ST CECILIA’S HALL Niddry Street, Edinburgh
Conservation Plan Simpson & Brown Architects December 2009
Front cover: Oval Concert Hall Cupula. University of Edinburgh.
ST CECILIA’S HALL: CONSERVATION PLAN DRAFT CONTENTS
Contents Page 1.0 Executive Summary 3
2.0 Introduction 8 2.1 Objectives of a Conservation Plan 8 2.2 Study Area 8 2.3 Designations 12 2.3.1 Listed Buildings 2.3.2 Conservation Area 2.3.3 World Heritage Site 2.3.4 Other Designations 2.4 Limitations 14 2.5 Structure of the Report 15 2.6 Project Team 15 2.7 Acknowledgements 15 2.8 Archives and Collections 16 2.9 Definitions 16
3.0 Understanding St Cecilia’s Hall 19 3.1 Introduction 19 3.2 General History 19 3.2.1 The Changing Face of Edinburgh in the 18th Century 3.2.2 18th Century Concert Halls in Europe 3.2.3 Robert Mylne, 1733-1811
3.3 Historical Development of St Cecilia’s Hall 27 3.3.1 Previous Building(s) on the Site 3.3.2 Phase One – 1760 to 1767 3.3.3 Phase Two – 1768 to 1776 3.3.4 Phase Three – 1786 to 1801 3.3.5 Phase Four – 1801 to 1844 3.3.6 Phase Five – 1844 to c.1890 3.3.7 Phase Six – 1890 to 1933 3.3.8 Phase Seven – 1933 to 1959 3.3.9 Phase Eight – 1959 to Today
3.4 Collections Held at St Cecilia’s Hall 49 3.4.1 The Edinburgh University Collection of Historic Musical Instruments 3.4.2 The Raymond Russell Collection 3.4.3 The Rodger Mirrey Collection 3.4.4 The Anne Macauley Collection 3.4.5 Other notable historic keyboard instrument collections in the UK 4.0 Statement of Significance 52
5.0 Conservation Issues 56 5.1 Introduction 56 5.2 Statutory & Non-Statutory Constraints 56 5.2.1 Listed building Consent 5.2.2 Old Town Conservation Area 5.2.3 Edinburgh World Heritage 5.3 Archaeological Issues 56 5.4 Setting Issues 57 5.5 Client Requirements 58
6.0 Conservation Policies 59 6.1 Introduction 59 6.1.1 Definitions 6.2 Setting 59 6.3 Conservation, Restoration and Repair 59 6.4 Alterations 60 6.5 Archaeology 60 6.6 Cleaning and Maintenance 60 6.7 Accessibility 61 6.8 Further Research and Archiving 61
7.0 Strategy Report 62 7.1 Ground Floor 62 7.2 First Floor 62 7.3 The Music Room 62 7.4 Second and Third Floors 63 7.5 Exterior 63 7.6 Summary of Strategic Proposals 64 7.7 Phasing 64
Appendices A I Acoustic Report – Sandy Brown Associates LLP A II Mechanical and Electrical Report – Irons Foulner Consulting Engineers A III St Cecilia’s Hall - Historical Timeline A IV Bibliography A V Listed Building Report A VI Recognising Collections of National Significance - Scottish Government News Release
PART ONE
INTRODUCTION
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 1
Saint Cecilia by Guido Reni, 1606, Web Gallery of Art
2 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 1.0 Executive Summary St Cecilia’s Hall, designed by Robert Mylne and named after the patron saint of musicians, was built for the Edinburgh Musical Society with the first concert in honour of St Cecilia held in the new hall in December 1763. It is thus the oldest purpose-built concert hall in Scotland, and the second-oldest in the UK. Although the Society had been officially founded in 1728, it had existed on an informal basis for most of the 18th century. From 1725 they met in the upper hall of St Mary’s Chapel, then owned by the Incorporation of Wrights and Masons, taking on a lease for an initial period of 19 years, which was renewed in 1738. In 1759 the Society purchased grounds to the south of St Mary’s Chapel in order to build a concert hall. Other sites in the city had been considered, as were the possibilities of sharing premises with other institutions, but a purpose-built hall proved to be the desired option.
Figure 1 West elevation of St Mary’s Chapel, Figure 2 Engraving of Robert Mylne, from History of Edinburgh, W Maitland, 1753, ECL a portrait by Richard Brompton, 1783, NPG
Robert Mylne (1733 – 1811) designed the building as an oval hall at first floor level, reached by a double staircase from an entrance lobby, which also led to a ground floor room, referred to early on as ‘the rehearsal room’. The entrance façade opened to a small courtyard off Niddry’s Wynd. This façade was of dressed stone, with a symmetrical five-bay, two-storey arrangement, with the central pedimented three- bays breaking forward. A portico was built over the main entrance at some point after 1787. With the completion of the South Bridge in 1787, the situation of St Cecilia’s Hall had been severely compromised: the building lost the entrance court in front of the main entrance, and the new eight-storey tenement (now nine-storeys) abutting the bridge towered above the Hall. The completion of South Bridge also contributed to the general demise of the Cowgate, rendering the situation even less desirable.
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 3 The popularity of the concert hall wained towards the end of the 18th century, with increasing competition from public concerts in the New Town, and in particular with the opening of the Assembly Rooms in 1787. The financial circumstances of the Society were not helped by the continued exclusivity in both membership and commercial use of the hall, and Society held their last concert in 1798. After attempts to let the building, the Society’s director announced a meeting “to take measures for disposing of their property and winding up the affairs of the Society”1 in February 1801. The Edinburgh Baptist Congregation were to be the occupiers of the hall for the next decade, purchasing the hall in March 1802. Nevertheless they quickly outgrew the building and subsequently moved to a purpose built church at Dumbiedykes. Although they sold the building to the Grand Lodge of Scotland in 1809, they remained as tenants until their new church was completed in 1811. Although taking longer than the Baptist Congregation, the Grand Lodge was also to outgrow St Cecilia’s Hall. From 1838 history repeated itself, and the Freemasons started using the Assembly Rooms in the New Town, amongst other locations, before building their own premises in George Street in 1859. Although they continued to use St Cecilia’s Hall occasionally, they finally sold the building to the Town Council in 1844. It was after the building was sold on yet again, this time to George Cooper and Co in 1890, that the Hall began to go through the biggest changes to its historic fabric. The building was sub-divided to allow for a variety of uses, before finally coming under the control of the daughter of the surviving partner of George Cooper and Co in 1933. Magdalen Cairns quickly took advantage of the burgeoning dance hall phenomenon, and clearly the first floor hall lent itself to this purpose well. As the proprietor of the then Excelsior Ballroom, Miss Cairns proposed a variety of changes to the building to accommodate the new use, most of which were relatively minor. Her interest in the building’s original use was awakened with the decreasing popularity of dance halls after the Second World War and the respective growth of the Edinburgh International Festival. She subsequently embarked on a ‘restoration’ project, removing insensitive 1930s alterations, and returning the Hall into a Concert Hall, holding just one concert before deciding to sell the building to the University of Edinburgh in 1959. It was the proposed gift of an excellent collection of early keyboard instruments from the renowned collection Raymond Russell, that convinced the University to purchase the building: it was an ideal home for the collection. The building subsequently went through radical alteration, addition, and reinstatement of 18th century interiors before re-opening in 1968, resplendent in its new role.
1 J Blackie, A New Music Room: A History of St Cecilia’s Hall, 2002
4 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan Overview Chronology: § 1505: St Mary’s Chapel founded by Elizabeth, Countess of Ross. § c1700s: Edinburgh Musical Society formed § 1725: Tack of £13 yearly for use of hall at the by then deconsecrated Mary’s Chapel for 19 years, with option to quite after 13 years. § 1728: Members constitution drawn up, formalising the Edinburgh Musical Society § 1733: Robert Mylne born to Thomas Mylne and Elizabeth Duncan. § 1738: Tack of £16 yearly for use of hall at Mary’s Chapel for 19 years. § 1748: Holywell Music Room opens in Oxford – the earliest example of a purpose-built concert hall in Europe. § 1752: EMS begins to collect funds for a new hall. § 1759: Purchase of land, and application to Dean of Guild Court for a warrant to build. § 1760: Plan for new hall by Robert Mylne approved by EMS. Advertisements placed for undertakers to give in estimates. § 1761: Phase one of construction of Hall begins after consideration of estimates and contracts issued. § 1761: Royal Exchange, designed by John Adam and John Fergus opens on the High Street § 1763: First concert held in St Cecilia’s Hall. Building works continue, however. § 1772: North Bridge opens. § 1773: 20 ionic pilasters added to aide better acoustics. § 1787: Assembly Rooms in George Street open § 1788: South Bridge opens to pedestrian traffic § 1790s: After land adjacent to the South Bridge is sold, tenements are built on either side of the bridge. Niddry Street replaces Niddry’s Wynd on an alignment slightly to the east to accommodate the new tenements. § 1798: Last EMS-related concert held in the Hall. § 1801: Initial attempt by EMS to sell Hall by auction fails. § 1802: Purchase of Hall by Baptist Congregation. § 1809: Sale of Hall to Grand Lodge of Scotland, Baptist Congregation remain as tenants. § 1811: Baptist Congregation moves to new premises at Dumbiedykes. § 1812: Grand Lodge complete new extension to Hall between it and the Cowgate, with shops on the ground floor, and hall space on the first floor. § 1844: Ownership passed to the City of Edinburgh, with the building subsequently occupied by Dr Bell’s School.
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 5 § 1890: George Cooper and Co purchase substantial part of the Hall – ground floor of 1812 extension along with original foyer sold separately. § 1924: Magdalen Cairns takes ownership of the Hall. § 1933: Hall reopens as the Excelsior Ballroom. § 1935: Drawings submitted to Dean of Guild for alterations to Hall. § 1951: St Cecilia’s Hall scheduled as an ancient monument by the Historic Buildings Council. § 1954: Further proposals for alterations for Miss Cairns, including alterations to the laigh hall, and addition of hall at first floor level to the east, neither of which were carried through. § 1959: The University of Edinburgh acquires the Hall, whilst in negotiation with Raymond Russell with regards the acquisition of his notable collection of historic keyboard instruments. § 1964: Raymond Russell dies. In line with his long-held wishes, his mother later gifts his collection to the University of Edinburgh. § 1968: St Cecilia’s Hall formally re-opens after restoration and extension works. § 1971: Friends of St Cecilia’s Hall and the Russell Collection founded by Professor Peter Williams. § 2003: Repair and refurbishment works, including blocking-off of glazed east- wall of Newman Gallery. § 2004: Restructuring of Edinburgh University Collection of Historic Musical Instruments, creating unified management structure for Reid Concert Hall Museum and St Cecilia’s Hall Museum. § 2005: Rodger Mirrey Collection gifted to the University, complementing the existing collections.
6 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan
Figure 3 View of the Newman Gallery shortly after completion in 1968 showing instruments from the Russell Collection. AL Hunter Photography/University of Edinburgh
Figure 4 View of the 1812 Gallery shortly after refurbishment in 1968 showing instruments from the Russell Collection. AL Hunter Photography/University of Edinburgh
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 7 2.0 Introduction
2.1 Objectives of a Conservation Plan This conservation plan has been completed for The University of Edinburgh, owners and occupiers of the building. It has been prepared to inform the future use, and management of St Cecilia’s Hall and its collections and to inform current and future proposals for repair, restoration, alteration or extension of the building. Included in the conservation plan is a condition assessment. The conservation plan assesses and sets out what is important about St Cecilia’s Hall. The first part of the report comprises a review of the documentary evidence, together with a physical analysis of the building fabric. This establishes an account of the historical development of the site. A brief description and analysis of the present condition and arrangement of the building is included, together with a description of the surviving fabric. The evidence is then considered in an assessment of cultural significance for the site as a whole. The purpose of establishing the importance of a site is to identify and assess the attributes which make a building of value to our society. Once the heritage significance of the building is understood, informed policy decisions can be made which will enable that significance to be retained, revealed, or enhanced, as part of any future use of the site. A clear understanding of the nature and degree of the significance of the building and its components will not only suggest constraints on future action, if necessary, but it will also identify opportunities for improved use of the building and care of the collections.
2.2 Study Area St Cecilia’s Hall is located on the east side of Niddry Street at the corner with the Cowgate. Niddry Street runs downhill from the High Street to the Cowgate, with the Radisson SAS hotel, NCP car park and a modern six-storey tenement stretching down the east side of the street to St Cecilia’s Hall. The west side of the street comprises the rear elevation of the tenement block abutting the South Bridge, with the properties at Niddry Street level used as offices and a pub. Although the High Street is the popular hub of Old Town Edinburgh, the Cowgate is now mainly renowned for late-night activity with many pubs and clubs. Niddry Street, which retains its granite setts, is largely used as a popular vehicular route bypassing the often congested South Bridge (in particular for taxis from the rank beside the hotel), and sees comparatively little pedestrian use. The Cowgate is also a busy vehicular route between the Canongate/Pleasance and the Grassmarket. Emergency vehicles are common along this route. To the east of the study area, directly abutting Dickson’s Close is the Smart City Hostel. Completed in 2006 it filled a gap site that had existed for many decades, having been used as a car park since the University of Edinburgh completed their refurbishment works in 1968. Opposite St Cecilia’s Hall on the south side of the Cowgate is a large electricity substation, dating to around the 1930s.
8 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan The University of Edinburgh owns a number of other buildings in the immediate context of St Cecilia’s Hall. These include Halls of Residences on the south side of the Cowgate at Robertson’s Close, the former Lady Yester’s church on Infirmary Street, the collection of buildings at High School Yards, and Robert Adam’s Old College on South Bridge.
Figure 5 Location Plan. Multimap The current building consists of the original concert hall building fronting onto Niddry Street, an 1812 extension facing the Cowgate, and 1960s extensions to the east (rear) and north (side). The main entrance was re-orientated to the former rear of the building in the 1960s and is accessed via Dickson’s Close off the Cowgate. The University of Edinburgh uses the present building as a Museum of Instruments, housing the Raymond Russell and Rodger Mirrey Collections of Early Keyboard Instruments, and the Anne Macauley Collection of Plucked Stringed Instruments. In conjunction with the Reid Concert Hall Museum of Instruments, the two museums form the Edinburgh University Collection of Historic Musical Instruments. Ground floor accommodation includes the laigh hall, used for both display of plucked stringed instruments, meetings and rehearsals. Administrative office, workshops, storage, kitchen space, plant, and cloakroom and WC facilities are also accommodated. The first floor comprises the oval concert hall, 1812 gallery and Newman Gallery in the 1960s extension. Also provided is a caretaker’s flat which is scheduled to be vacated by 2009. The public gallery spaces are open on Wednesday and Saturday afternoons with extended opening hours during the Edinburgh Festival period.
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 9
Figure 6 Location Plan. Promap, edited by S&B
10 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan
Figure 7 South Bridge tenements, showing Figure 8 St Cecilia’s Hall from the South additions. Simpson & Brown Bridge showing new hostel building adjacent. Simpson & Brown
Figure 9 St Cecilia’s Hall from Robertson’s Figure 10 North elevation with 18th century Close. Simpson & Brown entrance. Simpson & Brown
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 11 2.3 Designations
2.3.1 Listed Buildings The building is a Category A listed building (HB No. 27760), listed on the 14 December 1970 (Information Historic Scotland).
2.3.2 Conservation Area St Cecilia’s Hall is included within the ‘Outstanding’ Old Town Conservation Area. 2.3.3 World Heritage Site St Cecilia’s Hall is within the area designated by UNESCO as a World Heritage Site, inscribed in 1995 in recognition of ‘outstanding universal value.’
2.3.4 Other Designations St Cecilia’s Hall was designated as a Scheduled Ancient Monument by the Historic Buildings Council in 1951, but was de-scheduled in 2002 as the Category A listed status provided the most appropriate protection2.
2 Ian Thomson, Historic Scotland, 16/09/08 (email)
12 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan a, and the site of St Cecilia’s Hall highlighted in blue. City
11 Location plan showing boundary of the Old Town Conservation Are of Edinburgh Council, edited S&B by edited Council, Edinburgh of Figure
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 13 2.4 Limitations Access to St Cecilia’s Hall was excellent, with all rooms within the building viewed over the course of two site inspections during summer 2008. All inspections undertaken were visual only. No opening up was done to investigate a defect or look behind existing fabric and finishes. Research for the purposes of the conservation plan was limited only by time available for the project, given the large resource available in local and national archives. It is understood that extensive research will have to be undertaken in the future to understand all aspects of the buildings and clarify matters where the present report could not find definite answers in the short time frame. Indications of where to find further documentary evidence will be given within the discussion of the various aspects. The level of information contained within this report is considered to be sufficient and appropriate for the present purpose, which is to support a Planning Application and Listed Building Consent.
Figure 12 West elevation as existing. Simpson & Brown
14 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 2.5 Structure of the Report This conservation plan follows the guidelines set out in the Historic Scotland document Conservation Plans: A Guide to the Preparation of Conservation Plans. The conservation plan adheres to processes and guidelines outlined by the internationally recognised documents The Conservation Plan 5th Ed. (The National Trust of Australia, 2000) by James Semple Kerr; and The Illustrated Burra Charter: good practice for heritage places (Australia ICOMOS, 2004) by M Walker and P Marquis-Kyle. Reference is also made to the British Standard BS 7913 – Guide to the principles of the conservation of historic buildings (1998) and the document also addresses the guidelines prepared by the Heritage Lottery Fund – Conservation Management Plans Checklist, Conservation Management Plans Model Brief and Conservation Management Plans: Helping your application (2004).
2.6 Project Team This conservation plan was written by Simpson & Brown, conservation accredited architects. The Simpson & Brown study team for the conservation plan comprised:
§ James Simpson § Eleanor Egan § Jen Austin § Kenny Magain § Tom Addyman § Joe Rock § Wilfried Bringmans § Tom Parnell
2.7 Acknowledgements Simpson & Brown gratefully acknowledges the assistance provided by the following persons, archives and organisations during the completion of this report (in alphabetical order):
§ The Friends of St Cecilia’s Hall Museum of Instruments § Historic Scotland § Dr Darryl Martin, Curator, Edinburgh University Collection of Historic Musical Instruments § Prof Arnold Myers, Director, Edinburgh University Collection of Historic Musical Instruments § RCAHMS / National Monuments Record of Scotland. § Dr John Scally, Director of University Collections, University of Edinburgh
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 15 2.8 Archives and Collections The following archives and collections have been consulted in the course of this report. The associated abbreviations will be used within the conservation plan:
ECL – Edinburgh City Libraries
NLS – National Library of Scotland
NMRS – National Monument Record of Scotland, held at RCAHMS
NMS – National Museums Scotland
SCRAN – The Scran Trust www.scran.ac.uk
RCAHMS – Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland
UoE – The University of Edinburgh
EUCHMI – Edinburgh University Collection of Historic Musical Instruments
EMS – The Edinburgh Musical Society
IGL – Ian G Lindsay and Partners, Architects
NAS – The National Archives of Scotland
The abbreviation S&B will stand for Simpson & Brown Architects. ‘The Hall’ will be used to refer to St Cecilia’s Hall as a complete entity.
2.9 Definitions The following terms will be used within the conservation plan and gazetteer:
Replica Architectural feature reconstructed from documentary or physical evidence to be as accurate as possible.
Replacement/Reinstatement Architectural feature replacing an original one at its exact position, but one which is not an accurate reconstruction.
Insertion/Introduction Newly inserted architectural feature that was not part of the original design scheme.
Repair Repair work to original architectural feature, restoring/completing the original that was partially lost.
All other definitions are according to “Guide to The principles of the conservation of historic buildings, BS 7913 : 1998, BSI.
16 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan PART TWO
UNDERSTANDING ST CECILIA’S HALL
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 17
St Cecilia’s Hall The University of Edinburgh
18 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 3.0 Understanding St Cecilia’s Hall
3.1 Introduction St Cecilia’s Hall has been at the centre of significant change in Edinburgh’s cultural history and in order to understand the building fully, it must be seen in this wider context. The building of it by the Edinburgh Musical Society in the 1760s represents the growing cultural refinement of Edinburgh Society in the latter half of the 18th century. As part of the growing awareness of world culture and knowledge, it could be argued that the Hall is an important built manifestation of Edinburgh’s Age of Enlightenment. So closely linked to the changing patterns of Edinburgh’s cultural elite, its quick demise is perhaps not unusual given the equally fast rise to pre-eminence of the New Town towards the end of the century. The immediate context of the Cowgate quickly became less desirable, not least by the looming South Bridge that bypassed it, and attentions were diverted elsewhere. What is remarkable is that it survived despite the many changes of use that the Hall subsequently went through over the next two centuries. Although the building had been significantly altered by the time the UoE purchased the building in 1958, its importance had been realised, and was thus protected. Nevertheless it was the marriage of this built heritage with an expanding collection of early keyboard instruments of international renown that ultimately secured the building’s future.
3.2 General History
3.2.1 The Changing Face of Edinburgh in the 18th Century Whilst the Union of the Crowns in 1603 had had a significant effect on Edinburgh’s status in the seventeenth century, it was the Act of Union of 1707 that was to force a dramatic change in Edinburgh’s society in the 18th century. Whilst the loss of the King’s presence was significant, the continued existence of the Parliament ensured that the ruling classes continued to base themselves in Edinburgh. When this institutional influence also left the city, it is argued by many that Edinburgh endured several directionless and disillusioned decades. The 1752 Proposals for carrying on certain Public Works in the City of Edinburgh was a bold publication that aimed to revive the city’s prospects. The pamphlet was careful to praise the overall economic benefits of the Union, “yet in Edinburgh and the neighbourhood of it, there was still a total stagnation”3. It was this document that identified the potential to improve the city with a new Exchange building on the site of recently destroyed tenements on the High Street – the present day City Chambers, completed in 1761 and therefore a close contemporary of St Cecilia’s Hall. Opening great new light and airy squares amid the cramped and congested closes and wynds of the Old Town had already been a proven success, most notably in Milne’s Court – completed in 1688 by Robert Mylne, the great-grandfather of the namesake who built St Cecilia Hall. Although not by any means a new suggestion, the pamphlet encouraged the extension of the city to the north and south.
3 p8, A J Youngson, The Making of Classical Edinburgh: 1750 - 1840, 1968
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 19
Figure 13 The Royal Exchange, now the City Chambers, completed 1761. ECL The first of the new bridges out of the Old Town of Edinburgh was the North Bridge, built by William Mylne, Robert Mylne’s father. The foundation stone had been laid as early as 1763, but William Mylne’s design was not accepted until 1765. Although the bridge opened to pedestrians in 1769, it collapsed later the same year, and it wasn’t until 1772 that the bridge was fully completed. In the meantime, the House of Commons had passed an Act for ‘Extending the Royalty of the City of Edinburgh over certain adjoining Lands’: what was to become known as the first New Town.
Figure 14 The first North Bridge. RCAHMS
20 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan Whereas the likes of Adam Square and Brown Square (both disappeared under 19th century developments along Chambers Street) are accepted as precedents, it was the large-scale planning of this New Town to the north that truly set it apart from such earlier examples. A competition was held in 1766, and it was a young, hitherto relatively unknown James Craig who won, with a layout and suggested street names demonstrating a celebration of the Union. After receiving advice from John Adam amongst others, a revised plan was adopted in July of 17674. The first New Town was largely built from east to west, with Robert Adam’s ‘grand finale’5, Charlotte Square, being largely complete by the end of the 18th century.
Figure 15 James Craig’s revised plan for the first New Town, 1767. RCAHMS
A quote from A J Youngson sums up this remarkable period well, making direct references to the objectives of the Proposals of 1752: “What is astonishing about the Proposals of 1752 is that they outlined a scheme which, in the course of the following eighty years, was actually carried out… in this case what was hope for and intended was also what was done. Bridges were built and highroads repaired; the city was enlarged and improved and adorned with public buildings; people of rank came to live in it and it was constantly visited by strangers; Edinburgh indeed became a capital ‘of learning and the arts, of politeness, and of refinement of every kind’. Seldom has the promised land glimpsed by one generation been so swiftly and accurately reproduced and entered into by another.”6
4 pp217-273, J Gifford, C McWilliam & D Walker, The Buildings of Scotland: Edinburgh, 1991 5 p293, ibidem 6 p15, A J Youngson
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 21 3.2.2 18th Century Concert Halls in Europe “In 18th century Europe musical performances were not confined to theatres, opera houses and churches. One could hear concerts in private houses, taverns, guild halls or in the open air, but above all this century marked the rise of the concert hall.”7 The phenomenon of the purpose built concert hall appears throughout Europe in the 18th century, and reference can be made to important trends that quickly appeared in their design. The Teatro Farnese in Parma is frequently referred to as a possible influence on St Cecilia’s Hall, presumably because of the tiered U-shaped arrangement of the seating, and possibly the fact it is entirely built with wood. Nevertheless Deborah Howard argues that ‘apart from the fact that the tiers of seating face inwards towards each other there is little obvious resemblance to St Cecilia’s’8. Howard does point to Turin’s Teatro Regio of 1738-40, where the form of the theatre is oval, as is the church of the Hospital of the Peita in Venice, which was completed in 1760, shortly after Robert Mylne visited the city. Howard also suggests that Robert Mylne may have been more interested in the Teatro Nuovo in Parma, which featured underfloor acoustic arches9. Howard makes the intriguing suggestion that this might be another reason why the concert hall space was at first floor level, whilst still recognising the benefit of a top-lit space in a busy urban centre. In his article in Country Life shortly after the building re-opened in 1968, Hubert Fenwick even suggests that Mylne might have had the Pantheon in Rome in mind with regards the single central light source10.
Figure 16 Plan of the auditorium of the Figure 17 Plan of Turin’s Teatro Regio, Teatro Farnese, in Parma copied from The Arts in Eighteenth Century Scotland
7 p44, D Howard, ‘St Cecilia’s Hall’, The Arts in 18th Century Scotland, 1991 8 p41, ibidem 9 p45, ibidem 10 p401, H Fenwick, ‘St Cecilia’s Hall Restored’, Country Life, 15-Aug-1968
22 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan There are however few contemporary comparisons with which to compare St Cecilia’s Hall: the oldest Concert Hall in the UK, Holywell Music Room in Oxford is also the oldest in Europe, built in 1748, only fifteen years before St Cecilia’s. It was not until 1781 that a similar purpose-built building appeared in continental Europe – the Gewandhaus in Leipzig, though contemporary examples exist as buildings used as concert halls but not primarily built for such purposes. Holywell also features tiered U-shaped seating, a model that quickly became the accepted norm. Oval concert halls or music rooms can be found in other 18th century examples, such as the 1789 Felix Meritis of Amsterdam.
Figure 18 The 1748 Holywell Music Room in Figure 19 Section of the 1789 Felix Meritis Oxford showing the ground floor oval concert hall Although not a comparator the Assembly Rooms built on George Street in 1787 is an important building to note – particularly in its role as a competitor. Although it was built to serve a subtly different purpose, the impact it had in representing the cultural shift towards the New Town was critical to the eventual closure of St Cecilia’s Hall, which by that time was already being overlooked by the under- construction South Bridge.
Figure 20 The George Street Assembly Rooms, before alterations made in the 19th Century. Modern Athens, 1829
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 23
3.2.3 Robert Mylne, 1733 - 1811 Robert Mylne was born in Edinburgh in 1733 to Thomas Mylne and Elizabeth Duncan. His future career direction could be said to have been somewhat expected given the pedigree of his family name, with a long line of master masons going back to the 1460s. Robert’s father, Thomas, was ‘one of the leading Edinburgh masons in the reign of George II11. The generation before, Robert’s grandfather, also Robert Mylne ( 1633-1710) was Master Mason to the Scottish Crown, having succeeded his uncle John Mylne. The elder Robert Mylne was involved with many notable buildings and civil engineering works in Edinburgh including the rebuilding of the Palace Figure 21 Engraving of Robert Mylne, drawn of Holyrood House, and the new 1757 and engraved 1783 water supply for the city, both under the direction of Sir William Bruce. His own speculative developments at Milne’s Square and Land, which are now both demolished, were as successful as Milne's Court, which survives today. It wasn’t until 1754 that Robert Mylne decided that he wished to follow in his forefather’s footsteps. After working as a woodcarver at Blair Atholl, he decided to become an architect and to travel abroad to Paris and to Rome. Interestingly his travels coincided with those of another young architect-to-be, Robert Adam, though it is noted that Robert Mylne, along with his brother William ‘lacked his financial resources and travelled as cheaply as they could’12. Nevertheless, Robert Mylne was to have an extremely productive time abroad, willing the Silver Medal for architecture in the Concorso Clementino at St Luke’s Academy in 1758. Robert Mylne is best remembered for his controversial design for Blackfriars Bridge in London – announced as the winning entry in February 1760 after a competition in which sixty-nine entries were submitted. His timing had worked out well – he had only arrived in London from his European travels in July of 1759. What was notable about Mylne’s design was that it used elliptical arches, and spanned the river in only nine arches. In addition, it was his young age and relative inexperience that marked him out from his competitors, something that critics didn’t miss. The bridge was opened in 1769, and stood until it was demolished in 1868 to make way for the wider iron structure that exists today.
11 p572, H Colvin, A Biographical Dictionary of British Architects, 1978 12 ibidem
24 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan
Figure 22 Elevation of Robert Mylne’s Blackfriars Bridge showing the elliptical arches.
St Cecilia’s was one of Robert Mylne’s few architectural commissions in his home town – most of his significant works are in England, and in particular Shropshire. However, it was one of his earliest architectural commissions, and no doubt stood him in great stead for securing major works in London throughout the 1760s and 1770s, including the New River Company’s Offices of 1770, the City of London Lying-in Hospital of 1770-3 and several domestic properties. Mylne showed early ambition in Scotland, and applied for the post of Master of the Works in Scotland in 1764, albeit unsuccessfully. After this date, his only other major Scottish projects were works for the 5th Duke of Argyll at Inveraray (following on from William and John Adam) and the New Bridge in Glasgow of 1768-72. Both of these projects were in conjunction with his brother, William. Inveraray is particularly interesting as Mylne designed the circular Maam steading: ‘a model of Enlightenment agricultural building, and one of the showpieces of the vast programme of Improvement on the Inveraray Estate’13. The two Mylne brothers designed several other buildings on the estate, as well as two bridges. In the town he designed two rows of tenements and the arched screen-wall facing Loch Fyne. Regardless of where they are situated, a common thread can be seen in many of Robert Mylne’s buildings, and one which is certainly apparent at St Cecilia’s: ‘a fastidious restraint that is prophetic of the neo-classical simplicity of the 1790s’14.
13 http://www.rcahms.gov.uk/publicationkittochside.html, 17-Sept-2008 14 p573, ibidem
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 25
, derived from family A in tree Biographical Dictionary of British Architects 23 Mylne family tree. S&B using www.geni.com
Figure
26 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan
3.3 Historical Development of St Cecilia’s Hall
3.3.1 Previous Building(s) on the Site The Gordon of Rothiemay map of 1647 shows the site being fully developed by that date. Little is known about the site prior to the building of St Cecilia’s Hall, but the application to the Dean of Guild Court in 1759 mentions that ‘the said Society have lately purchased and acquired several house and an area…’. This is further substantiated by records of 1760 listing 23 individuals requested to ‘flit and to removed themselves.’ By studying the Gordon of Rothiemay map in detail, an open space roughly in alignment with the entrance court that preceded the entrance to St Cecilia’s Hall can be seen. An open space behind buildings flanking the west side of Dickson’s Close can also be seen, suggesting the possibility, albeit speculative, of arcading in this location, particularly in light of seventeenth century moves to introduce such features, such as at Gladstone’s Land on the Lawnmarket.
Figure 24 Extract from James Gordon of Rothiemay’s map of Edinburgh from 1647, with the approximate site of St Cecilia’s hall highlighted in blue. NLS
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 27 3.3.2 Phase One - 1760 to 1767.
This remarkably long period includes all of the building works from the presentation of Robert Mylne’s design until the final payments to all of the tradesmen. The information is taken almost exclusively from the Innes of Stow family papers in the National Archives of Scotland, catalogued since the 1965 alterations to the building by Ian G. Lindsay. This material has been corroborated with the Minutes of the Musical Society. A rough sketch plan that may relate to collaboration with the Assembly survives in the Innes papers. The Dean of Guild application was recorded in detail from the Minute Books by Fraser Harris in 1911, but the petition was not consulted, or the accompanying plan of the area. The reference to ‘a plan of the new music hall’ in the newspaper proprietor, Robert Fleming’s account [20.6.1761] may refer to engraved copies or a written description.
St Cecilia’s Hall was built from 1760 for a group of wealthy gentlemen and aristocrats, members of the Edinburgh Musical Society. The Society dates officially from 1728 but research for this article has shown that they met in Mary’s Chapel, a building a few yards north of the Hall owned by the Incorporation of Wrights and Masons, from April 1725. Alexander Bayne of Rires, advocate and professor of law at Edinburgh University took a tack or lease on the upper hall of Mary’s Chapel from 23 March 1725 for a period of 19 years at £13 yearly. He used the hall for his University classes but in April 1725 he agreed to pay an additional £2 stg. pa ‘to have the liberty to keep concerts of music therein’. Bayne was elected governor of the Society at their first official meeting in June 1728. At his death in 1737 the Society took a new tack on Mary’s Chapel, the document making specific reference to ‘the little room or closet at the east end of the hall, lately re-built by the Incorporation’. This closet became the focus for a scheme of decoration centred on a copy, by ‘Mr. Allen, painter’, of a portrait of St Cecilia by Francesco Imperiali, gifted to the Society by Sir John Clerk of Penicuik in 1737. The copyist was Andrew Allen, an artist associated with the first St. Martin’s Lane Academy in London and who probably came north with the engraver and designer, Richard Cooper senior, shortly after 1725. Cooper may have designed the decorative scheme, for which he received £12.11.3 (around £1,000 today) and it was executed by the decorative painter, James Norie. This small room became the Society’s music store and its decoration marks the beginning of a desire to have a space of their own, that would lead the Society to build their hall.
28 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan
Figure 25 Concert Ticket depicting interior of Mary’s Chapel. Bridgeman Art Gallery
The Society began collecting funds for a new room in 1752 and, in keeping with the ‘multiple occupancy’ of Mary’s Chapel, there were a number of attempts to join with others. The first was with the managers of the Edinburgh Assembly who held dances in a large room at the top of Assembly Close in the High Street from the 1720’s, the profits from which were divided among charities including the Edinburgh Infirmary. The Musical Society had a much closer relationship with the Assembly than has been realised. They held regular concerts in Assembly Close in the 1750’s, putting up and taking down an ‘orchestra’ or stage on each occasion [NAS, GD113/5/208/9/3] and they shared office bearers. Hew Dalrymple, Lord Drumore [1690-1755] was Governor of the Musical Society and a manager of the Assembly and the merchant William Douglas, the Assembly treasurer from 1750 until his death in 1770 was treasurer of the Musical Society from the 1730’s. The two organisations petitioned the Town Council to find an appropriate site for a joint hall and an area at the foot of Hart’s Close, behind Mylne’s Square was chosen in 1755. This area was just beginning to come under consideration as the site for a link between the old and the proposed New Town, eventually spanned by North Bridge designed by William Mylne. The matter was referred to Robert Adam, who pointed out ‘that according to the present declivities and the cast earth that must be raised there to bring the new pretended street to a proper level there would inevitably be so much useless building sunk under ground as would eat up the greatest part of the fund’ [Jamieson, 1933] The Musical Society were obviously prime movers in the proposal as they footed the joint bill from all three of the Adam brothers for trial excavations and surveying on the site in 1755-6, as well as a ‘design for the Concert Hall’ [presently un-traced]. The
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 29 drawings in the Soane Museum by Robert Adam for a ‘great room’ in Edinburgh, likely relate to later ideas to have a ‘concert room, retiring rooms, tea rooms, kitchen and offices’ in a building in the centre of the crescent opposite the Old College of the University in 1791 [Blackie 2000 p. 47]. The drawings are certainly much too grand for anything proposed by the Musical Society. A much less serious effort to join with the Royal College of Physicians in Edinburgh in 1758 ended inconclusively.
John Adam maintained a keen interest in the design of the Music Hall and had obviously communicated with his brother Robert shortly before the latter set off for the Continent in 1754 or while he was travelling. Writing from Leghorn [now Livorno] to his sister Helen in January 1755 Robert asked her to:
“…. Tell Johnie that I have been much on the observe with respect to Concert rooms etc. But never have seen anything extraordinary in any shape, as they perform mostly on the stages in play houses like the London Oratorio. And the few concert halls are quite plain without any coving at all, which is certainly the right thing, as the cove forms echoes, reboundings & unjust sounds. Pa [torn] cornisches won’t do, Though I think the real ones [torn] no breaking of the Modillions, blocks or even De [torn, Dentils?] lack in some degree hurt the sound. I shall not [torn] fail to enquire at Nardini [Pietro Nardini 1722-1793, virtuoso violinist then living in Livorno] concerning his opinion [torn] this subject. Pasquali [Nicolo Pasquali [1718 - d.1757 Edinburgh, composer] should be conversed with [torn] to be as sensible as most of them. I shall communicate [torn] intelligence as soon as get any on this subject…. “
On 7 June 1759 the minutes of the Musical Society record that the Directors had selected a site 41ft by 77ft for a new concert hall at the foot of Niddry Wynd and had instructed the treasurer to collect subscriptions and organise plans and estimates for the new building. The site had been purchased from James Hunter, Deacon of the Wrights for the sum of £300 and in February 1760 they had to evict twenty three sitting tenants from two houses a shop and possibly even a smithy [9.8.1760]. As with many of the society minutes recording the history of the building, the business- like summary of June 1759 had been added after the event and probably telescoped activity that had been going on for months. The collection of subscriptions was surprisingly hard-headed with each member expected to contribute and any defaulters simply removed from membership. One of the first to be struck off was the architect James Adam, a member from at least 1755 who was just about to set off on his Grand Tour.
On 28 November 1759 the Society applied to the Edinburgh Dean of Guild Court for a warrant to build their new hall. They did not submit a design but presented a plan of the area that has never previously been discussed and which is very instructive. It shows the well-known 41 by 77 foot area occupied by the building and the courtyard fronting Niddry Wynd but it also shows an open area to the north, ‘belonging to Mary’s Chapel’. Unlike the ‘old plan’ published by Gray in 1933 it shows the buildings and the open area in Dickson’s Close, occupied as a wright’s yard. Most significantly it identifies the tenement sharing a mutual wall with the hall at the north eastern corner as a ‘stone land’ suggesting that the other buildings enclosing the hall were of timber construction. This would explain the fairly regular plastering of the walls at the sides of the courtyard as they would have been easily damaged by jostling concert goers. The author of this plan is un-recorded but it may have been an ‘amateur’ as the placing of Davidson’s Close centrally in the southern boundary of the hall is incorrect, a fact corroborated in later plans and by the position of the
30 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan doorway in that wall, recorded in dots in James Thin’s 1812 drawing for the Freemasons. Davidson’s Close would be partially roofed over and given a stout door to the Cowgate in May 1768. The Society was given their warrant to build on 9 January 1760.
Figures 26 & 27 Site plan accompanying 1759 petition to the Dean of Guild (see Appendix X for modern interpretation of plan). Edinburgh City Archives
In a fascinating indication of the limits to the power of the Dean of Guild, the Incorporation of Mary’s Chapel asked to see a plan and elevation of the intended building in their response to the Society’s petition in December 1759. On 5th December, John Carmichael, Dean of Guild began to write ‘The Court appoint the Musical Society to give in a plan of the elevation and dimensions of……’ but he didn’t complete his sentence. In fact the court could only enforce building regulations and receive the comments and complaints from neighbouring heritors; they had no powers over design. It was just as well, the Society did not have a design specifically for this site in 1759. Robert Mylne, their eventual architect, had arrived back in London from his Grand Tour in July 1759 and won the contract to design Blackfriars Bridge in London in February 1760. His design for St Cecilia’s Hall, presently untraced was not presented to the Directors until the meeting of 25 June 1760. This delay and the size and nature of the site they had chosen, suggests the Society had some idea of what they were about to build, perhaps based on the design made for them by the Adam brothers in 1756. Mylne’s diary does not help as it simply records payment for the design in March 1763. In fact there is evidence that other ideas were still in the melting pot around the time of Mylne’s design.
At some point, the Society appear to have considered an existing building, the plan of which survives in the Innes of Stow family papers and which has never previously been considered in relation to St. Cecilia’s Hall. The documentation consists of two small sheets of writing paper, the first with the plan of a rectangular room (50 x 29.6ft) with associated but irregularly shaped rooms, and a calculation of its entire
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 31 area in a very precise, tradesman-like hand. The second sheet (and originally they were folded together with this sheet as the outer) is inscribed ‘The Measure of the Assembly or Concert room by [G I?]’ most likely Gilbert Innes of Stow, a very wealthy banker and a leading member of the Musical Society. The measurements given on the second sheet correspond closely with the St. Cecilia’s and its oval room as built (‘65 [ft] the long diameter’ and ’36 the lesser diar.’) giving an area of 1837sq. ft. On the reverse of the sheet with the plan, in the same hand as G.I.’s calculations, this figure is deducted from the area of the rooms shown (2074 less 1837 giving an additional 237sq. ft., suggesting that the comparison favoured the room illustrated, although only being able to do so with the addition of the irregular spaces. Most interestingly the plan shows four pillars at the end of the rectangular room, forming a screen, the only division between it and the other rooms. It seems very likely that the building illustrated in the plan is the Assembly room at the top of Old Assembly Close in the High Street, erected around 1720 as part of a tenement owned by the heraldic painter, Roderick Chalmers. According to Grant, the Assembly room had a spacious lobby and ‘from this lobby the dancing-hall opened at once, and upstairs was a tea room…. the [dance-hall] had in its centre a railed space, within which were the dancers; while the spectators, we are told, sat on the outside…’ [Grant Vol. I p. 243] On the evidence of the plan and the calculations, it seems likely that Gilbert Innes, at least, was still considering a collaboration with the Assembly room at the time of the building of St. Cecilia’s hall. With this in mind and the closeness of their business relationships already mentioned, it is interesting that St. Cecilia’s hall reproduced the arrangement of the Assembly, whereby dancers or concert goers could mingle in a central railed space and be seated around the walls.
Estimates for the building of St. Cecilia’s were under consideration in March 1761 and as the cheapest, William Mylne, brother of the architect Robert, won the contract for the mason work and began driving the oak piles for the foundations over eighteen days in May. Interestingly, he had a model of the building to work from, made by Andrew Raeburn in April, a tradition that reflected the practice of Mary’s Chapel of having masons produce a model of a described building as the central test for their freedom of the Incorporation. The use of oak piles in an area that clearly suffered from large amounts of water run-off [note the many attempts at repairing the sewer/drain] may be the reason for the present outwards lean of the pedimented façade although this whole area including the tenement built on the east side of South Bridge shows alarming evidence of settlement.
Work progressed remarkably quickly with palings around the foundations by June, and in December, a meeting over a few pints between George Paterson the superintending architect and William Mylne, to settle the design of the roof. Almost immediately the building accounts make it clear that this was not a straightforward, ground-up build, but rather an accommodation of the plan within other buildings and party walls, possibly even incorporating the existing structure of a shop and two houses [2.2.1760]. It is unfortunate that the recently discovered site plan gives no clues to the buildings that stood on the site of the hall. But undoubtedly this was to be a building on the cheap, a characteristic that would continue for most of its history, with occasional bursts of expenditure on decoration and gilding. The earliest work took place on the roofs of the neighbouring buildings with guttering, slating and the provision of water spouts. Following this the significant work was undertaken by the masons. In January 1762 a mason and his mate spent half a day ‘levelling the dormonts on the wall heads’ suggesting that at least some of the
32 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan buildings on the site of the hall had been of stone construction and that existing dormer windows were removed. On the 28th, eight days were spent with masons and labourers ‘levelling the joists in the platform’, a length of time suggesting something of a struggle relating the floors to existing and new-built walls. In September 1762 the smith supplied 5 stone 4lb of sheet lead for ‘the top of the great window and in November a further 9 stone 9lb for ‘the top of the three windows in the lowest platform’. This is the earliest mention of the great window in the west wall, the subject of much debate in 1965 when a young James Simpson, then a student with Ian G. Lindsay, had the temerity to suggest that such a window had existed. The fact that it did is an indication of just how different the hall would have appeared in its early days, both externally and internally. The use of lead on the top of this window is understandable but its use on the lower windows is slightly puzzling and may say something about their original design. This make-and-mend attitude continued in March with the building up of a door in the lobby and even as late as November 1763 the masons were taking down and putting up a chimney, using brick. But the end was in sight when the roof was slated in March 1762 and the glazed iron cupolo with its machine for ventilation was installed in June. The Society began to think of inhabiting their new hall, ‘bronzing the statue of Hercules Farnese, several busts, and varnishing the bust of St Cecilia’, all presumably plaster casts.
The decision to have an oval room was obviously causing problems by mid November 1762 when the mason’s account notes, ‘3 days of 2 masons and 2 labourers, taking down, building and levelling the two midwalls to answer with the double lath.’ It could be that Mylne had made an error and had to change the work but it would be surprising if he could simply charge this to his client, especially with a smart treasurer like William Douglas. It could also be that the proportions of the oval threatened to reduce the internal space to such an extent that desperate measures had to be taken. It may also be that this is yet another example of the re- use of existing walls although waiting until the roof was in place before making the changes does seem a little odd. Combined with the fact that the decision to have the seating placed around the walls was only made in December (and bearing in mind the caveat about the late entry of Minutes) it does appear that ideas for an oval room developed slowly. It may also be pertinent, bearing in mind his continuing interest in 1755 that the society was still making contact with James Adam in Rome in June 1761. William Adam, the youngest brother was fiercely loyal to the family firm and on a visit to Edinburgh shortly before 28 September 1762, he crowed to James in Rome, in a comment that was to be prophetically close to the mark:
‘…I saw the new Concert Room there, which has an ugly squat oister like look & will certainly murder the music totally, which will [be the] finishing stroke to Blackfriars [the family nickname for Robert Mylne] whenever it is ready for performing in… ‘
The staircase too is something of a puzzle as the stone for this was not billed until February 1763 and the 73ft of mahogany handrail did not arrive until September 1765 when the masons drilled the holes for the railing! It does appear that the balustrade was added after the first performances and probably more importantly, after the ladies had been invited in.
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 33 The foundations of the ‘4 pillars’ which form such a prominent part of the design were laid in March 1762 and yet the mason’s account makes no mention whatever of the stone for these columns or the masons time in carving them. This raises the distinct possibility that the columns came from another building and the most likely candidate is the Assembly room discussed earlier. The managers of the Assembly had petitioned Dr. Neilson [trustee of the deceased Roderick Chalmers, the owner of the building] to make repairs and specifically to adjust the hall to the level of the Close. He was not prepared to undertake the work but agreed to sell the hall to them in 1759. Figure 28 Drawing from Innes of Stow Bearing in mind the close relationship papers, showing four columns in Assembly outlined earlier it seems possible that building, possibly re-used at St Cecilia’s Hall during alterations to the Assembly NAS building, the four pillars shown on the drawing in the Innes of Stow family papers, found their way into St. Cecilia’s Hall. It is difficult to get such a detailed picture of progress on the wright work in the building as William Good’s itemised account for this early work does not survive and the only record is the measurer’s statement made in June 1764. Even that however makes interesting reading and raises more questions than can be answered here. It notes for example ‘241ft 6in of enriched cornice’, which is a puzzle since the circumference of the room would have been c.165ft if oval and the rectangle, c.196ft. This item does not include the staircase or the ‘oval window’, presumed to be the skylight which are mentioned later in the statement ‘173 ft of cornice in stair case & oval window’. Together however these references suggest that all of the decorative work on the ceiling was in timber rather than plaster. Perhaps the most interesting feature is the ‘68ft of wainscot circular rail’ which suggests an inner railed area [elliptical or horseshoe shaped rather than circular?] in the manner of the Assembly room of roughly 30 x 10 ft. The Minutes of the Musical society give detailed instructions on the construction of the seats “[they] should be placed round the side….five rows of seats only, the fore seat to be 18 inches high above the floor and each seat to be 5 inches higher than the other. [The back seat was]…to be movable and serve for a passage occasionally” [7.12.1762].
34 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan When this information is combined with the detailed account for repairs to the seating [3.1.1767], it is remarkable how close this entire arrangement was to Thomas Hamilton’s design of the assembly hall of the Royal High School in 1825. Without the benefit of any drawings and from the measurer’s notes it is possible to assume that the oval room at this stage had a flat ceiling with a cove and a Figure 29 Assembly hall of Royal High School, centrally placed oval cupola. 1954 Scotsman Publications Changes continued to be made to the building as late as February 1763 when two windows were slapped in the east wall to Dickson’s Close, in a space recorded as the ‘rehearsal room’. This raises a very interesting question with regard to the eastern wall and the early use of the space beneath the hall. In early photographs in the Monument Record a vertical break can be seen in the east wall, appearing between the north-most window and the chimney stack. This also appears as a distinct recess from this point northwards, in the survey drawings by Ian G. Lindsay dated September 1960. This break marks the point where the wall of the ‘stone land’ that appears on the recently discovered 1759 plan of the area, adjoined the hall, creating what appears to have been a mutual wall with two great arches that may originally have extended south with a run of four or five such arches. They must have been closed up during the early stages of the build, as they were again in 1958 although there is a remote possibility that one or both remained open, only being sealed off in November 1765 when there is an account for ‘ ½ day of mason and labourer building up a slap between the hall and Mr. Dallas’s land’. The 1759 plan does not reveal the owner of the ‘stone land’, a fact that should be established along with the changes in ownership and demolition dates of the other houses abutting the hall. But this also means that the only place for two windows to be slapped out in 1763 was in the first room to the north from the lobby, meaning that this space cannot have been, as has been suggested for some time, an arrival hall for sedan chairs. The rehearsal room may have extended into both laigh rooms with an arcade between [the remnants of another earlier wall?] and entered through the door in the north-west corner. With the possibility of only one other window, in the south west corner, it must have been a rather dingy space for a considerable time and of little use without the two windows of 1763. It also makes it difficult to see where the two cartloads of coal that arrived on a regular basis, were dumped, unless under the stair, as the coal ‘in the hall’ had to be moved by porters in August 1764, to allow for repairs to the drains. This would suggest that the door to the Cowgate via Davidson’s Close was a tradesman’s entrance and that there may have been some provision for coal storage under the stair.
The mason was back again in September 1763 to alter the wall where the organ, presented by James Callandar of Craigforth, was to be placed. But the first phase of the building works may be said to have ended in January 1766 when the Directors requested that all outstanding accounts should be settled. The minutes specifically
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 35 refer to accounts from the wright, mason, smith and ‘Runciman, the painter’, highlighting the fact that the concert room may not have been decorated fully until as late as 1771 and its walls, not until 1773! The only surviving account for decorating in the first phase is from Runciman, for work carried out in September 1766 - for colouring all the seats white; the orchestra rails green; the window shutters [colour un-specified]; the doors mahogany colour and gilding the rails of the orchestra and the doors. The notion that the concert hall was a grandly decorated theatre in its earliest period is far from the truth and that it ever resembled the sophisticated interior created in 1965, with expensive wall coverings and polished wood floors, is not borne out by the evidence. St. Cecilia’s was built by a group of wealthy gentlemen, to be used almost exclusively by men, at night and simply as a place to listen to and perform music in. Ladies were occasionally asked to join them for the big public occasions such as the feast day of St. Cecilia on 22 November and the improvements to the building and its decoration probably occurred as a reaction to their involvement. As noted earlier, the balustrade for the stair was only erected in 1764, the same year in which the chimney piece was given two ‘polished chimney stones’. While some lustres may have been brought from Mary’s Chapel (the 1764 measure of the wright’s work speaks of taking down and putting up lustres) the first lighting was also purchased in 1764. A large chandelier costing 24 guineas was paid for and two brass chandeliers with 12 lights each (presumably for the lobby or possibly the rehearsal room) were purchased from Mr. Brown in Newcastle in 1765. Four rather grand glass lustres ‘with cut balls and knobs containing 12 twisted branches’ costing £45, were sent from London in January 1766. In September 1765 the wright provided ‘six boards 30in diameter for the lustres, which suggests that the flamboyant outlay of 3 guineas on ‘six large paper mache roses’ in January 1763 may have proved something of a risk above multiple branch candle-lit chandeliers, especially in a room of limited height. In 1775 the chains for seven lustres were gilded. Music came first and the Directors were extravagant in their payments to professional musicians; expenditure on the hall was secondary and almost whimsical.
3.3.3 Phase Two - 1768 to 1776
This period sees the first major changes to the building. A proper doorway was opened into the Cowgate and the oval partitions at the south end of the interior were removed to form a flat rear wall. As a result of problems with an echo, the ceiling was probably raised by constructing a second oval cove within the roof space. The phase ended with the placing of twenty Ionic pilasters around the hall and the installation of an organ in the central niche of the north wall with associated re-decoration. All of this new information has been gleaned from the Innes of Stow papers and no application appears to have been made to the Dean of Guild Court for any of the alterations.
Although the annual concert in honour of St. Cecilia was held in the new hall on 16 December 1763, the building was probably not in regular use until June 1764 at the earliest. William Mylne was making the first of regular alteration to the drains, laying the paving outside the entrance and beginning work on the railings in April 1764. Work on the railings had to be abandoned until September, in order to obtain a Dean of Guild warrant. (These railings may have been a substantial affair, set between wooden pillars, as the account for painting them green in 1766 refers to 19yds of work, a considerable area even allowing for two or three coats). Simon Fraser was still supplying wall lamps, pot lamps for the lobby and a wall candlestick
36 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan as well as lighting the lamps in June 1764 and James Caddell was laying the matting in the same month. Almost immediately questions arose about the acoustics (or an echo as they would have understood it in the 18th century) and on 9 July 1764 a meeting to consider ‘raising the roof’ was adjourned until the 27th and at that meeting, until 28 November – when it was apparently not discussed. The problem of the echo and the alterations made to combat it constitute the second important phase in the building history and in the same way that new research has revealed much about the building of the hall that was previously unknown, the evidence for this phase overturns most of the accepted history.
Minor improvements continued with the orchestra enclosed with a railing in January 1766 and wooden trellises were supplied for the lower external windows, to prevent vandalism. Small fragments of information such as the cleaning of four chimney flues in October 1766 reveal that in addition to the two Carron stoves purchased in 1762 and their masonry flues in the northern gable [26.2.1763], there were two other fireplaces in use, one on the east wall of the hall that existed until 1965 and another, apparently in the lobby for which a grate and back were supplied in June 1766. The upholsterer supplied a canvas floor cloth in September 1767 that he painted using a roller (possibly carved with a pattern) and the area, 20yds, suggests this was for the orchestra and once again, a remedy for the echo. This frustrating problem obviously persisted for in August 1767 at a performance of an oratorio, a carpet was hired for 2s 6d to ‘cover the great window’, an action repeated on a number of occasions. The first major change occurred in May 1768 when the façade towards the Cowgate received some attention. There had always been an entrance in this wall but it was now altered, involving a new door and two windows ‘one semi circle at top the other an oblong’. The exact arrangement is difficult to visualise without drawings but as it required 40yds of harling ‘in the passage from the [said] door to the Hall’ it may be that the managers covered at least part of Davidson’s close leading to the hall from the Cowgate and placed a new door at the Cowgate end. It is easy to see that the space could have become a nuisance and a security risk. This suggestion is confirmed to some extent by repairs to the ‘roof of the passage to the back entry’ in September 1772 involving 15yds of lath and plaster. The painter’s account for the same period includes the colouring of the outside of ten windows, five trellis frames, the new ‘back door to the Cowgate’ and the inside of seven windows [9.5.1768]. The question of raising the roof was discussed again in February 1769 but with a new suggestion to ‘square the end at the door and support the roof on pillars’. Estimates for the work may have been taken at this time as one exists [un-dated], presumably from Alexander Runciman and Dugal Maclaurin in response to four drawings [presently un-traced]. Without any further comment Runciman and Maclaurin simply painted the cupola in November 1769 and the seats were given what became almost an annual overhaul, using sweet oil and a dozen eggs for finishing.
As a curtain raiser for more elaborate works, the staircase was partially lined in 1771 with 42ft of moulding around the top and an architrave for a door, either the one to the Cowgate or a replacement for the upper hall entrance. For the first time Runciman & Maclaurin carried out a full scheme of decoration, painting the seats green, the orchestra, the staircase and pillars [no colour specified although the orchestra rail had been painted green in 1766], coloured the doors mahogany and gilded the architrave to the hall door. The roof and cornice of the hall were whitened as was the ceiling of the lobby, the ‘waiting room’ and the walls of the stair. They also bronzed a bust (presumably St. Cecilia) and its bracket. [It is worth pointing out
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 37 here that Runciman & Maclaurin was a partnership in name only at this stage, Alexander having gone to Rome in 1767, returning until late 1771. The partnership seems to have ended on his return] In September 1772 work finally began on squaring the end of the hall but the gallery was probably not added at this time. The clues to the work are to be found in the accounts of the wrights, Alexander Hay and William Good. Hay lists among other work, ‘27yds 3ft bound lyning in shutters; 5yds 6ft in facings; 15yds 6ft ceiling lath & plaster; 45yds 3ft stone wall plaster; 6 yds in rail and 211ft 5in in base and surbase mouldings’. Almost all of the tradesmen’s accounts specify the date on which the work was undertaken and although they may have resorted to memory on occasion, it appears that they are reasonably accurate. William Good’s account refers to work carried out in the hall in November 1773 and while it is more technical, referring in detail to materials supplied it appears to refer to work associated with the squaring of the back wall; ‘9½yds thick dales shelves; 20yds dado lyning; 330 ft mouldings and 9 cloak pins’. From this combined list it appears that the rear wall was indeed squared off and the panelled dado replaced in the corners and along the back wall. Shelves may have been provided in the wall and the reference to ‘bound lyning in shutters’ may refer to shuttering for the great window as the use of a carpet to cover the window during performances, ceases around this date. One account that appears to be well out of sequence is that of John Caitcheon, the carver and gilder who submitted a bill for twenty carved Ionic capitals and 79ft of ‘different enrichments in the cornice of the hall’ in October 1774. His work was probably carried out in association with Hay in 1772 and Good in 1774, but as Dugal Maclaurin gilded ten pilasters in August 1773, it may be assumed that only this number of pilasters had been completed by the time the decorator arrived. The fact that after the alterations in 1771 the hall functioned without any re-decoration for a period of almost two years is noteworthy. Good was still fiddling about in February 1774, apparently modifying the skirting board, reducing it to 4inches broad. In August 1773 Dugal Maclaurin really went to town and as well as the gilding he painted the walls green; the first occasion on which they were decorated, returned the seats to a ‘fine white’, painted ornaments above the niches and painted a ‘mock belt’ around the hall, presumably either above the dado or below the cornice as a means of reducing the visual effect of so many vertical features.
But problems with the echo obviously persisted as a 7ft. high, four leaf screen, had been made up by the wright in September 1772 for which hinges were purchased in January 1773 when it was lined with (the almost inevitable) green linen. Further measures were taken in October when the upholsterer supplied canvas and wallpaper ‘for the back wall’ confirmation too that the end of the room had been squared off. That this was not simply a matter of decoration is suggested by the fact that the canvas was stretched over a wooden frame that was then attached to the wall before the paper was applied. This was the more expensive option when papering a plaster wall but it had the effect of increasing the sound absorption. It also says much of the managers’ understanding of the properties of sound that they took such skilled measures. The most dramatic alteration took place in November 1773 when James Whitehead the plasterer spent ‘27 days of 1 man’ and ‘17½ days’ of another working on what must have been the second cove inserted in the roof space. As already noted, the wright, William Good’s accounts are very technical for the work carried out in 1773 but the presumption here is that they include work on the ceiling. That Whitehead’s account is for ceiling plaster is confirmed by the reference to stucco in the account and a repair carried out the plaster cast of Hercules at the same time.
38 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan
In November 1774 the accounts were inspected and instructions sent out that there should be no further work carried out except that necessary to keep the building wind and watertight, until such time as the Directors ‘shall find the funds in a situation to admit such an expence’. This directive appears to have had little effect as the chains for the lustres were gilded in the following January and in September a bust and its pedestal was also gilded. This may have been the St Cecilia once again or possibly the large bust of Homer, paid for in October.
The final alterations carried out during this phase relate to the installation of the long awaited Snetzler organ. In September 1774 the masons were in, enlarging the niche and the wright, Thomas Heriot supplied ‘a strong frame for raising the seat’ and the seat itself, of mahogany and covered with hair cloth. The organ required additional decoration in order to re-claim its central position in what was by now, finally, a colourful and sparkling interior space. James Adamson carved and gilded a ‘pillaster capalato, frieze and cornice’ with carved and gilded swags of ‘Sparko and Druso’[?] presenting his account in February 1776. All of this work seems to have encouraged a change in the layout of the entrance front and between September and November 1774 one of the windows was altered to form a door. It was supplied with a ‘bound door… with flush panels below and the upper part made in the form of a sash window’. As part of their economy drive the wright also provided ‘a pedestal at the foot of the door to make it appear like the rest of the stone work on the front of the Hall’. Nothing is said in the accounts about sealing up the main door or which window was altered so the effect of this work is unclear. It may explain the irregular form of the window to the right of the main entrance in Niddry Street today but that would have created a problem with the foot of the staircase that is not mentioned. It is possible that was intended to be a ‘stable’ door with a pedestal fitted to the staircase to provide a standing platform for someone to check tickets.
3.3.4 Phase Three 1786 to 1801
The third phase in the history of the building begins in 1786 and is determined by the upheaval caused by the construction of the South Bridge, a ‘flyover’ that completely destroyed the aspect of the building and led to the gradual decline in its fortunes and eventual sale to the Baptist Congregation in 1801. This is the period when the adjoining building to the north was demolished and the portico added to the entrance in Niddry Street. Only sporadic records for the South Bridge Trustees have survived, including one volume of Minutes, but the emphasis in this volume is on the detailed negotiations with property owners along the new route. A plan of the area from the South Bridge Trustee’s papers, published by Forbes Gray, shows St Cecilia’s with it’s elliptical hall, the courtyard facing the main entrance, and the still extant Mary’s Chapel, next-door but one.
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 39
rgh City Council Archives E dinbu Council City rgh Bridge Trustees. South the of papers the from plan 30 Location gure
F
40 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan
3.3.5 Phase Four 1801 to 1844
From 1801 until 1809 the building was occupied by the Edinburgh Baptist Congregation, and it is assumed that in their short period of ownership few changes were made to the building. Indeed, the land to the south of the Hall fronting the Cowgate remained undeveloped by the Baptist Congregation.
It was then sold to the Grand Lodge of Scotland and they may have completed the removal of the oval interior, taking away the curves at the northern end, in line with their ceremonial requirements: certainly by the time that the Ordnance Survey recorded the plan of the hall in the 1849-53 map, the hall was fully rectangular. The Freemasons were quick to develop the site, in particular the plot of land between the Hall and the Cowgate. They built a two-storey extension, designed by their official architect, John Thin, with commercial properties for rent at street level and additional hall space on the first floor. This structure extended as far east as Dickson’s Close, leaving an open area behind and included a small lean-to ‘cash shop’ at the southern end of that ground. A single, very fragile drawing by John Thin, survives in the Dean of Guild Court collection. The drawing shows the ground floor of the 1812 building with four shops, each comprising two bays, with alternating doors and windows on an asymmetrical arrangement. This area continued in commercial use until 1959. The first floor is shown on the drawing as two separate rooms, each with doors leading from the main staircase of the existing building. The three-bay room was proposed to lead from the top landing of the stair, with a drop of four steps. The adjacent two-bay room was to lead from the south east half-landing, with four steps up. It appears that this would have allowed the Mylne staircase to remain unaltered, yet later plans show that the level of the top landing was lowered to allow level access for two doorways to the new extension, with steps up to the main Hall thus being necessary.
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 41
Figure 31 Plans and elevation accompanying the Dean of Guild application to extend St Cecilia’s Hall in 1812. Edinburgh City Archives
The Freemasons were more amenable to different users renting parts of the building, thus ensuring its financial viability and extending the Hall’s cultural importance. For example the Edinburgh School of Arts, which ultimately became Heriot Watt University, held their first lectures in the concert hall with their library occupying what is now the 1812 gallery.
42 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 3.3.6 Phase Five 1844 to c.1890
In 1844 ownership passed to the City of Edinburgh and the use of the building by Dr. Bell’s School. The Minutes of the Town Council reveal that architectural drawings were made of the building in its current state and for alterations recommended by Thomas Brown, Superintendent of Public Works. While these drawings may survive, the massive collection of architectural drawings belonging to the City of Edinburgh including those from the City Architect’s office has not been catalogued and consequently any surviving drawings cannot be traced. As the Council owned the building they did not apply to the Dean of Guild Court for permission to carry out any alterations, and thus little is known about how Dr Bell’s occupation of the building changed the historic fabric.
One thing that can be construed from Ordnance Survey maps of 1849-53 is that the four sash windows to the hall on the first floor were in existence at this point. As it can be reasonably well assumed that the Grand Lodge did not add these windows, it is likely that these were early alterations by the school. The same map shows the two doors to the 1812 hall in existence and the partition between the two rooms.
Figure 32 Extract from Ordnance Survey map of Edinburgh, 1849-53, showing the rectangular first floor hall with four window openings. NLS
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 43 3.3.7 Phase Six 1890 to 1933 The 1890s saw extensive changes to St Cecilia’s Hall with the pattern of use becoming increasingly fragmented. The School Board sold the Hall to George Cooper and Co, with the exception of the four shops in the ground floor of the 1812 extension, which by 1898 were owned by McLaren’s Trustees. Interestingly drawings from 1898 show that the property of McLaren’s Trustees included the original entrance hall and staircase, as well as the ground floor commercial properties of the 1812 extension. George Cooper and Co’s entrance is shown in the small building to the north of the Hall, suggesting the main access to the hall at this point was from the staircase in this building. This then opens up the possibility that if the original Mylne staircase was not in the ownership of Cooper (and thus disconnected from the main hall), then the first floor of the 1812 extension may also have been in separate use.
Figure 33 Extract from drawing showing partial elevation of George Cooper and Co’s property, and site plan showing division of St Cecilia’s Hall, with entrance lobby and stair in possession of the McLaren Trustees. Also shown is the proposed new window on the west Elevation. NLS
Drawings from 1890 suggest Coopers planned to roof over the old playground occupying the ground between the Hall and Dickson’s Close. The Ordnance Survey map of 1895 confirms that by this date, the playground had indeed been roofed over. However drawings of 1896 suggest an alteration for this area, opening a small light well at the northern end, allowing for two windows to the laigh hall and three windows to be opened in the ground floor of the north cottage. Further drawings dated 1898 show the proposals that the east boundary wall head be raised to allow the insertion of windows, along with a new large window opening in the west (Niddry Street) elevation, and a short stair through the north wall to connect the laigh hall area to Coopers entrance hall. Windows on both the east and west elevations were added, albeit not in the exact positions proposed on these drawings. These windows must have vastly improved the laigh hall’s rental prospects.
Two of the shops in the 1812 extension were subsequently knocked through and turned into the Bridges Bar. By 1959 this bar had extended through all four of the original 1812 shop premises.
44 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan The surviving partner, Andrew Cairns, wound up George Cooper and Co in 190415 but continued to own and let out the property. Interestingly, whilst the 1903-4 Post Office Directory lists two occupants at 40 Niddry Street: George Cooper & Co and James Burnet. By 1911-12, two further names shared the premises: Fyfe & Co and Thomas Bradford. As subsequent directory from 1921-22 show Walter Burnet replacing James, and Mrs Thomas Bradford assuming ownership from her husband.
3.3.8 Phase Seven 1933 to 1959 In 1924 Magdalen Cairns was given the Hall by her father. Although she took ownership, drawings from 1935 accompanying the Dean of Guild application to convert the Hall into a Ballroom show that the applicant was a Mr Thomas Brown – presumably the leaseholder. By 1951 Miss Cairns appears to have assumed both the role of both proprietor and manager. Interestingly the drawings from 1935 show only a slim column and pier in the Figure 34 Miss Magdalen Cairns, c1950s place of the stone arches of the laigh The Scotsman hall. It is likely that this is either merely indicative of the space being divided, or is perhaps an intention to remove the arches and replace with steel joists. What is clearly intended however is that the clear separation of premises continued. The laigh hall area, including the roofed over playground area is entered by the door opening two bays north of the original entrance on the Mylne façade. A smaller workshop area comprises the two ground floor rooms of the north cottage, shares an entrance with the north entrance to the hall upstairs. The first floor drawing also indicates that the 1812 hall was to be left empty, with the doorway ‘nailed up’. Nevertheless, these drawings clearly show the intended use: “Hall to be used for dancing only” is written on the first floor plan. It is likely that the Art Deco period fittings described in later years were installed at this point.
15 p20, J Blackie
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 45
Figure 35 Extract from plan of 1935 showing first floor ‘hall to be used for dancing only’, and the entrance to the 1812 hall to be ‘nailed up’. Edinburgh City Archives The Excelsior Ballroom was successful throughout the 1930s and 1940s, particularly during the Second World War. By the time that Miss Cairns took full control of the Hall in the 1950s, this use was in decline and plans to refurbish the hall were initiated. It was Miss Cairns intention to restore the Hall to its original state, but this was based on inaccurate interpretation of an historic drawing, presumably the image that appears in Cassell’s Old and New Edinburgh. Miss Cairns removed the 1930s fittings, and installed what she believed to be a replica of the original balcony. Despite a newspaper article in 1953 pointing out that the hall was originally oval, Miss Cairns retained the rectangular shape – in effect recreating not the 18th century appearance as much publicised, but mid-19th century appearance.
Figure 36 Conjectural reconstruction of St Cecilia’s Hall in 1762. St Cecilia’s Hall did not open until 1763, and of course was not rectangular at the south end as shown until later. 1959 Concert Programme
46 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 3.3.9 Phase Eight – 1959 to Today The UoE purchased St Cecilia’s Hall, including the 1812 extension, former school playground area, and the two-storey building adjoining the hall to the north in 1959. For some years the University had been seeking a building to house a collection of early keyboard instruments that were being offered by Raymond Russell. Despite deciding to sell the Hall, Magdalen Cairns was determined to see it be used appropriately and to seek a buyer who would appreciate its cultural importance, and thus it was she that made the initial approach to the University (Blackie, J). It was however apparent that despite recent improvement works, further more extensive works were necessary in order to accommodate the collection. The firm of Ian G Lindsay and Partners was appointed to carry out these works. The same firm were later to be appointed by the University in the restoration of Milne’s Court, built by Robert Mylne’s great-grandfather, for use as a Hall of Residences (works completed 1970). IGL carried out a thorough survey of the building in 1960 and again in 1963. From the drawings produced, it can be seen how the then existing fabric informed the restoration of the Hall. In the first floor hall, the edges of the ellipse could be ascertained in the east and west walls, at that point filled to make flush with the rectangular hall. Also on the first floor level, a break in the east wall can be identified that corresponds to the alignment of the adjacent ‘stone land’ that pre-existed the Hall. This suggests that the stone arcading on the east wall of the ground floor must also have pre- existed the Hall, given that to build them in 1763 would have served no purpose: the EMS did not own the land to the east of the hall, and thus would have had no need for such arcaded access. As previously pointed out there are also references to these arcades having been built up and slapped through as the construction works continued through the 1760s.
Figure 37 The four columns of the entrance lobby and replica double staircase shortly after completion in 1968. AL Hunter Photography/UoE
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 47 Although part of the west-most flight of steps from the original Mylne staircase survived, albeit heavily damaged by the later brick walls enclosing it, it was decided to rebuild the entire staircase in concrete, replicating the original in appearance, function and form if not in material. The four columns in the foyer were stabilised, and remain, along with the stone arcading of the ground floor as the main visual elements of the building as it existed in 1763. In addition to the restoration of the Mylne concert hall, a significant part of IGL’s brief was to provide additional accommodation for the Russell Collection. This necessitated in the conversion of the first floor of the 1812 extension into a gallery space, complimented by a first floor gallery in the entirely new east extension. This gallery was named after Professor Sydney Newman, Reid Professor of Music at the UoE from 1941-70, who was a key figure in the project. Subsidiary accommodation was provided in the ground floor in the form of rehearsal rooms, cloakrooms, kitchen and green room. In light of the inadequate space afforded to the original Mylne entrance on the west elevation, IGL re-orientated the main entrance to Dickson’s Close to the east. In 2003 the University initiated a body of work to refurbish and repair parts of the Hall. This included the removal of asbestos, cosmetic enhancements, and also the blocking off of the glazed east wall of the Newman Gallery. Enhancements to improve accessibility to the public areas were also carried out, including renewing of the lift, and changing the access level to the lift on the ground floor, making it flush with the entrance level, rather than the rehearsal rooms as designed in the 1960s. In 2007 the University of Edinburgh Estates & Buildings Works Division submitted a planning application to install tiered seating in the oval concert hall. This application was subsequently withdrawn.
Figure 38 Newman Gallery after blocking off of glazed east wall. Simpson & Brown
48 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 3.4 Collections held at St Cecilia’s Hall 3.4.1 The Edinburgh University Collection of Historic Musical Instruments The EUCHMI Mission Statement is that ‘the purpose of the Collection is to promote the study of the history, construction and functions of instruments of music and all cognate matters, the furtherance of research and the propagation of knowledge of instrumental history. The Collection will maintain a substantial permanent collection in relation to these objectives16’. The EUCHMI comprises two museums, the Reid Concert Hall Museum of Instruments and St Cecilia’s Hall Museum of Instruments. The two museums are run under a single-unified management structure, but maintain separate identities and clearly distinct collections. The EUCHMI’s scope is ‘all kinds of instruments from all parts of the world and from all periods, with an emphasis on European instruments17’. The EUCHMI was one of the first ten museums to be recognised as nationally significant by the Scottish Government’s Recognition Scheme, run by Museums Galleries Scotland to ‘help make sure that these important collections are identified, cared for, protected and promoted to a wider audience.’18. As of January 2008 there were a total of 27 Recognised Collections in Scotland19. The collections held at St Cecilia’s Hall are kept in the building on a permanent basis. A strict policy on the use of instruments applies whereby individual instruments are limited to one use per year.
Figure 39 Double-manual Figure 40 Grand pianoforte Figure 41 Double-manual harpsichord by Francis by Ignatz Heinrich, Ölmutz, harpsichord by Jacob Coston, London, c 1725. UoE Bohemia, c 1825. UoE Kirckman, London, 1755. UoE
Figure 42 Enharmonic Figure 43 Enharmonic Figure 44 Double-manual virginal by Francesco Poggio, virginal by Francesco harpsichord by Burkat Shudi, Italy, c 1620. UoE Poggio, Italy, c 1620. UoE London, 1766. UoE
16 http://www.music.ed.ac.uk/euchmi/uotn.html, 01-Sept-2008 17 UoE, Musical Museums Leaflet, nd 18 http://www.museumsgalleriesscotland.org.uk/areas_of_work/Recognition_Scheme/Recog nisedcollections.asp, 01-Sep-2008 19 Ibidem
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 49 3.4.2 The Raymond Russell Collection
Raymond Russell (1922 – 1964) was an enthusiastic and learned collector of historical harpsichords and clavichords. His collection was expanded selectively, and covered ‘the most important schools of harpsichord and clavichord building20’. His research culminated in the 1959 publication of The Harpsichord and the Clavichord: An Introductory Survey. Around this time he proposed gifting his collection to a University, where it ‘could become a ‘live’ museum of mainly restored instruments, and a centre for the study of keyboard organalogy and performance practice’21. Professor Sidney Newman, Reid Professor of Music at the UoE was to be the key negotiator in the acquisition. The purchase of St Cecilia’s Hall in 1959 was clearly an ideal base for such a collection, recognised as such by Russell when he Figure 45 Single-manual contributed £5000 towards the cost of harpsichord from the Russell refurbishment, and by the fact he made the gift of Collection by Ioannes Ruckers of his collection conditional on it being housed at St Antwerp, 1637. UoE Cecilia’s Hall.
Unfortunately Russell died in 1964 before he could see the refurbishment of the Hall completed, or indeed see his collection gifted to it, but in 1969 the collection was presented to the University by Russell’s mother in order ‘to fulfil a wish long entertained by him’22. Another part of his legacy was the Raymond Russell Prize for Harpsichord Playing. This ran from 1966 to 1993, and was for students from UK Colleges of Music. Russell’s gift of nineteen instruments was complimented at the time by the University’s own collection of five early keyboard instruments. In the following decades, the collection was to be frequently added to – both by bequests and purchase. The Friends of St Cecilia’s Hall contributed to and supported the acquisition of many of these instruments.
3.4.3 The Rodger Mirrey Collection This collection of twenty-two instruments, surpassing the nineteen instruments gifted by Russell, was donated to the University in 2005. Rodger Mirrey was a London-based doctor who built up his collection of early keyboard instruments over several decades, with instruments dating from the 16th to 19th centuries. The Award of Distinction of University Benefactor was subsequently conferred on Dr Mirrey in recognition of his gift. Dr Mirrey died in 2007. Figure 46 Bentside spinnet from the Rodger Mirrey Collection by unknown maker, c1680. UoE
20 UoE, The Russell Collection: Historical Notes, nd 21 Ibidem 22 As inscribed on memorial plaque within the Hall.
50 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan
3.4.4 The Anne Macauley Collection This collection of plucked string instruments was gifted to the UoE in two phases – in 1977 and 1985. A dedicated player and researcher of historic guitars and lutes, she built up her collection rapidly in the 1960s. Anne Macauley died in 1998.
3.4.5 Other notable historic keyboard instrument collections in the UK · The Cobbe Collection A collection of 38 harpsichords and pianofortes held by the Cobbe Collection Trust at Hatchlands Park, an 18th century mansion in the care of The National Trust. · The Richard Burnett Collection A collection of over 100 instruments including Clavichords, Harpsichords, Organs and Pianofortes held at the Musical Museum at Finchcock House. · The Bate Collection This collection of musical instruments includes over thirty keyboard instruments, all held at the Faculty of Music at the University of Oxford. · The Benton Fletcher Collection This small, but significant collection of nineteen keyboard instruments is held by The National Trust at Fenton House. · The Victoria and Albert Museum’s Musical Instruments Collection The museum’s collection includes over twenty historic keyboard instruments including spinets, virginals, harpsichords and pianofortes. · The Horniman Museum Collection There are thirty string keyboard instruments held by the Horniman Museum, with a further array of pianofortes and organs amongst the total of 7000 instruments held.
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 51 4.0 STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE As a Category A listed building, St Cecilia’s Hall is recognised as being of at least National importance.23 As a rare surviving example of Robert Mylne’s architectural works in Scotland, St Cecilia’s Hall is of especially high significance. Coming from a long line of noted builders, master masons, and architects, St Cecilia’s Hall has important historical links with other Mylne family works in Edinburgh and beyond. Robert Mylne’s travels in the years immediately before his designs undoubtedly brought influence and inspiration for the elliptical hall, but nevertheless Mylne created a building type that had never before been seen in Scotland: the purpose-built concert hall. Although only Mylne’s west façade remains, albeit in poor condition, the documentary evidence that informed the 1960s reinstatement of the 18th century interiors were of enormous importance to the re-establishment of the Hall as pre- eminent in its class. Amid a period of great expansion of Edinburgh, and major redevelopment works in the historic heart of the capital, St Cecilia’s Hall stands as an important built manifestation of Edinburgh’s ‘golden age’. The cultural enlightenment that drove advances in science and the arts represents one of Edinburgh’s most creative periods. It is hardly surprising then that with the proposals for St Cecilia’s Hall being conceived only eleven years after the first example of the a purpose-built concert hall in Europe, Holywell Music Room in Oxford, it was of a highly creative and technically ingenious form. The elliptical form of the hall was not installed for reasons of aesthetics, but was an experiment in acoustics. The fact that continued changes to the Hall to adjust these acoustics in the decades after the Hall was first opened further underlines the advancing knowledge, and thus expectations, that were being placed on an otherwise social activity. Although the Edinburgh Musical Society who commissioned St Cecilia’s did not last to the end of the 18th century, their impact on the concert-going citizens of Edinburgh cannot be underestimated. It was the exclusivity of the Society, and the incompatibility of this exclusivity to the decreasing social stature of the immediate vicinity of the Hall that caused the original purpose of the Hall to cease before the century was out. It was not for lack of popularity, or significance of such an art-form: it reappeared in more salubrious and genteel parts of the city, and where admittance was available to a wider audience. Again, the significance of the Hall as a representation of a Society (and indeed society) aiming to better their scientific and artistic outlook cannot be underestimated, especially in the context of a capital city that had in many ways lost its political status, and was in the process of completely re-inventing itself, both physically and culturally. The subsequent years under the ownership of the Baptist Congregation and the Grand Lodge of Scotland contributed to the historical legacy that the existing building enjoys, and also widened the social impact of the building, playing a role in the history of both such organisations. The 1812 extension also added to the viability of the Hall, allowing for wider use not only by the Freemasons, but by the Edinburgh School of Arts, precursor to today’s Heriot Watt University.
23 The scheduling of the building as an Ancient Monument for over fifty years also recognised this importance, but it must be pointed out that the removeal of St Cecilia’s Hall from the list of Scheduled Ancient Monument was for practical reasons and not a comment on any reduction in significance.
52 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan Although the setting of St Cecilia’s Hall can be seen to detract from the amenity value in many ways, the changes in this setting since the Hall was built have had a direct influence on the historical development of the site. The changing pattern of use reflected the changing nature of the immediate area, though this was not always to the benefit of the historic fabric. Nevertheless it can be argued that the continued use ensured occupation and avoided dereliction and demolition: had the setting been more agreeable after the vacation of the building by Dr Bell’s school toward the end of the 19th century, the building could well have been lost. In other words, prior to protection in 1951, the setting can be seen to have removed the economic viability of replacement, and suggests that the Hall’s survival alone is of particular historical interest and significance. With the re-opening of the Hall in the 1930s as the Excelsior Ballroom, the social significance of the Hall was reinstated. It was an appropriate use for the hall, and although the historical pedigree remained largely dormant, its use as a place of entertainment took on particular importance, in particular throughout the Second World War. With the establishment of the Edinburgh International Festival in 1947, the potential of the Hall was acknowledged by the then owner, who ultimately identified the UoE as a suitable owner of the property. It is with the purchase of the Hall by the UoE that neatly encapsulated not only the origins of the Hall’s creations, but reinvigorated it with new purpose as home to the Russell Collection. Alone this collection of early keyboard instruments is of enormous importance, but with the marriage of collection to building, both are notably enhanced. The significance of St Cecilia’s Hall is underlined by its use as a ‘live’ museum: not just a place to house these instruments, but to allow the public to hear them played. The appreciation of both Hall and Collections cannot be assessed in separation. With the ongoing additions to the University’s collection of musical instruments, the increasing demands placed upon the buildings that house them ensures not only continued viability, but necessitates further change. Figures 47 and 48 highlight how the building has been changed and adapted since it was built in 1763. Indeed, it is believed that at least some of the historic fabric of the ground floor level may have been re-used from either previous buildings on the same site, or brought from other locations. The diagrams also show the substantial alterations carried out by Ian G Lindsay and Partners in the 1960s.
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 53
Figure 47 Ground floor plan showing structural history. Simpson & Brown
54 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan
Figure 48 First floor plan showing structural history. Simpson & Brown
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 55
5.0 CONSERVATION ISSUES
5.1 Introduction This section identifies conservation issues particular to the site. The various factors considered here include statutory and non-statutory constraints, requirements of the owner, and archaeological issues.
5.2 Statutory and Non-Statutory Constraints
5.2.1 Listed Building Consent St Cecilia’s Hall is a Category A-Listed structure. Any proposal to alter, extend or demolish a listed building must be granted listed building consent before it can proceed. Listed building consent must be obtained where proposals will alter the character of Category A, B or C (S) listed buildings, for both interior and exterior works. The local planning authority will consider applications for Listed Building Consent with regard to advice provided by Historic Scotland in the Memorandum of Guidance (currently under review) as well as their own and other relevant policies. The authority may refer to Historic Scotland at any time during the consent process and must notify Historic Scotland of their intentions to grant consent for Category A and B listed buildings and for demolition of all Categories of listed buildings.
5.2.2 Old Town Conservation Area St Cecilia’s Hall is located within the Old Town Conservation Area as identified by Edinburgh City Council, and the building contributes substantially to the character of the Area. Development control issues will have to be considered if any works are proposed within the site that might potentially impact upon the Conservation Area.
5.2.3 Edinburgh World Heritage Edinburgh World Heritage was created in 1999 by a merger of the Old Town Renewal Trust and the New Town Conservation Committee and is a charitable company. The primary purpose of Edinburgh World Heritage is the management, protection, enhancement and promotion of the Edinburgh World Heritage Site. EWH represent the Site and monitor its state of conservation as required by UNESCO. They also co-ordinate action, through the EWH Management Plan, to protect the values of the Site and provide funding for conservation purposes. Any proposed works to buildings within this area will come under scrutiny of EWH, particularly where funding is requested.
5.3 Archaeological Issues Early cartographic sources of Edinburgh show buildings being located on and near the site of St Cecilia’s Hall. Due to the density and extent of building throughout the Old Town throughout the years, it is likely that archaeological evidence for earlier construction and use of the site remains within the study area.
56 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan The potential sensitivity of the study area will require further examination by an archaeologist and ground disturbance on the site is likely to have archaeological implications.
5.4 Setting Issues St Cecilia’s Hall has long suffered from an awkward setting. Arguably the chosen site was difficult from the very beginning, being literally carved out between existing buildings, but this was quite normal for the extreme high-density of the historic centre of Edinburgh. Nevertheless it was the building of South Bridge, and most pertinently the adjacent tenements, that proved to be most critical to decline of the Hall in the 18th century. The fact that further tall buildings to the north were constructed in the 19th century (subsequently replaced in the 1990s) and immediately to the east further compound the hemmed-in nature of the Hall’s setting. As a result there are only very restricted views of the Hall. Although the Mylne façade to Niddry Street, had the benefit of a small courtyard when built, only very tight oblique views are now possible. Oblique views up and down Niddry Street are also restricted as a result of the narrowness of the street, the level of traffic, and the generally unappealing nature of the streetscape, in terms of the quality of the pavements and road surface, the car park entrance, and abandoned properties at the Niddry Street level of the South Bridge tenements. It is the small north elevation that is most highly visible when looking down Niddry Street. However the 18th century doorway and small circular window, both of which are blocked-up, are not enhanced by the return elevation being primarily used to store a large refuse container. The much-altered Mylne façade, with many blocked windows and disused entrance does not contribute its full potential as one of the few pre-South Bridge structures to still exist in the vicinity. The north extension from the 1960s, which also faces on to Niddry Street does little to enhance the context of St Cecilia’s Hall – built in a very plain and functional form, its purpose as a caretakers flat at first floor level is soon to be removed. It is the Freemasons’ extension of 1812 that arguably has more impact, fronting handsomely to the Cowgate. Oblique views of this building come not only from each direction along the Cowgate, but from the open section of the South Bridge above. Direct views from Niddry Street South and Robertson’s Close also highlight the potential Nevertheless it appears unconnected to St Cecilia’s Hall, and with no visible entry or visible indicator of its purpose, again does not fulfil its full potential. Furthermore, the setting of immediate vicinity of the Cowgate is still somewhat undesirable, albeit in different way from the somewhat squalid nature of the street in the 19th century. As a busy thoroughfare, with many licensed properties only open in the evenings, and with a large electricity substation directly across the road, this particular part of the Cowgate contributes little to the appreciation of the historic setting.
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5.5 Client Requirements and Resources The principal objective of the UoE is to improve upon the current use of the building both in terms of collections management and public access to the museum and concert hall. Also recognised is the potential to enhance the exterior of the building, and to promote it within its historical context, whilst enhancing the building’s position as an integral part of the University estate. The building was in a good state of repair when purchased by the UoE in 1959, and had undergone considerable refurbishment by the then owner. Although this work had followed an arguably misguided historical understanding of the building, the owner recognised its potential, and that further work was required. The UoE was subsequently identified as a suitable owner, and with the gift of the Russell Collection of early keyboard instruments, had an ideal use for the building. The UoE spent a considerable sum on restoration and extension in the 1960s and it has since been subject to regular maintenance and improvement works.
58 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 6.0 CONSERVATION POLICIES
6.1 Introduction There are a number of reasons for the preservation of a building and its setting on cultural grounds: Historical – For the information or evidence of the past embodied in it. Aesthetic/Architectural – For its beauty, for its value as a work of architecture. Social – For the value embodied in both the tangible and intangible attributes of the site to the local and wider community. During any future conservation and repair works to St Cecilia’s Hall and its associated structures it is important that the significance of the building and its setting is respected, retained and, where possible, enhanced.
6.2 Setting Policy 1 – Setting It is important to maintain and improve upon the existing character and setting of the original Category-A listed building within its Old Town context. Future development on the site should not adversely affect the appreciation of the building, and the opportunity should be taken to enhance the existing fabric.
6.3 Conservation, Restoration and Repair Policy 2 – Restoration and Repair - General Any future repair work should be carried out in such a way that it meets the following objectives: § Original building fabric should be treated with respect and should be retained, conserved and repaired wherever possible. Work should be carried out by experienced tradespeople, and supervised by a conservation accredited architect. § Work should be based upon thorough physical and historical understanding of the building, and undertaken with a thorough knowledge of traditional construction history and practice. § Work should be undertaken in accordance with BS 7913: British Standard Guide to the Principles of Conservation. § Work should be designed that it may be carried out safely and in accordance with the Construction Design Management Regulations. § Repair/restoration of missing elements should match the existing, and should contain an unobtrusive date mark. The original fabric should be recorded before any restoration work is carried out. § A traditional craft-based approach to repair, replacing decayed material on a like-for-like basis is preferred, although there may be occasions when it is more appropriate to use non-traditional methods if these allow more original fabric to remain undisturbed.
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 59 Policy 3 – Interior Spaces The key interiors within St Cecilia’s Hall with a high level of importance are the 1763 entrance lobby, the adjacent laigh hall and the oval concert hall on the first floor. Although these spaces were all heavily reconstructed in the 1960s, they are accurate representations of the original use of the building. The historic structural elements that remain in the ground floor, in particular the series of arches on the east wall, and the four columns in the entrance lobby are of particular interest. The spatial arrangement, form and fabric of these spaces must be retained and conserved as part of any future change in use or management of the building, and should, in general, follow the guidelines of Policy 2. Any changes within the building that may impact on this space should be reversible and not irreversibly damage original fabric.
6.4 Alterations Policy 4 – Alterations The design of any alterations should be carried out in such a way that it achieves the following objectives: § The significance of the existing structure, its fabric and its setting must be respected. The design should be innately attractive but should not intrude on its aesthetic or historical appreciation. § Interventions should be clearly identifiable as such, but also carefully designed to be sympathetic to the existing structure. Materials should be of good quality and long lasting, and should be selected after consideration for their environmental impact and sustainability. § Records should be kept of all works undertaken.
6.5 Archaeology Policy 5 – Archaeology There is the possibility of below-ground archaeological resources remaining within the building and its vicinity. A full archaeological assessment should be undertaken prior to any works in the vicinity of St Cecilia’s Hall, following which monitoring, excavation and recording may be required by a suitably qualified and experienced archaeologist.
6.6 Cleaning and Maintenance Policy 6 – Cleaning Cleaning of stonework for aesthetic reasons will not normally be permitted. Removal of moss, graffiti and bird-droppings, if required, must be carried out by suitably qualified specialists supervised by a conservation accredited architect.
60 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan Policy 7 - Maintenance Regular maintenance is required to maintain St Cecilia’s Hall in a good state of repair. Maintenance work should generally be in accordance with BS 7913: British Standard Guide to the Principles of Conservation.
However, the following specific measures should be adopted: § Roofs and rainwater goods should be inspected and cleaned out biannually, in the autumn and spring. § The whole building should be inspected annually. § The building should be inspected quinquenially by a conservation accredited architect or surveyor. § An annual sum should be set aside for inspection and maintenance. § A logbook of all repair and maintenance work should be maintained.
6.7 Accessibility Policy 8 – Accessibility At present, St Cecilia’s Hall provides reasonable disabled access to and within the building. Entry to the building is not immediate however, and a ramp must be requested to negotiate the steps at the 1960s entrance. There is potential to improve accessibility with use of the 1763 entrance, which is level with the pavement, and which is better situated for either passing vehicles, the car park, or from the High Street. Once inside there is level access to all the public areas of the ground floor and first floor levels, via the lift. A balance must be struck between achieving the aims of the Disability Discrimination Act and maintaining the architectural integrity of the historic fabric of the building and grounds.
6.8 Further Research and Archiving Policy 9 – Further Research Further research should be undertaken as part of any proposed works as appropriate. This Conservation Plan is also recognised as a dynamic document that should be adapted and updated as required, generally every 5 years or when further information is located, or the situation of the building changes.
Policy 10– Archiving Any future works to St Cecilia’s Hall, or in the immediate vicinity, should be visually recorded and copies of the results kept on the premises with any written records. A copy of this Conservation Statement, along with a copy of records of the building, should be deposited in a permanent archive, such as the National Monuments Record of Scotland. These records should be made publicly available, subject to constraints on security and privacy.
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7.0 Strategy Report
7.1 Ground Floor (see figure 49) In order to create additional accommodation it is proposed that the 1960s extension to the north is demolished, or partly demolished, and replaced with a new building. This would allow for the lift to be moved from its current position in the south-east. A slightly smaller kitchen could be accommodated in the same location as present, with a modern plant room adjacent. The replacement extension would allow for the ground floor of the 1812 extension to be cleared of the 1960s subdivisions and used as additional gallery space, with the former doorway to the 1763 entrance lobby reopened. There is the potential to raise the level of the floor to match that of the main entrance level, or to create a ramp in the position of the current steps from the current entrance lobby. The design and layout of the new extension and the re-organisation of the other spaces will develop as the brief develops. Room areas for plant, kitchen, storage, etc. are only indicative at present and should expand or contract to suit the requirements of the building. There is potential to re-orientate the main entrance to the Hall back to the original 1763 entrance on the west elevation. Works to improve the amenity value of Niddry Street itself, such as the pedestrianisation of the lower part of the street, could significantly enhance both public access to St Cecilia’s Hall, and appreciation of the historic building in context. This has the potential to reinvigorate the immediate area, and would in some ways replicate the original courtyard that was lost when the South Bridge and adjacent tenements were built. It is proposed that minor alterations to the east extension take place such as the refurbishment of existing toilet facilities and improvement of accessible facilities. No changes are proposed for the 1763 entrance lobby or laigh hall.
7.2 First Floor (see figure 50) Access to concerts in the Music Room could be significantly enhanced by moving the lift to a new extension to the north. Security would be enhanced as the galleries could thus be completely self-contained and closed during such performances, something which is currently not possible as both the Newman Gallery and 1812 gallery need to remain open to allow access from the lift. The Newman Gallery would also gain some additional space with the relocation of the lift. The new extension could accommodate workshop, offices, or the green room at first floor level, all of which would benefit from enhanced access via the replacement stair and lift.
7.3 The Music Room (see figures 51 – 54) There is potential to enhance the seating in the music room by installing further permanent seating around the perimeter of the room. Echoing the tiered seating that
62 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan was installed when the Hall was built in the 1760s, it is proposed to install three tiers of seating, with level floor space to be used for performances or further seating. The current raised stage area would need to be altered to accommodate such seating. There are two options for this, one with a door on the east wall through to the Newman Gallery. Both options for the tiered seating involve a relatively steep rake (as seen in the suggested sections), and it is proposed that the seating be enclosed with moulded panels, akin to box pews. The space beneath the raised seating should be accessible at each end for service routes and a limited amount of storage. Consultation on the draft report questioned whether the angle of the seats at the stage edge could be cut back, either to a curve or a straight line, to prevent audience members from sitting parallel to the stage. However, it is felt that a full, uninterrupted perimeter of seating is most appropriate for the room and sits most comfortably with the stage shape. It also maximises the total number of seats. It may also encourage more performance to be staged in the centre with loose seating arranged in the stage area, to complete the ellipse of seating. A key aim is to maintain the excellent acoustics currently enjoyed in this space. If designed in accordance with the recommendations of the acoustic report (see Appendix X), the suggested tiered seating has the potential to either maintain or improve upon the current acoustics of the space both for recording purposes and public enjoyment. In particular the acoustic flutter experience as a result of the elliptical shape could be minimised (in the same manner as alterations were made in the 18th century to address the same issue). In addition, audience sight lines could be significantly enhanced. The new stage should be removable, in small sections for ease of disassembly, and stored in the cupboards adjacent. It should be the same size or equivalent to the existing so that it can accommodate the instruments from the collection. Access doors into the music hall will of course need to allow for easy transfer of the instruments in and out of the hall.
7.4 Second and Third Floors (see figure 55) Both of these floors could accommodate office or workshop space relocated from the ground floor of the 1812 extension. Such accommodation would benefit from the enhanced access via the replacement stair and lift, and also additional security in being further separated from the main public areas. Such purpose built space would also enhance working conditions and enable more effective care of the collections. There is potential to relocate certain plant functions from the current ground floor location to the roof of the Newman Gallery. Such a location would allow for enhanced efficiency by being closer to the two galleries and music room at first floor level which it would serve. This would not be seen from either ground level or from the South Bridge.
7.5 Exterior (see figures 57-59) The refurbishment of the Mylne façade to Niddry Street and of the 1812 façade to the Cowgate is proposed. It is also suggested that a number of blind windows are re- opened in order to reinvigorate the façade. It is possible that these windows could
St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan 63 provide additional daylight for the interior spaces, but also equally possible that they remain blocked behind, in order to prevent sound ingress and maintain security and climatic conditions. The stonework to the Mylne façade is to be restored. The cement render to both the Niddry Street and Cowgate elevations is to be removed and, depending on the findings beneath, replaced with new lime harling or the stonework repaired and repointed. The lime harl and lime wash colour, in particular, to Niddry Street will help to signal the presence of St. Cecilia’s in the otherwise grey surroundings of Niddry Street. Overhauling rainwater goods and repainting of these and the windows will complete the package of works and help to unify the two buildings. There are a number of options that could be explored for the treatment of the proposed new extension to replace the north 1960s extension. It is suggested however that a distinct modern identity be given to this extension to distinguish it from the historic fabric, yet be of sufficient high quality as to respect the amenity value of the Conservation Area and World Heritage Site.
7.6 Summary of Strategic Proposals: § Demolish two-storey north 1960s extension currently containing plant, kitchen and flat. § Replace with four-storey extension housing relocated lift, improved access stair, kitchen, plant, and necessary additional workshop, office and/or green room accommodation. § Clear 1960s partitions from ground floor of 1812 extension and create necessary additional gallery space to house and display collections. § Refurbish toilet facilities and improve accessibility. § Install tiered seating to enhance sight lines, audience comfort, and remove acoustic flutter. The intention is also to allow for a contemporary, i.e. 17th century, setting of the audience. § Install plant on roof of Newman Gallery to enable improved climatic control of galleries and music room. § Refurbish elevations to Niddry Street and Cowgate, including re-glazing of some blind windows and re-harling the walls. § Pedestrianisation of lower part of Niddry Street, to enhance appreciation of the building and to improve access with a reorientation of the main entrance to the original 1763 doorway.
7.7 Phasing The above proposals could be carried out in one single package or split into 3 or 4 separate phases. This would allow, for example the external repair works to be carried out ahead of the internal works and the new build extension could be built last if some organisational issues could be resolved.
64 St Cecilia’s Hall – Conservation Plan
Figure 49 Ground floor plan showing proposed alterations. Simpson & Brown
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Figure 50 First floor plan showing proposed alterations. Simpson & Brown
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Figure 51 First floor plan showing proposed alterations to Music Room (Option A). This is not a favoured layout but shows an alternative option with direct access into the Newman Gallery. Simpson & Brown
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Figure 52 Sections showing proposed alterations to Music Room (Option A). Simpson & Brown
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Figure 53 First floor plan showing proposed alterations to Music Room (Option B). Simpson & Brown
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Figure 54 Sections showing proposed alterations to Music Room (Option B). Simpson & Brown
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Figure 55 Second and third floor plans showing proposed alterations. Simpson & Brown
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Figure 56 Roof plan showing proposed alterations. Simpson & Brown
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Figure 57 (Top) West elevation showing proposed reopening of windows, refurbishment of façade, and potential re- grading of street level. Simpson & Brown
Figure 58 (above) South elevation showing proposed refurbishment of façade. Simpson & Brown
Figure 59 (left) Sketch perspective showing indicative treatment of new extension and elevation to Niddry Street. Simpson & Brown
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