued to vex Ameri- ty organizations to raise money and attract recruits . -
What Drives Terrorist Innovation? Lessons from Black September And
What Drives Terrorist Innovation? Lessons from Black September and Munich 1972 Authors: Andrew Silke, Cranfield Forensic Institute, Cranfield University, Shrivenham, UK. E-mail: [email protected] Anastasia Filippidou, Centre for International Security and Resilience, Cranfield University, Shrivenham, UK. Abstract: Understanding terrorist innovation has emerged as a critical research question. Terrorist innovation challenges status quo assumptions about the nature of terrorist threats and emphasises a need for counterterrorism policy and practice to attempt to not simply react to changes in terrorist tactics and strategies but also to try to anticipate them. This study focused on a detailed examination of the 1972 Munich Olympics attack and draws on the wide range of open source accounts available, including from terrorists directly involved but also from among the authorities and victims. Using an analytical framework proposed by Rasmussen and Hafez (2010), several key drivers are identified and described, both internal to the group and external to its environment. The study concludes that the innovation shown by Black September was predictable and that Munich represented a profound security failure as much as it did successful terrorist innovation. Keywords: terrorism, terrorist innovation, Munich 1972, Black September 1 Introduction A growing body of research has attempted to identify and understand the factors associated with innovation in terrorism (e.g. Dolnik, 2007; Rasmussen and Hafez, 2010; Horowitz, 2010; Jackson and Loidolt, 2013; Gill, 2017; Rasmussen, 2017). In part this increased attention reflects a concern that more innovative terrorist campaigns might potentially be more successful and/or simply more dangerous. Successful counterterrorist measures and target hardening efforts render previous terrorist tactics ineffective, forcing terrorists to innovate and adapt in order to overcome countermeasures. -
AM/LANG 310 Modern History of Conflict
CET Syllabus of Record Program: Intensive Arabic Language in Amman Course Title: Modern History of Conflict in the Middle East: Influences on the Arab Spring Course Code: AM/LANG 310 Total Hours: 45 Recommended Credits: 3 Primary Discipline / Suggested Cross Listings: Arabic Language / Political Science, History, Middle East Studies Language of Instruction: Arabic/English Prerequisites/Requirements: Open to all program participants Description The Arab world is currently experiencing monumental upheaval and huge transitions in demographics, economics and politics. Some (those who ascribe to the maxim, “Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it”) attribute these changes to an ignorance of the region’s history. Others claim that current events are the result of conspiracies against the region or the greed of major world powers for natural resources. Still others attribute these changes to the Arab world’s sinking into the depths of religion, resulting in the disabling of civic life. This course sheds light on these competing views, providing a detailed examination of the historical background of the region and its impact on current events. The course examines the events which spurred the Arab Spring, as well as the historical reasons that the Arab Spring spread to some countries but did not take hold in others. This course questions the role of history in current events and takes a critical look at the impact of cycles of violence, war, victory and reconstruction on future generations and identity formation. This course begins meeting a few weeks into the program, after a period of intensive instruction in MSA and Jordanian dialect. -
Palestinian Groups
1 Ron’s Web Site • North Shore Flashpoints • http://northshoreflashpoints.blogspot.com/ 2 Palestinian Groups • 1955-Egypt forms Fedayeem • Official detachment of armed infiltrators from Gaza National Guard • “Those who sacrifice themselves” • Recruited ex-Nazis for training • Fatah created in 1958 • Young Palestinians who had fled Gaza when Israel created • Core group came out of the Palestinian Students League at Cairo University that included Yasser Arafat (related to the Grand Mufti) • Ideology was that liberation of Palestine had to preceed Arab unity 3 Palestinian Groups • PLO created in 1964 by Arab League Summit with Ahmad Shuqueri as leader • Founder (George Habash) of Arab National Movement formed in 1960 forms • Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) in December of 1967 with Ahmad Jibril • Popular Democratic Front for the Liberation (PDFLP) for the Liberation of Democratic Palestine formed in early 1969 by Nayif Hawatmah 4 Palestinian Groups Fatah PFLP PDFLP Founder Arafat Habash Hawatmah Religion Sunni Christian Christian Philosophy Recovery of Palestine Radicalize Arab regimes Marxist Leninist Supporter All regimes Iraq Syria 5 Palestinian Leaders Ahmad Jibril George Habash Nayif Hawatmah 6 Mohammed Yasser Abdel Rahman Abdel Raouf Arafat al-Qudwa • 8/24/1929 - 11/11/2004 • Born in Cairo, Egypt • Father born in Gaza of an Egyptian mother • Mother from Jerusalem • Beaten by father for going into Jewish section of Cairo • Graduated from University of King Faud I (1944-1950) • Fought along side Muslim Brotherhood -
A Guide to Understanding the Struggle for Palestinian Human Rights
A Guide to Understanding the Struggle for Palestinian Human Rights © Copyright 2010, The Veritas Handbook. 1st Edition: July 2010. Online PDF, Cost: $0.00 Cover Photo: Ahmad Mesleh This document may be reproduced and redistributed, in part, or in full, for educational and non- profit purposes only and cannot be used for fundraising or any monetary purposes. We encourage you to distribute the material and print it, while keeping the environment in mind. Photos by Ahmad Mesleh, Jon Elmer, and Zoriah are copyrighted by the authors and used with permission. Please see www.jonelmer.ca, www.ahmadmesleh.wordpress.com and www.zoriah.com for detailed copyright information and more information on these photographers. Excerpts from Rashid Khalidi’s Palestinian Identity, Ben White’s Israeli Apartheid: A Beginner’s Guide and Norman Finkelstein’s This Time We Went Too Far are also taken with permission of the author and/or publishers and can only be used for the purposes of this handbook. Articles from The Electronic Intifada and PULSE Media have been used with written permission. We claim no rights to the images included or content that has been cited from other online resources. Contact: [email protected] Web: www.veritashandbook.blogspot.com T h e V E R I T A S H a n d b o o k 2 A Guide to Understanding the Struggle for Palestinian Human Rights To make this handbook possible, we would like to thank 1. The Hasbara Handbook and the Hasbara Fellowships 2. The Israel Project’s Global Language Dictionary Both of which served as great inspirations, convincing us of the necessity of this handbook in our plight to establish truth and justice. -
United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL)
CASE STUDY DR. ROBERT U. NAGEL, MS. KATE FIN, MS. JULIA MAENZA MAY 2021 United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) Conflict history Israel supported the Maronites to establish a friend- Following the events of Black September in 1970, in ly Christian government and destroy the PLO, which which Jordan expelled members of the Palestinian carried out attacks against Israel from Lebanon. Liberation Organization (PLO), the PLO established a state within a state in the south of Lebanon. A full- One of these attacks, the Coastal Road Massacre, scale civil war began in Lebanon in 1975, with Ma- killed 38 Israeli civilians and wounded over 70 on March ronite Christians fighting Muslim militias and the PLO. 9, 1978.1 On March 14, 1978, Israeli forces invaded UNIFIL peacekeepers from the Mission’s Female Assessment/Analysis and Support Team (FAST) carry out a community engage- ment walk in the Tyre souk, south Lebanon. FAST activities vary from operational activities to community outreach, including foot and market patrols, school visits, as well as community engagements such as this one. Tyre, 6 November 2019. / Photo by: Pasqual Gorriz/UN Lebanon. In response, the UN Security Council passed withdrew to the “security zone,” an 850 km area of Resolutions 425 and 426, calling for Israel to withdraw Lebanese territory made up of checkpoints operated and creating the United Nations Interim Force in Leba- mainly by members of the SLA, due to the increasing non (UNIFIL). Israel’s withdrawal was to take place over Hezbollah attacks on IDF troops in 1985. As Israeli four stages, though they maintained a presence in the scholar Nitza Nachmias put it, “Israel assumed wrong- area by ceding the final zone to the South Lebanon ly that Operation Peace for Galilee would eliminate the Army (SLA), a militia they created and armed. -
Time to End Palestinian Incitement 13-Sep-2013 | by David Pollock
Time to End Palestinian Incitement 13-Sep-2013 | By David Pollock http://www.fathomjournal.org/policy-politics/ The glorification of violence in Palestinian Authority media must be addressed if peace talks are to succeed. Even as Israeli-Palestinian peace talks begin again, official Palestinian Authority (PA) media are still broadcasting girls singing about Jews as ‘the sons of apes and pigs,’ and still paying effusive tribute to Palestinian terrorists convicted for murdering Israeli civilians. To get these negotiations started, Israel agreed to release over one hundred such prisoners; but the Palestinian government continues to glorify them as heroes, offering them as role models for the next generation. If this kind of incitement keeps up, how can Israel reasonably take risks for peace – and how could any peace agreement endure? The start of peace talks makes it all the more urgent to examine incitement and related inflammatory rhetoric – what would be referred to in the United States or Britain as hate speech – in the official public record of the PA. In recent years that record reveals relatively few high-level expressions of religious hatred, but numerous official messages that nonetheless run counter to the goal of peace. Addressing the problem of incitement now, at the start of this current peace effort, will help promote an atmosphere of good will and improve the chances of success in the negotiations. On the whole, the PA messaging trend over the past year has been negative, and the tone has been reflected by the rhetoric of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas himself. A comparison of the UN General Assembly speeches by Abbas in September 2011 and September 2012 shows a much more accusatory and less conciliatory tone toward Israel in 2012, with just a passing mention of peace.