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The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
Atlantic Countries' Voting Patterns on Human Rights and Human
12 Atlantic countries’ voting patterns on human rights and human security at the United Nations: the cases of Côte d’Ivoire, Haiti, Iran and Syria Susanne Gratius Associate Research Fellow, FRIDE ABSTRACT An analysis of the voting patterns at the United Nations (UN) on human rights and human security helps identify points of convergence or divergence among the countries of the Atlantic basin with regard to values and approaches to international crises. This paper explores if such countries, or groups of countries within the Atlantic basin, share political concepts and values. Based on four case studies – Iran, Syria, Haiti and Côte d’Ivoire – the paper assesses the similarities and differences regarding conflict resolution and responses to massive human rights violations. The first section reviews the current debate over the UN principle of “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P), notably in relation to the Brazilian concept of “Responsibility while Protecting” (RwP). It looks at the perceptions of Atlantic countries, groups and alliances on issues of national sovereignty, sanctions and military interventions authorized by the UN Security Council (UNSC). The second section focuses on the initiatives and positions of Atlantic countries and regional organizations and their alignments at the UN Security Council, the UN General Assembly, and the UN Human Rights Council (HRC). The section concentrates on their voting patterns concerning four cases in particular: two outside the Atlantic space (Syria and Iran) and two inside (Haiti and Côte d’Ivoire). These four countries have been selected because they represent different types of conflicts: Iran and Syria are international hotspots and suppose, albeit for very different reasons, potential threats for regional peace and global stability; Haiti and Côte d’Ivoire rank high on the list of fragile states and the international community has been highly engaged in crisis management and stabilization in these countries. -
UNITED NATIONS Governing Council of the United Nations Environment
UNITED NATIONS EP UNEP/GCSS.IX/11 Distr.: General Governing Council 16 March 2006 of the United Nations Environment Programme Original: English Ninth special session of the Governing Council/ Global Ministerial Environment Forum Dubai, 7–9 February 2006 Proceedings of the Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum at its ninth special session Introduction The ninth special session of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum was held at the Dubai International Convention Centre in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, from 7 to 9 February 2006. It was convened in pursuance of paragraph 1 (g) of Governing Council decision 20/17 of 5 February 1999, entitled “Views of the Governing Council on the report of the Secretary-General on environment and human settlements”; Governing Council decision 23/12 of 7 April 2005, entitled “Provisional agendas, dates and venues of the ninth special session of the Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum and the twenty-fourth session of the Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum”, paragraph 6 of General Assembly resolution 53/242 of 28 July 1999, entitled “Report of the Secretary-General on environment and human settlements”; and paragraph 5 of General Assembly resolution 40/243 of 18 December 1985, entitled “Pattern of conferences”; and in accordance with rules 5 and 6 of the rules of procedure of the Governing Council. I. Opening of the session A. Ceremonial opening 1. The ceremonial opening of the ninth special session of the UNEP Governing Council/Global Ministerial Environment Forum was held on Monday, 6 February 2006, in conjunction with the award ceremony for the third Zayed International Prize for the Environment. -
The Prague Summit and Nato's Transformation
THE PRAGUE SUMMIT AND NATO’S TRANSFORMATION NATO PUBLIC DIPLOMACY DIVISION 1110 Brussels - Belgium Web site: www.nato.int E-mail: [email protected] A READER’S GUIDE THE PRAGUE SUMMIT AND NATO’S TRANSFORMATION SUMMIT AND NATO’S THE PRAGUE PRARGENG0403 A READER’S GUIDE TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE 3 I THE SUMMIT DECISIONS 9 II KEY ISSUES 19 New members: Expanding the zone of security 20 New capabilities: Adapting to modern challenges 26 New relationships: Practical cooperation and dialogue 34 After Prague: The road ahead 67 © NATO 2003 NATO INVITEES Country* Capital Population GDP Defence Active Troop *Data based on (million) (billion expenditures Strength national sources Euros) (million Euros) Bulgaria (25) Sofia 7.8 16.9 494 (2.9% GDP) 52 630 Estonia (27) Tallin 1.4 6.8 130 (1.9% GDP) 4 783 Latvia (33) Riga 2.3 8.8 156 (1.8% GDP) 9 526 Lithuania (34) Vilnius 3.5 14.5 290 (2.0% GDP) 17 474 Romania (36) Bucharest 22.3 47.9 1117 (2.3% GDP) 99 674 Slovakia (38) Bratislava 5.4 24.9 493 (2.0% GDP) 29 071 ★ Slovenia (39) Ljubljana 2.0 22.4 344 (1.5% GDP) 7 927 III DOCUMENTATION 71 Prague Summit Declaration – 21 November 2002 72 Prague Summit Statement on Iraq – 21 November 2002 78 Announcement on Enlargement – 21 November 2002 79 Report on the Comprehensive Review of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and Partnership for Peace - 21 November 2002 80 Partnership Action Plan Against Terrorism - 21 November 2002 87 Chairman’s Summary of the Meeting of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council at Summit Level – 22 November 2002 94 Statement by NATO -
The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda. -
8. Ukraine's Long and Winding Road to the European Charter for Regional Or Minority Languages
8. Ukraine's long and winding road to the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages Bill Bowring and Myroslava Antonovych 1. Introduction This paper tackles the paradoxical role played by the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML) both in the formulation of government policy, and in the turbulent politics of Ukraine, and the vexed question of the status of the Russian language in the country. The authors contend that the charter has achieved great symbolic signifi- cance in Ukraine. However, the actual content of its ratification remains the subject of confusion. That is, ratification and implementation of the charter have become strictly political rather than policy objectives, not only leading to surprising reversals in the ratification process (Ukraine has ratified it not once but twice), but also to implementation in forms not anticipated in the charter itself. It is ironical that the ECRML was designed: ... [to allay] the fears of governments, who would have reacted negatively to anything seen as posing a threat to national unity of the territorial integrity of the state, but which were more open to accepting the existence of cultural and linguistic diversity on their territories.1 In Ukraine the ECRML has played a very different role. This "symbolic capital" of the charter is explored in the following account and analysis of its history in Ukraine from 1996 to the present. The paper is organised as follows. The authors start with the unintended consequences of Ukraine's ratification of the ECRML and next proceed to an exploration of the interplay of the linguistic and political history of Ukraine. -
The Rise of Bulgarian Nationalism and Russia's Influence Upon It
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 5-2014 The rise of Bulgarian nationalism and Russia's influence upon it. Lin Wenshuang University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Wenshuang, Lin, "The rise of Bulgarian nationalism and Russia's influence upon it." (2014). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 1548. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/1548 This Doctoral Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE RISE OF BULGARIAN NATIONALISM AND RUSSIA‘S INFLUENCE UPON IT by Lin Wenshuang B. A., Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, 1997 M. A., Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, 2002 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of the University of Louisville in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Humanities University of Louisville Louisville, Kentucky May 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Lin Wenshuang All Rights Reserved THE RISE OF BULGARIAN NATIONALISM AND RUSSIA‘S INFLUENCE UPON IT by Lin Wenshuang B. A., Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, 1997 M. A., Beijing Foreign Studies University, China, 2002 A Dissertation Approved on April 1, 2014 By the following Dissertation Committee __________________________________ Prof. -
Monitoring and Indicators of Forest Biodiversity in Europe – from Ideas to Operationality
Monitoring and Indicators of Forest Biodiversity in Europe – From Ideas to Operationality Marco Marchetti (ed.) EFI Proceedings No. 51, 2004 European Forest Institute IUFRO Unit 8.07.01 European Environment Agency IUFRO Unit 4.02.05 IUFRO Unit 4.02.06 Joint Research Centre Ministero della Politiche Accademia Italiana di University of Florence (JRC) Agricole e Forestali – Scienze Forestali Corpo Forestale dello Stato EFI Proceedings No. 51, 2004 Monitoring and Indicators of Forest Biodiversity in Europe – From Ideas to Operationality Marco Marchetti (ed.) Publisher: European Forest Institute Series Editors: Risto Päivinen, Editor-in-Chief Minna Korhonen, Technical Editor Brita Pajari, Conference Manager Editorial Office: European Forest Institute Phone: +358 13 252 020 Torikatu 34 Fax. +358 13 124 393 FIN-80100 Joensuu, Finland Email: [email protected] WWW: http://www.efi.fi/ Cover illustration: Vallombrosa, Augustus J C Hare, 1900 Layout: Kuvaste Oy Printing: Gummerus Printing Saarijärvi, Finland 2005 Disclaimer: The papers in this book comprise the proceedings of the event mentioned on the back cover. They reflect the authors' opinions and do not necessarily correspond to those of the European Forest Institute. © European Forest Institute 2005 ISSN 1237-8801 (printed) ISBN 952-5453-04-9 (printed) ISSN 14587-0610 (online) ISBN 952-5453-05-7 (online) Contents Pinborg, U. Preface – Ideas on Emerging User Needs to Assess Forest Biodiversity ......... 7 Marchetti, M. Introduction ...................................................................................................... 9 Session 1: Emerging User Needs and Pressures on Forest Biodiversity De Heer et al. Biodiversity Trends and Threats in Europe – Can We Apply a Generic Biodiversity Indicator to Forests? ................................................................... 15 Linser, S. The MCPFE’s Work on Biodiversity ............................................................. -
Novorossiya: a Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists
Novorossiya: A Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 357 September 2014 Marlene Laruelle The George Washington University The Ukraine crisis is a game changer for Russia’s domestic landscape. One of the most eloquent engines of this is the spread of the concept of “Novorossiya,” or New Russia. With origins dating from the second half of the 18th century, the term was revived during the Ukraine crisis and gained indirect official validation when Russian President Vladimir Putin used it during a call-in show in April 2014 to evoke the situation of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. It appeared again in May when the self- proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics (DNR and LNR) decided to unite in a “Union of Novorossiya.” In August, a presidential statement was addressed to the “Insurgents of Novorossiya,” though the text itself referred only to “representatives of the Donbas.” The powerful pull of Novorossiya rests on its dual meaning in announcing the birth of a New Russia geographically and metaphorically. It is both a promised land to be added to Russia and an anticipation of Russia’s own transformation. As such, “Novorossiya” provides for an exceptional convergence of three underlying ideological paradigms that I briefly analyze here. “Red” Novorossiya The first ideological motif nurturing Novorossiya emphasizes Soviet memory. Novorossiya is both a spatial and ideological gift to Russia’s reassertion as a great power: it brings new territory and a new mission. This inspiration enjoys consensus among the Russian population and is widely shared by Russian nationalists and the Kremlin. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 2003, No.43
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE:• Instructions for new Diversity Visa Lottery — page 3. • Ukrainian American Veterans hold 56th national convention — page 4. • Adrian Karatnycky speaks on Ukraine’s domestic and foreign affairs — page 9. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXI HE No.KRAINIAN 43 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, OCTOBER 26, 2003 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine HistorianT says UPulitzer awarded Russian-UkrainianW dispute over Tuzla escalates by Roman Woronowycz Yanukovych called for calm and the use of to Duranty should be revoked Kyiv Press Bureau diplomacy to defuse the situation. “We cannot allow this to turn into armed by Andrew Nynka 1932 be revoked, The New York Times KYIV – A diplomatic tussle that began reported. The letter asked the newspaper conflict,” warned Mr. Yanukovych on PARSIPPANY, N.J. – A noted with the construction of a dike by Russia to for its comments on Mr. Duranty’s work. October 21. “We must resolve this at the Columbia University professor of history link the Russian Taman Peninsula with the As part of its review of Mr. Duranty’s negotiating table.” has said in a report – commissioned by Ukrainian island of Tuzla in the Kerch work, The New York Times commis- On October 22 the prime minister’s The New York Times and subsequently Strait escalated to full-blown crisis begin- sioned Dr. von Hagen, an expert on early office announced that Mr. Yanukovych had sent to the Pulitzer Prize Board – that the ning on October 20 when Moscow question canceled a trip to Estonia and would fly 20th century Soviet history, to examine Ukraine’s sovereignty over the tiny island 1931 dispatches of Pulitzer Prize winner nearly all of what Mr. -
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Numerical Simulation of Propagation of the Black Sea and the Azov Sea Tsunami Through the Kerch Strait L. I. Lobkovsky1, R. Kh. Mazova2,*, E. A. Baranova2, A. M. Tugaryov2 1Shirshov Institute of Oceanology, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russian Federation 2Nizhny Novgorod State Technical University n. a. R. E. Alekseev, Nizhny Novgorod, Russian Federation *e-mail: [email protected] The present paper deals with the potential strong tsunamigenic earthquakes with the sources localized in the Black and Azov seas at the entrance and exit of the Kerch Strait, respectively. Since, at present time, the tsunami hazards are usually assessed for the critical earthquake magnitude values, potential strong earthquakes with a magnitude M = 7 are studied. The seismic sources of elliptical form are considered. When choosing the source location in the northeast of the Black Sea, the most seismically dangerous areas of the basin under consideration are allowed for. Numerical simulation is carried out within the framework of the nonlinear shallow water equations with the dissipative effects taken into account. Two possible scenarios of tsunami propagation at the chosen source locations are analyzed. The wave characteristics are obtained for a tsunami wave motion both from the Black Sea through the Kerch Strait to the Azov Sea. The symmetrical problem for a tsunami wave propagation from the Azov Sea through the Kerch Strait to the Black Sea is also considered. Spectral analysis of the tsunami wave field is carried out for the studied basin. The wave and energy characteristics of the tsunami waves in the area of the bridge across the Kerch Strait are subjected to the detailed examination and assessment. -
Moscow's Racist Revival: a Strategy for World Empire
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 16, Number 30, July 28, 1989 �ITillFeature Moscow's racist revival: a strategy for world empire by Luba George Scheduled for later this summer is what Mikhail Gorbachov and other Soviet leaders have been calling since January the "decisive" Communist Party Central Committee Plenum on "nationality questions." The Russian chauvinists have long been preparing to present their program on how to deal with "nationalist separatist elements" who are trying to break away from the Empire. In an April 1989 interview with EIR Strategic Alert, Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., responding to the national unrest resulting in Moscow's slaughter of women and children in Soviet Georgia, stressed that Russian chauvinist elements rallied by the mass-based fascist Pamyat Society "are redefining the relations between Muscovy and the rest of the Empire as those of the master and subject peoples. All pretense of the Bolshevik period is now being discarded. In unleashing this kind of thing, they set forth a process which, once unleashed, can no longer be con trolled, like the sorcerer's apprentice phenomenon." This comes in the context of a deep systemic crisis wracking the Russian Empire. That crisis is highlighted by the specter of mass famine and utter collapse of the civilian economy, the threat of which has triggered a never-ending chain reaction of nationalist unrest throughout Moscow's domains. What form of rule will appear in the Russian Empire following the end of the Bolshevik Period? The systemic crisis and the Slavophile upheaval unleashed in response guarantee major convulsions.