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Atlantic Countries' Voting Patterns on Human Rights and Human
12 Atlantic countries’ voting patterns on human rights and human security at the United Nations: the cases of Côte d’Ivoire, Haiti, Iran and Syria Susanne Gratius Associate Research Fellow, FRIDE ABSTRACT An analysis of the voting patterns at the United Nations (UN) on human rights and human security helps identify points of convergence or divergence among the countries of the Atlantic basin with regard to values and approaches to international crises. This paper explores if such countries, or groups of countries within the Atlantic basin, share political concepts and values. Based on four case studies – Iran, Syria, Haiti and Côte d’Ivoire – the paper assesses the similarities and differences regarding conflict resolution and responses to massive human rights violations. The first section reviews the current debate over the UN principle of “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P), notably in relation to the Brazilian concept of “Responsibility while Protecting” (RwP). It looks at the perceptions of Atlantic countries, groups and alliances on issues of national sovereignty, sanctions and military interventions authorized by the UN Security Council (UNSC). The second section focuses on the initiatives and positions of Atlantic countries and regional organizations and their alignments at the UN Security Council, the UN General Assembly, and the UN Human Rights Council (HRC). The section concentrates on their voting patterns concerning four cases in particular: two outside the Atlantic space (Syria and Iran) and two inside (Haiti and Côte d’Ivoire). These four countries have been selected because they represent different types of conflicts: Iran and Syria are international hotspots and suppose, albeit for very different reasons, potential threats for regional peace and global stability; Haiti and Côte d’Ivoire rank high on the list of fragile states and the international community has been highly engaged in crisis management and stabilization in these countries. -
UNITED NATIONS Governing Council of the United Nations Environment
UNITED NATIONS EP UNEP/GCSS.IX/11 Distr.: General Governing Council 16 March 2006 of the United Nations Environment Programme Original: English Ninth special session of the Governing Council/ Global Ministerial Environment Forum Dubai, 7–9 February 2006 Proceedings of the Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum at its ninth special session Introduction The ninth special session of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum was held at the Dubai International Convention Centre in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, from 7 to 9 February 2006. It was convened in pursuance of paragraph 1 (g) of Governing Council decision 20/17 of 5 February 1999, entitled “Views of the Governing Council on the report of the Secretary-General on environment and human settlements”; Governing Council decision 23/12 of 7 April 2005, entitled “Provisional agendas, dates and venues of the ninth special session of the Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum and the twenty-fourth session of the Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum”, paragraph 6 of General Assembly resolution 53/242 of 28 July 1999, entitled “Report of the Secretary-General on environment and human settlements”; and paragraph 5 of General Assembly resolution 40/243 of 18 December 1985, entitled “Pattern of conferences”; and in accordance with rules 5 and 6 of the rules of procedure of the Governing Council. I. Opening of the session A. Ceremonial opening 1. The ceremonial opening of the ninth special session of the UNEP Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum was held on Monday, 6 February 2006, in conjunction with the award ceremony for the third Zayed International Prize for the Environment. -
The Prague Summit and Nato's Transformation
THE PRAGUE SUMMIT AND NATO’S TRANSFORMATION NATO PUBLIC DIPLOMACY DIVISION 1110 Brussels - Belgium Web site: www.nato.int E-mail: [email protected] A READER’S GUIDE THE PRAGUE SUMMIT AND NATO’S TRANSFORMATION SUMMIT AND NATO’S THE PRAGUE PRARGENG0403 A READER’S GUIDE TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE 3 I THE SUMMIT DECISIONS 9 II KEY ISSUES 19 New members: Expanding the zone of security 20 New capabilities: Adapting to modern challenges 26 New relationships: Practical cooperation and dialogue 34 After Prague: The road ahead 67 © NATO 2003 NATO INVITEES Country* Capital Population GDP Defence Active Troop *Data based on (million) (billion expenditures Strength national sources Euros) (million Euros) Bulgaria (25) Sofia 7.8 16.9 494 (2.9% GDP) 52 630 Estonia (27) Tallin 1.4 6.8 130 (1.9% GDP) 4 783 Latvia (33) Riga 2.3 8.8 156 (1.8% GDP) 9 526 Lithuania (34) Vilnius 3.5 14.5 290 (2.0% GDP) 17 474 Romania (36) Bucharest 22.3 47.9 1117 (2.3% GDP) 99 674 Slovakia (38) Bratislava 5.4 24.9 493 (2.0% GDP) 29 071 ★ Slovenia (39) Ljubljana 2.0 22.4 344 (1.5% GDP) 7 927 III DOCUMENTATION 71 Prague Summit Declaration – 21 November 2002 72 Prague Summit Statement on Iraq – 21 November 2002 78 Announcement on Enlargement – 21 November 2002 79 Report on the Comprehensive Review of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and Partnership for Peace - 21 November 2002 80 Partnership Action Plan Against Terrorism - 21 November 2002 87 Chairman’s Summary of the Meeting of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council at Summit Level – 22 November 2002 94 Statement by NATO -
The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda. -
Monitoring and Indicators of Forest Biodiversity in Europe – from Ideas to Operationality
Monitoring and Indicators of Forest Biodiversity in Europe – From Ideas to Operationality Marco Marchetti (ed.) EFI Proceedings No. 51, 2004 European Forest Institute IUFRO Unit 8.07.01 European Environment Agency IUFRO Unit 4.02.05 IUFRO Unit 4.02.06 Joint Research Centre Ministero della Politiche Accademia Italiana di University of Florence (JRC) Agricole e Forestali – Scienze Forestali Corpo Forestale dello Stato EFI Proceedings No. 51, 2004 Monitoring and Indicators of Forest Biodiversity in Europe – From Ideas to Operationality Marco Marchetti (ed.) Publisher: European Forest Institute Series Editors: Risto Päivinen, Editor-in-Chief Minna Korhonen, Technical Editor Brita Pajari, Conference Manager Editorial Office: European Forest Institute Phone: +358 13 252 020 Torikatu 34 Fax. +358 13 124 393 FIN-80100 Joensuu, Finland Email: [email protected] WWW: http://www.efi.fi/ Cover illustration: Vallombrosa, Augustus J C Hare, 1900 Layout: Kuvaste Oy Printing: Gummerus Printing Saarijärvi, Finland 2005 Disclaimer: The papers in this book comprise the proceedings of the event mentioned on the back cover. They reflect the authors' opinions and do not necessarily correspond to those of the European Forest Institute. © European Forest Institute 2005 ISSN 1237-8801 (printed) ISBN 952-5453-04-9 (printed) ISSN 14587-0610 (online) ISBN 952-5453-05-7 (online) Contents Pinborg, U. Preface – Ideas on Emerging User Needs to Assess Forest Biodiversity ......... 7 Marchetti, M. Introduction ...................................................................................................... 9 Session 1: Emerging User Needs and Pressures on Forest Biodiversity De Heer et al. Biodiversity Trends and Threats in Europe – Can We Apply a Generic Biodiversity Indicator to Forests? ................................................................... 15 Linser, S. The MCPFE’s Work on Biodiversity ............................................................. -
NATO's Eastern Agenda in a New Strategic
NATO’s Eastern Agenda in a New Strategic Era F. Stephen Larrabee Prepared for the United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution unlimited R Project AIR FORCE The research reported here was sponsored by the United States Air Force under Contract F49642-C-96-0001. Further information may be obtained from the Strategic Planning Division, Directorate of Plans, Hq USAF. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Larrabee, F. Stephen. NATO’s Eastern agenda in a new strategic era / F. Stephen Larrabee. p. cm. “MR-1744.” Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8330-3467-7 (pbk.) 1. North Atlantic Treaty Organization—Military policy. 2. Former communist countries—Military relations—Europe. 3. Europe—Military relations—Former communist countries. 4. United States—Military policy. 5. World politics—21st century. I. Title. UA646.8.L37 2003 355'.031'0918210947—dc22 2003017570 Cover photo courtesy of NATO photos, www.nato.int. Press Point between President Vaclav Havel (right) and NATO Secretary General Lord Robertson (left) at the Prague Castle. RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. Cover design by Stephen Bloodsworth © Copyright 2003 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) -
The EU and Russia Locked Into Confrontation
BRIEFING The EU and Russia Locked into confrontation SUMMARY Following the post-Cold War reset of the 1990s, EU-Russia relations have become increasingly tense. Although initially seen as a pro-Western reformer, since the start of his first presidency in 2000 Vladimir Putin has shown increasingly authoritarian tendencies, and his efforts to assert Russian influence over post-Soviet neighbours threaten the sovereignty of those states. Russia's 2008 war against Georgia led to no more than a temporary cooling of relations with the European Union (EU). However, its 2014 annexation of Crimea caused a more permanent rupture. Responding to Russian aggression in Ukraine, the EU adopted hard-hitting sanctions. In 2016, the EU decided to base its Russia policy on five principles, which remain as valid as ever in 2020. They are: insistence on full implementation of the Minsk Agreements on eastern Ukraine as a condition for lifting sanctions against Russia; efforts to strengthen relations with Russia's former Soviet neighbours; greater EU resilience to Russian threats; selective engagement with Russia on certain issues such as counter-terrorism; and support for EU-Russia people-to-people contacts. After six years of deadlock, French president Emmanuel Macron is among those calling for renewed EU-Russia dialogue. Improved relations between Ukraine and Russia following the election of President Volodymyr Zelenskiy in spring 2019 raised hopes of a solution to the Donbass conflict, which is still the main obstacle to better relations between the two sides. However, there is still no sign of a breakthrough. In this Briefing • How did we get here? • The five guiding principles of the EU's Russia policy • What next for EU-Russia relations? Queen Louise Bridge, on the Russian-Lithuanian border. -
ASEM in Its Tenth Year Looking Back, Looking Forward
ASEM in its Tenth Year Looking Back, Looking Forward An evaluation of ASEM in its first decade and an exploration of its future possibilities European Background Study March 2006 University of Helsinki Network for European Studies ASEM in its Tenth Year: Looking Back, Looking Forward An evaluation of ASEM in its first decade and an exploration of its future possibilities EUROPEAN BACKGROUND STUDY Table of Contents Preface 5 Introduction 7 Chapter I History and Background 12 1. Before ASEM: Features of the EU-Asia Relationship during the Cold War era 12 1.1 General overview 12 1.2 Relations with individual countries 13 1.3 Interregional relations 15 2. The change: The EU’s new recognition of Asia, the New Asia Strategy (1994), and the birth of ASEM 16 2.1 “Towards a New Asia Strategy” 17 2.2 The role of leading EU Member States 19 2.3 Motivations for the creation of ASEM from the European perspective 22 2.4 The formulation of the official EU policy: constitutive decisions on ASEM 29 3. A brief overview of ten years of ASEM summitry 31 Chapter II Political dialogue 34 1. Human rights in the EU – Asia dialogue 37 1.1 Human rights in the ASEM process 38 1.2 International Criminal Court - Asia-Europe positions 45 2. The emerging role of security issues 47 2.1 Regional conflicts 48 2.2 War on terrorism 50 2.3 Non-proliferation and weapons of mass destruction (WMD) 53 2.4 Global threats of common concern 54 2 2.5 Security issues never discussed in the ASEM dialogue 57 2.6 Assessment of the security dialogue 58 3. -
Report of the World Summit on Sustainable Development
A/CONF.199/20* United Nations Report of the World Summit on Sustainable Development Johannesburg, South Africa, 26 August- 4 September 2002 A/CONF.199/20* Report of the World Summit on Sustainable Development Johannesburg, South Africa, 26 August- 4 September 2002 United Nations • New York, 2002 * Reissued for technical reasons. A/CONF.199/20* Note Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with figures. The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers. A/CONF.199/20* United Nations publication Sales No. E.03.II.A.1 ISBN 92-1-104521-5 Contents Chapter Page I. Resolutions adopted by the Summit................................................ 1 1. Political Declaration.................................................... 1 2. Plan of Implementation of the World Summit on Sustainable Development....... 6 3. Expression of thanks to the people and Government of South Africa ............ 73 4. Credentials of representatives to the World Summit on Sustainable Development.. 73 II. Attendance and organization of work .............................................. 74 A. Date and place of the Summit ................................................ 74 B. Attendance................................................................ 74 C. Opening of the Summit...................................................... 79 D. Election of the President and other officers of the Summit ......................... 79 E. Adoption of the rules of procedure ............................................ 80 F. Adoption of the agenda and other organizational matters .......................... 80 G. Accreditation of intergovernmental organizations ................................ 81 H. Organization of work, including the establishment of the Main Committee .......... -
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Cory Welt Analyst in European Affairs August 21, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44775 Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Over the last five years, Congress and the executive branch have closely monitored and responded to new developments in Russian policy. These developments include the following: increasingly authoritarian governance since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidential post in 2012; Russia’s 2014 annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and support of separatists in eastern Ukraine; violations of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; Moscow’s intervention in Syria in support of Bashar al Asad’s government; increased military activity in Europe; and cyber-related influence operations that, according to the U.S. intelligence community, have targeted the 2016 U.S. presidential election and countries in Europe. In response, the United States has imposed economic and diplomatic sanctions related to Russia’s actions in Ukraine and Syria, malicious cyber activity, and human rights violations. The United States also has led NATO in developing a new military posture in Central and Eastern Europe designed to reassure allies and deter aggression. U.S. policymakers over the years have identified areas in which U.S. and Russian interests are or could be compatible. The United States and Russia have cooperated successfully on issues such as nuclear arms control and nonproliferation, support for military operations in Afghanistan, the Iranian and North Korean nuclear programs, the International Space Station, and the removal of chemical weapons from Syria. In addition, the United States and Russia have identified other areas of cooperation, such as countering terrorism, illicit narcotics, and piracy. -
SLOVENSKI DIPLOMATSKI POJMOVNIK Več Strokovnih in Leposlovnih Del
0.3 1.5 1.6 1.8 (0.8 všteto) 2.3 1.8(0.8 všteto) 1.6 1.5 0.3 0.3 1.5 1.3 Dr. Božo Cerar je diplomat, pravnik in publicist. Kot slovenski veleposlanik je služboval v Kanadi, na Poljskem, pri zvezi NATO, v Mehiki in v ZDA. Napisal je Božo Cerar SLOVENSKI DIPLOMATSKI POJMOVNIK Božo Cerar SLOVENSKI DIPLOMATSKI več strokovnih in leposlovnih del. V knjigi »Slovenski diplomatski pojmovnik« pojasnjuje posamezne pojme, ki so se v zadnjih sto letih uveljavili v mednarodni diplomaciji. Ker na enem mestu zbere vse temeljne diplomatske pojme, je ta knjiga izjemnega pomena za slovensko diplomacijo in mednarodnopravno stroko. Njihovo poznavanje je nujno za dobro opravljanje diplomatskega poklica. Za slovenskega diplomata je knjiga nepogrešljiva tudi zato, ker razlaga pojme, iz katerih izhaja slovenska diplomacija. S tega vidika ne gre le za slovenski prispevek v kanon diplomatskih pojmovnikov, temveč za izvirno avtorsko delo. Božo Cerar “Še posebna dodana vrednost h kakovosti njegovega diplomatskega pojmovnika je, da se Cerar ne ustavi na ravni že omenjenih podobnih klasičnih del. V besedilo vključi tudi izraze, dogajanja in osebnosti iz slovenske diplomatske zgodovine. Prav to pa je posebnost tega pojmovnika. V njem je najti na kratko opredeljene vse pomembnejše dogodke in dokumente iz naše diplomatske zgodovine, zlasti po letu 1991, pa tudi pred tem. … [M]enim, da je prav »Slovenski diplomatski pojmovnik« tisto njegovo delo, ki bo med temelji slovenskega diplomatskega razmisleka indelovanja še dolgo ostalo živo.” (Iz predgovora prof. dr. Ernesta Petriča) SLOVENSKI DIPLOMATSKI POJMOVNIK Zbirka Mednarodno pravo 1.2 1.5 0.3 Božo Cerar SLOVENSKI DIPLOMATSKI POJMOVNIK Zbirka Mednarodno pravo Dr. -
ASEM in Its Tenth Year: Looking Back, Looking Forward; (Ed
"European Background Study," ASEM in its Tenth Year: Looking Back, Looking Forward; (ed. Japan Center for International Exchange and University of Helsinki Network for European Studies), Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2006, pp. 1-218. ASEM in its Tenth Year Looking Back, Looking Forward An evaluation of ASEM in its first decade and an exploration of its future possibilities European Background Study March 2006 University of Helsinki Network for European Studies Copyright 2006, Japan Center for International Exchange ASEM in its Tenth Year: Looking Back, Looking Forward An evaluation of ASEM in its first decade and an exploration of its future possibilities EUROPEAN BACKGROUND STUDY Table of Contents Preface 5 Introduction 7 Chapter I History and Background 12 1. Before ASEM: Features of the EU-Asia Relationship during the Cold War era 12 1.1 General overview 12 1.2 Relations with individual countries 13 1.3 Interregional relations 15 2. The change: The EU’s new recognition of Asia, the New Asia Strategy (1994), and the birth of ASEM 16 2.1 “Towards a New Asia Strategy” 17 2.2 The role of leading EU Member States 19 2.3 Motivations for the creation of ASEM from the European perspective 22 2.4 The formulation of the official EU policy: constitutive decisions on ASEM 29 3. A brief overview of ten years of ASEM summitry 31 Chapter II Political dialogue 34 1. Human rights in the EU – Asia dialogue 37 1.1 Human rights in the ASEM process 38 1.2 International Criminal Court - Asia-Europe positions 45 2.