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Damming the Irrawaddy Contact [email protected]
Damming the Irrawaddy Contact [email protected] Acknowledgements We would like to thank the donors that supported this report project. We thank DCMF and GGF for support to begin the initial research and writing. We thank BRC for their ongoing support, and E-desk and ERI for their technical assistance. Most importantly we would like to say thanks to our staff and field researchers from the KDNG network, including from the Kachin Environmental Organization and All Kachin Students and Youth Union, and other environmental organizations from Burma that gave us suggestions and advice. Kachin Development Networking Group (KDNG) KDNG is a network of Kachin civil society groups and development organizations inside Kachin State and overseas that was set up in 2004. KDNGs purpose is to effectively work for sustainable development together with locally-based organizations in Kachin State. Its aim is to promote a civil society based on equality and justice for the local people in the struggle for social and political change in Burma.KDNG is a network of Kachin civil society groups and development organizations inside Kachin State and overseas that was set up in 2004. KDNGs purpose is to effectively work for sustainable development together with locally-based organizations in Kachin State. Its aim is to promote a civil society based on equality and justice for the local people in the struggle for social and political change in Burma. Kachin Environmental Organization (KEO) is a member of the KDNG and is the main author of this report. Kachin Environmental Organization The Kachin Environmental Organization (KEO) was formed in April 2004 by Kachin people concerned about environment issues inside Kachin State, especially the rapid loss of natural resources. -
Myanmar's Spring Revolution
EUROPEAN POLICY BRIEF MYANMAR ’S SPRING REVOLUTION : A PEOPLE ’S REVOLUTION Myanmar’s Spring Revolution is a grassroots, bottom-to-top nationwide resistance against the military ruling class that retook state power in February 2021. It is unprecedented in scale, fascinating in form and shows a profound societal change within the country. Michal Lubina , April 2021 INTRODUCTION A People’s revolution Myanmar’s Spring Revolution is a grassroots, bottom-to-top nationwide resistance against the military ruling class that retook state power in February 2021. It is unprecedented in scale, fascinating in form and shows a profound societal change within the country. EVIDENCE AND ANALYSIS The end of hermit country Burma has traditionally been called a hermit country 1 – a designation not uncommon in Asia (Bhutan and especially Korea were similarly named), yet very fitting in the case of Myanmar. Precolonial Burmese kingdoms were generally inward-looking, with periods of sometimes spectacular external expeditions being exceptions rather than the rule. Some believed Burma’s isolation was due to economic self-sufficiency, others ascribed it to geography. Still others looked for explanations in the cultural realm, believing - like Aung San Suu Kyi in her early writings 2 - that Buddhism made Burmese uninterested in foreign ideas. Whatever the reasons, it was only the colonial period that brought Burma into the global, capitalist world, however imperfectly: “Burma had been thrown open to the world, but the world had not been opened up to Burma.” 3 This forceful incursion inflicted wounds that never healed. That is why after the creative and chaotic decade of the 1950s (somewhat similar to the last ten years), Burma reverted to self-isolation after the 1962 1 Gustaaf Houtman, Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics: Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy, ISLCAA Tokyo 1999, p. -
The Third Force in Myanmar
The Third Force and the Architecture of Civil Society -State Relations in the Transition in Myanmar, 2008-2017 The Third Force and the Architecture of Civil Society -State Relations in the Transition in Myanmar, 2008-2017 ___________________________ Mael Raynaud Independent Analyst [email protected] Abstract Myanmar has embarked on a political transition in 2011, a transition better described here as a transition to a hybrid system, with elements of democracy and elements of a military rule. Building on the existing literature on transitions, political crises, civil society, and political influence, the present article attempts to define what the role of civil society has been in this process. Using the author ‘s concepts of a social stupa, in Myanmar, and of the "architecture of civil society-state relations", observed through various "points วารสาร สิทธิและสันติศึกษา ปีที่ 4 ฉบับที่ 2 of contacts" between the two, the author sets an argument that political influence is stronger in the points of contact at the top of the social stupa where the civil society elite meets political elite. In that sense, civil society leaders can be seen as groups that organically channel the voice of civil society to those in power. This perspective explains the strategy behind the Third Force, a group of civil society leaders that gained influence in the wake of cyclone Nargis in 2008 and had a significant impact on the political process, and officially or semi-officially became advisors to President U Thein Sein from 2011 to 2016. The article then argues that the NLD government has cut much of these ties, but that civil society-state relations have nevertheless been profoundly re-shaped in the last decade. -
Civil Courage Newsletter
Civil Courag e News Journal of the Civil Courage Prize Vol. 11, No. 2 • September 2015 For Steadfast Resistance to Evil at Great Personal Risk Bloomberg Editor-in-Chief John Guatemalans Claudia Paz y Paz and Yassmin Micklethwait to Deliver Keynote Barrios Win 2015 Civil Courage Prize Speech at the Ceremony for Their Pursuit of Justice and Human Rights ohn Micklethwait, Bloomberg’s his year’s recipients of the JEditor-in-Chief, oversees editorial TCivil Courage Prize, Dr. content across all platforms, including Claudia Paz y Paz and Judge Yassmin news, newsletters, Barrios, are extraordinary women magazines, opinion, who have taken great risks to stand television, radio and up to corruption and injustice in digital properties, as their native Guatemala. well as research ser- For over 18 years, Dr. Paz y Paz vices such as has been dedicated to improving her Claudia Paz y Paz Bloomberg Intelli - country’s human rights policies. She testing, wiretaps and other technol - gence. was the national consultant to the ogy, she achieved unprecedented re - Prior to joining UN mission in Guatemala and sults in sentences for homicide, rape, Bloomberg in February 2015, Mickle- served as a legal advisor to the violence against women, extortion thwait was Editor-in-Chief of The Econo - Human Rights Office of the Arch - and kidnapping. mist, where he led the publication into the bishop. In 1994, she founded the In - In a country where witnesses, digital age, while expanding readership stitute for Com- prosecutors, and and enhancing its reputation. parative Criminal judges were threat - He joined The Economist in 1987, as Studies of Guate- ened and killed, she a finance correspondent and served as mala, a human courageously Business Editor and United States Editor rights organization sought justice for before being named Editor-in-Chief in that promotes the victims of the 2006. -
Aung San Suu Kyi (1945- )
Aung San Suu Kyi (1945 - ) Major Events in the Life of a Revolutionary Leader All terms appearing in bold are included in the glossary. 1945 On June 19 in Rangoon (now called Yangon), the capital city of Burma (now called Myanmar), Aung San Suu Kyi was born the third child and only daughter to Aung San, national hero and leader of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) and the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL), and Daw Khin Kyi, a nurse at Rangoon General Hospital. Aung San Suu Kyi was born into a country with a complex history of colonial domination that began late in the nineteenth century. After a series of wars between Burma and Great Britain, Burma was conquered by the British and annexed to British India in 1885. At first, the Burmese were afforded few rights and given no political autonomy under the British, but by 1923 Burmese nationals were permitted to hold select government offices. In 1935, the British separated Burma from India, giving the country its own constitution, an elected assembly of Burmese nationals, and some measure of self-governance. In 1941, expansionist ambitions led the Japanese to invade Burma, where they defeated the British and overthrew their colonial administration. While at first the Japanese were welcomed as liberators, under their rule more oppressive policies were instituted than under the British, precipitating resistance from Burmese nationalist groups like the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL). In 1945, Allied forces drove the Japanese out of Burma and Britain resumed control over the country. 1947 Aung San negotiated the full independence of Burma from British control. -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
Burma – Myanmar
BURMA COUNTRY READER TABLE OF CONTENTS Jerome Holloway 1947-1949 Vice Consul, Rangoon Edwin Webb Martin 1950-1051 Consular Officer, Rangoon Joseph A. Mendenhall 1955-1957 Economic Officer, Office of Southeast Asian Affairs, Washington DC William C. Hamilton 1957-1959 Political Officer, Rangoon Arthur W. Hummel, Jr. 1957-1961 Public Affairs Officer, USIS, Rangoon Kenneth A. Guenther 1958-1959 Rangoon University, Rangoon Cliff Forster 1958-1960 Information Officer, USIS, Rangoon Morton Smith 1958-1963 Public Affairs Officer, USIS, Rangoon Morton I. Abramowitz 1959 Temporary Duty, Economic Officer, Rangoon Jack Shellenberger 1959-1962 Branch Public Affairs Officer, USIS, Moulmein John R. O’Brien 1960-1962 Public Affairs Officer, USIS, Rangoon Robert Mark Ward 1961 Assistant Desk Officer, USAID, Washington, DC George M. Barbis 1961-1963 Analyst for Thailand and Burma, Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Washington DC Robert S. Steven 1962-1964 Economic Officer, Rangoon Ralph J. Katrosh 1962-1965 Political Officer, Rangoon Ruth McLendon 1962-1966 Political/Consular Officer, Rangoon Henry Byroade 1963-1969 Ambassador, Burma 1 John A. Lacey 1965-1966 Burma-Cambodia Desk Officer, Washington DC Cliff Southard 1966-1969 Public Affairs Officer, USIS, Rangoon Edward C. Ingraham 1967-1970 Political Counselor, Rangoon Arthur W. Hummel Jr. 1968-1971 Ambassador, Burma Robert J. Martens 1969-1970 Political – Economic Officer, Rangoon G. Eugene Martin 1969-1971 Consular Officer, Rangoon 1971-1973 Burma Desk Officer, Washington DC Edwin Webb Martin 1971-1973 Ambassador, Burma John A. Lacey 1972-1975 Deputy Chief of Mission, Rangoon James A. Klemstine 1973-1976 Thailand-Burma Desk Officer, Washington DC Frank P. Coward 1973-1978 Cultural Affairs Officer, USIS, Rangoon Richard M. -
Back on the Tourist Trail After Almost 20 Years, Yangon
FLY MYANMAR ORNING COMES early here. By 5am, the streets are full of vendors, all getting ready to cook breakfast for the city’s hungry workforce. Chai is the country’s GOLDEN morning drink of choice and is served in small glass cups, steaming hot and very sweet. !e little wooden chairs outside the vendors’ stalls are soon filled, as men and sarong-clad women stop for a hot drink before getting on with their day. MOMENTS It is a familiar scene in many cities across Asia, but this is not one of the continent’s more well-known visi- Yangon tor locales, such as Bangkok, Hanoi or even Beijing. Rangoon !is is Yangon, formerly known as Rangoon and, not Myanmar TEXT/ CORI HOWARD so long ago, the capital of Myanmar, a country still Burma more familiar to many as Burma. 2006 Supplanted by Naypyidaw as the country’s capital in Back on the tourist trail after almost 2006, Yangon remains Myanmar’s busiest and most 20 populous city. It is getting used to welcoming visitors 20 years, Yangon offers a whole new again, with various political wranglings, both domesti- generation a wonderful taste of cally and internationally, keeping it off the tourist trail for almost 20 years. Myanmar’s culture, cuisine and history !e drive from the gleaming, new international air- port into Yangon takes you through dusty, bustling roads where street hawkers sell piles of old shoes and 20 women walk by balancing heavily laden baskets of fruit on their heads. Barefoot monks in saffron robes shade their shaved heads from the hot sun with rattan fans, while bare-chested men in sarongs pedal rickshaws alongside diesel-belching buses and the occasional, somewhat incongruous, brand-new SUV. -
Recent Arrests List
ƒ ARRESTS No. Name Sex Position Date of Arrest Section of Law Plaintiff Current Condition Address Remark Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD S: 8 of the Export and Superintendent Kyi 1 (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi F State Counsellor (Chairman of NLD) 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Nay Pyi Taw leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Import Law Lin of Special Branch President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s S: 25 of the Natural Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD Superintendent Myint 2 (U) Win Myint M President (Vice Chairman-1 of NLD) 1-Feb-21 Disaster Management House Arrest Nay Pyi Taw leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Naing law President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD 3 (U) Henry Van Thio M Vice President 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Nay Pyi Taw leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s Speaker of the Amyotha Hluttaw, the Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD 4 (U) Mann Win Khaing Than M upper house of the Myanmar 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Nay Pyi Taw leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and parliament President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s Speaker of the Union Assembly, the Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD 5 (U) T Khun Myat M Joint House and Pyithu Hluttaw, the 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Nay Pyi Taw leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and lower house of the Myanmar President U Win Myint were detained. -
Tatmadaw Has Been Steadfastly Leading Establishment and Development Tasks of the State, Fulfilling the Needs of the Country: Senior General
PRACTITIONERS’ RESPONSIBILITY AND PUBLIC HEALTH SERVICES PAGE-8 (OPINION) NATIONAL NATIONAL MoTC Union Minister discusses to MoEA, MoE discuss appointment of resume entire train services ethnic language teachers with more salary PAGE-7 PAGE-11 Vol. VII, No. 344, 14th Waxing of Tabaung 1382 ME www.gnlm.com.mm Friday, 26 March 2021 Tatmadaw has been steadfastly leading establishment and development tasks of the State, fulfilling the needs of the country: Senior General ceremony to unveil statues of sev- the commander of Nay Pyi Taw Command en commanders-in-chief and com- and officials. A manders-in-chief of defence ser- In his address, the Senior General said vices (retired) who served at the Myanma perpetuation of a country’s independence Tatmadaw in successive eras took place at and sovereignty absolutely depends on its the booth of the head of the Defence Services armed forces. Long term existence and Museum in Nay Pyi Taw yesterday after- strength of armed forces also rely on con- noon, attended by Chairman of the State Ad- stant maintenance of the fine traditions of ministration Council Commander-in-Chief the Tatmadaw. In looking back more than of Defence Services Senior General Min 1,000 years old Myanmar history, whenev- Aung Hlaing. er the Tatmadaw strengthened, the coun- Also present at the ceremony were try was powerful. The histories distinctly Vice-Chairman of the Council Deputy mentioned that whenever the Tatmadaw Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services was weak with disunity, the country was Commander-in-Chief (Army), Vice-Senior in disarray. For Myanmar, anyone cannot General Soe Win, Council member Gen- deny the fact that “only when the Tatmadaw eral Mya Tun Oo, Admiral Tin Aung San, strengthens will the nation be powerful”. -
Violent Repression in Burma: Human Rights and the Global Response
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Violent Repression in Burma: Human Rights and the Global Response Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/05k6p059 Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 10(2) Author Guyon, Rudy Publication Date 1992 DOI 10.5070/P8102021999 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California COMMENTS VIOLENT REPRESSION IN BURMA: HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE GLOBAL RESPONSE Rudy Guyont TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ........................................ 410 I. SLORC AND THE REPRESSION OF THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT ....................... 412 A. Burma: A Troubled History ..................... 412 B. The Pro-Democracy Rebellion and the Coup to Restore Military Control ......................... 414 C. Post Coup Elections and Political Repression ..... 417 D. Legalizing Repression ........................... 419 E. A Country Rife with Poverty, Drugs, and War ... 421 II. HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN BURMA ........... 424 A. Murder and Summary Execution ................ 424 B. Systematic Racial Discrimination ................ 425 C. Forced Dislocations ............................. 426 D. Prolonged Arbitrary Detention .................. 426 E. Torture of Prisoners ............................. 427 F . R ape ............................................ 427 G . Portering ....................................... 428 H. Environmental Devastation ...................... 428 III. VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW ....... 428 A. International Agreements of Burma .............. 429 1. The U.N. -
Asian Regional Powers: Junta's Lifelines but Not Change Agents?
Asian Regional Powers: Junta’s Lifelines but Not Change Agents? Tin Maung Maung Than Introduction: Myanmar and Its Foreign Policy The State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), was formed after a military coup on the 18th of September 1988, in response to a widespread breakdown of government authority. SLORC was reconstituted as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in November 1997 and the latter currently rules Myanmar by decree. Myanmar is the second largest country (after Indonesia) among the ten states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to which it was admitted in July 1997. Myanmar is situated at the junction of China, South Asia and Southeast Asia, and it shares land borders with five neighbouring states, as depicted in Table 1: Table 1 Myanmar’s Borders China (north & north-east) 1,384 miles India (north-west) 903 miles Bangladesh (west) 169 miles Thailand (east & south-east) 1,304 miles Laos (east) 146 miles Source: www.myanmar.com/Union/history.html With a population of around 56 million and a small economy, Myanmar is wedged between the two most populous and fastest growing economies in the world – China and India. Myanmar has always been conscious of the geopolitical and demographic realties of bordering these two major Asian powers when formulating its foreign policy. The fact that the country is inhabited by some 135 (officially recognised) indigenous ethnic groups, with many of those groups straddling the porous borders also complicates the policy calculus of Myanmar’s foreign relations having to consider the dynamics of the international and regional systems as well as domestic imperatives of economic, political and security issues.