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Belgian Internationalists, the Great War and the Quest for Peace Daniel Laqua
Belgian Internationalists, the Great War and the Quest for Peace Daniel Laqua To cite this version: Daniel Laqua. Belgian Internationalists, the Great War and the Quest for Peace . Marie-Louise Pelus- Kaplan, Anne-Marie Bernon-Gerth, Liliane Crips et Nicole Gabriel. Être citoyen du monde. Entre destruction et reconstruction du monde : les enfants de Babel XIVe-XXIe siècles, Édition Université Paris Diderot, pp.135-150, 2015, 978-2-7442-0198-1. hal-01322633 HAL Id: hal-01322633 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01322633 Submitted on 27 May 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. DANIEL LAQUA1 BELGIAN INTERNATIONALISTS, THE GREAT WAR AND THE QUEST FOR PEACE In 1932, Henri Pirenne – widely renowned for his work on medieval towns – published the final part of his Histoire de Belgique. The first instalment of his magnum opus had appeared more than three decades earlier and tackled a period long before Belgium’s independent statehood, from Antiquity to end of the High Middle Ages2. It was only with volume VII that Pirenne finally reached the era since the Belgian Revolution of 1830. The account drew a wider picture of the country before the First World War. -
Discord & Consensus
c Discor Global Dutch: Studies in Low Countries Culture and History onsensus Series Editor: ulrich tiedau DiscorD & Discord and Consensus in the Low Countries, 1700–2000 explores the themes D & of discord and consensus in the Low Countries in the last three centuries. consensus All countries, regions and institutions are ultimately built on a degree of consensus, on a collective commitment to a concept, belief or value system, 1700–2000 TH IN IN THE LOW COUNTRIES, 1700–2000 which is continuously rephrased and reinvented through a narrative of cohesion, and challenged by expressions of discontent and discord. The E history of the Low Countries is characterised by both a striving for consensus L and eruptions of discord, both internally and from external challenges. This OW volume studies the dynamics of this tension through various genres. Based C th on selected papers from the 10 Biennial Conference of the Association OUNTRI for Low Countries Studies at UCL, this interdisciplinary work traces the themes of discord and consensus along broad cultural, linguistic, political and historical lines. This is an expansive collection written by experts from E a range of disciplines including early-modern and contemporary history, art S, history, film, literature and translation from the Low Countries. U G EDIT E JANE FENOULHET LRICH is Professor of Dutch Studies at UCL. Her research RDI QUIST AND QUIST RDI E interests include women’s writing, literary history and disciplinary history. BY D JAN T I GERDI QUIST E is Lecturer in Dutch and Head of Department at UCL’s E DAU F Department of Dutch. -
Activisme | International Encyclopedia of the First World
Activisme By Antoon Vrints A minority of the adherents of the Flemish movement were willing to collaborate with the German occupier in the context of Flamenpolitik. This minority labelled themselves “activists”, stressing their dislike of the Belgian patriotic truce. Table of Contents 1 Definition 2 Debate 3 Impact Selected Bibliography Citation Definition The term “activisme” refers to the part of the Flemish Movement that was willing to collaborate politically with the German occupier in Belgium during the First World War. Both the perspectives offered by the German Flamenpolitik and the fulfilment of the Flemish movement’s pre-war demands – in fact, far beyond what was originally demanded – were decisive in this regard. The fraction was referred to as “activist” since it was willing to break with the Belgian patriotic truce in contrast to the majority of the adherents of the Flemish movement, who remained loyal to the Belgian state. Activisme represented a double watershed in the history of the Flemish Movement. It not only initiated anti-Belgian Flemish nationalism as a political current, but also heralded the beginning of authoritarianism within the Flemish Movement. The “activist” political collaboration was intrinsically authoritarian, since it wanted to use the German force’s presence (including violence, if needed) to impose its program on the unwilling Flemish population that first and foremost wanted the departure of the repressive occupation regime. This was in contrast to the flamingants (adherents of the Flemish movement), such as the Catholic politician Frans van Cauwelaert (1880-1961), who did not want to isolate themselves from the population and therefore remained loyal to the Belgian state; they wanted to implement the Flemish movement’s program by parliamentary, democratic means. -
Bruno De Wever the FLEMISH MOVEMENT and FLEMISH NATIONALISM INSTRUMENTS, HISTORIOGRAPH
Bruno De Wever THE FLEMISH MOVEMENT AND FLEMISH NATIONALISM INSTRUMENTS, HISTORIOGRAPHY AND DEBATES The historiography of the Flemish movement and the Belgian nationality conflict is very extensive and diverse. The seven-part Bibliografie van de Vlaamse beweging (Bibliography of the Flemish movement) on the years 1945 to 2001 contains almost 20,000 titles.1 Although by far not all titles are scientific and historiographical, it says something about the extent of the production. It is obviously impossible to strive for completeness in the few words of this article. I will limit myself to the main working instruments with which I also address the scientific infrastructure. Furthermore I provide an overview of the basic works and the most significant literature in English, French and German. Finally I give a concise overview of the smouldering historiographical debates. Instruments Jo Tollebeek, one of the most important connoisseurs of the Belgian historiographical production, concludes that from the 1970s on quantitative as well as qualitative research increased greatly as the result of a process of professionalisation and the development of an infrastructure specifically focused on the study of the history of the Flemish movement.2 Bruno De Wever, ‘The Flemish movement and Flemish nationalism. Instruments, historiography and debates’, in: Studies on National Movements, 1 (2013) pp. 50-80. http://snm.nise.eu Studies on National Movements, 1 (2013) | ARTICLES The input of the Flemish universities was very important in this regard. Broadly speaking, from the 1960s on and culminating in the years 1970- 1980, hundreds of dissertations and dozens of doctoral theses on the Flemish movement were written in the history departments of Belgian universities.3 The above-mentioned Bibliografie van de Vlaamse beweging offers a voluminous but rather unselective overview of the literature. -
Frans Van Cauwelaert. Zijn Plaats in De Vlaamse Natievorming
Frans van Cauwelaert. Zijn plaats in de Vlaamse natievorming door Lode WILS Summary Frans van Cauwelaert, a Member of Parliament for Antwerp, was in 1910-1935 the dominant figure in the Flemish Movement. He realized the full equality of Flanders and Wallonia on the basis of the monolingual status of each region. From 1970 on, this led to the devolution of power to the regions. Frans van Cauwelaert (1880-1961) staat vooral bekend als de auteur van de wetgeving die, tussen beide Wereldoorlogen, het eentalig Nederlands karakter van Vlaanderen heeft vastgelegd in het onderwijs, het bestuur, het gerecht en het leger. Zelf was hij een product van de Vlaamse beweging die hem voorafging, zoals hij een grondslag legde voor de Vlaamse Gemeenschap en het Gewest, die pas na zijn dood werden gevormd. 1. EEN VLAAMSE BEWEGING De Vlaamse beweging ontstond uit het enthousiasme van de Belgische Revolutie die in 1830, als een van de eerste in Europa, de omvorming in een moderne natiestaat voltooide van de Zuid Nederlandse en Luikse protonaties. De beweging voor het alzijdig gebruik van "de landstaal" als bestuurs- en cultuurtaal was een onderdeel van een algemeen cultureel reveil dat ook de nationale kunst en literatuur wilde stimuleren, de vaderlandse geschiedenis bestuderen en verheerlijken. De volkstaal werd daarbij gezien als een symbool van vrijheid en nationaliteit. Zoals in de meeste kleine taalgebieden van Europa, waren het vooral de godsdienstig georiënteerde en conservatieve groepen die de volkstaal wilden gebruiken als bestuurs- en cultuurtaal. Want zij zagen haar als drager van de nationale traditie die sinds eeuwen met de godsdienst verstrengeld was. -
The Left and Flemish Nationalism: Living Apart Together in Belgium Bruno De Wever Bad Timing
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Ghent University Academic Bibliography The Left and Flemish Nationalism: Living Apart Together in Belgium Bruno de Wever Only time will tell to what extent the electoral victory of the nationalist New Flemish Alliance [N-VA] in 2010 and the institutional crisis that followed were a turning point in the political emancipation of Flanders. But it is clear that times have changed and the end of the Belgian state is no longer considered a piece of political science fiction. Nevertheless, the Left in Flanders continues to behave as it always has for over a century during which it has defined the demand for greater Flemish independence as a right-wing project that deserves no sympathy from social democrats. Why is that? Bad Timing Nation formation as such is not a right-wing project. In the 18th and 19th centuries, when most of the European nations emerged, nationalism was often an emancipating force directed against the Ancien Régime in favour of equal rights for all citizens. In the 20th century, nationalism was one of the driving forces behind decolonisation, directed against the exploitation of non-Western societies. Nation formation and nationalism must be seen in their historical context. The Czech historian, Miroslav Hroch’s model of nationalism offers a framework that throws light on why the Left has not played an active role in Flemish Nationalism. Hroch developed his theory of small nation-formation in the 1960s. Wider academic acclaim followed after an English translation appeared in the 1980s1 and the validity of his model is now universally accepted. -
Zaalteksten En.Indd
city and university since 1817 ENgallery texts downloadable from www.stamgent.be please drop me in the box as you leave city and since 1817 university October 9th 1817 saw the ceremonious opening of the university in Ghent. Since that day back in 1817 the university has become firmly embedded in the city and is now an unmissable part of the street scape. Students live here, hurry by bicycle from one building to another and also take advantage of the university city’s vibrant nightlife. Campuses are expanding and a fourth tower has appeared on the skyline, the Book Tower. The exhibition looks back at the inter action between city and university over the last 200 years. It also looks to the future. ‘City and University. Since 1817’ is a STAM exhibition about the university, the city and above all about their coexistence — yesterday, today and tomorrow. 2 1 ] a university The Belgian Revolution in August for ghent 1830 was the start of a chaotic period. Two of the four faculties In 1817 Ghent acquired were scrapped and Orangist Ghent a university. At the time Ghent feared for its university. The uncer — like the rest of what is tainty came to an end in Septem today Belgium — was part ber 1835: Ghent would retain of the United Kingdom its university, with four faculties. of the Netherlands. In 1815, at the beginning of 1.01 ] The early days the newly created United Kingdom of the university of the Netherlands, education in the south was in a sorry state, On November 3rd 1817 classes having been badly neglected. -
Fostering the Catholic Cultural Ties Between the Netherlands And
Fostering the Catholic cultural ties between the Netherlands and Flanders A study on the reflections of the Dutch Catholic intellectuals involved in the periodical ‘De Beiaard’ regarding the First World War and its outcome Research Master Thesis in Historical Studies Supervised by Dr Jan Brabers Christoph van den Belt s4037146 Radboud University [email protected] 12th of August, 2016 Diese Masterarbeit ist meinen lieben Großeltern Ursula und Georg Hohmann aus Weimar gewidmet 1 ‘Ich wollte einfach alles wissen.’ (Professor Dr.-Ing. habil. Georg Hohmann – mein Großvater) ‘Ik heb aan ’t eind van een studie altijd angst, niet genoeg gedocumenteerd te zijn, een soort examenvrees om nog een en ander en alles tegelijk na te slaan.’ (Gerard Brom) 2 Table of contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter 1 – Status Quaestionis ............................................................................................................ 8 The Dutch ............................................................................................................................................ 8 Dutch Catholics ................................................................................................................................. 10 Dutch intellectuals ............................................................................................................................. 12 Catholic intellectuals ........................................................................................................................ -
010 Currentissues Jaune 2012
Current Issues in Belgian History 218 CURRENT ISSUES IN BELGIAN HISTORY When was the end of Belgium? it another meaning. According to him, the Explanations from the past successful and rapid restoration of Belgian Bruno De Wever & Chantal Kesteloot society in the post-war years was also the basis for “the failure of Belgium as a nation- state and as a political community”2. Here Since the formation of the last federal he obviously refers to the current crisis in government which dragged on for 541 days Belgium, a process that according to him and with which Belgium allegedly achieved started in the 1970s, but therefore also had a by no means enviable record, it has been roots in the period he studied. “Unlike in known all over the world that there are France, Germany, or Italy, a change of regime serious political problems in the Kingdom as did not take place after the Second World a result of tensions between the two language War. The absence of any renewal of the communities. The survival of the country has constitutional and political framework did even been called into question. have measurable consequences in terms of the increasing divorce between the institutions Historians specialised in Belgian history of the Belgian state and the rapidly changing searched for the origin of the current crisis. social landscapes of the country. Regionalist Their analyses are divergent, both in defining sentiments and the political movements which the moment at which things started to go sought to give expression to them (…) gained wrong and in the reasons for the disintegration strength because they became the political of the two language communities. -
Download PDF Van Tekst
Gedenkschriften over Vlaamse Beweging en Belgische politiek Uit het archief van Frans van Cauwelaert 1 Frans van Cauwelaert editie Reginald De Schryver bron Frans van Cauwelaert, Gedenkschriften over Vlaamse Beweging en Belgische politiek. Uit het archief van Frans van Cauwelaert 1 (ed. Reginald De Schryver). De Nederlandsche Boekhandel, Antwerpen 1971 Zie voor verantwoording: http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/cauw005gede01_01/colofon.htm © 2008 dbnl / Reginald De Schryver & erven Frans van Cauwelaert 5 Inleiding Een staatsman van formaat laat niet noodzakelijker wijze een belangrijk archief na, en ook indien veel overgebleven is, wordt zijn leven en werk er soms zeer onvolledig in teruggevonden. Omgekeerd kan men zich zonder moeite een kostbaar archief voorstellen, dat meer het werk is geweest van een verdienstelijk verzamelaar dan het gevolg van een betekenisvol politiek en sociaal engagement. In het geval van Frans Van Cauwelaert evenwel hebben we te maken met een archief, dat in kwalitatief en kwantitatief opzicht merkwaardig mag worden genoemd. De kwaliteit komt van het niveau waarop zich, gedurende meer dan een halve eeuw, zijn ‘openbaar leven’ heeft afgespeeld. Waar men ook uit zijn nalatenschap een document ophaalt, telkens wordt het een verwijzing naar zijn belangrijke en veelzijdige loopbaan. Wie enigszins vertrouwd is met de Belgische politiek en de Vlaamse Beweging van de twintigste eeuw, weet dat Van Cauwelaerts naam er niet meer kan worden uit weggedacht, daar hij beide sterk heeft beïnvloed en mede bepaald. Werd hij niet onlangs -
Open David J. Hensley MA Thesis
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of the Liberal Arts THE BLURRED BOUNDARIES OF BELGIANNESS: WALLOON INTELLECTUALS, PRIDE, AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF REGIONALIST RHETORIC, 1884-1914 A Thesis in History by David J. Hensley ©2008 David J. Hensley Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts August 2008 The thesis of David J. Hensley was reviewed and approved* by the following: Sophie C. de Schaepdrijver Associate Professor of History Thesis Adviser Jennifer A. Boittin Josephine Berry Weiss Early Career Professor in the Humanities Assistant Professor of French and Francophone Studies and History Philip Jenkins Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Humanities Professor of History and Religious Studies Sally McMurry Professor of History Head of the Department of History and Religious Studies *Signatures are on file with the Graduate School. ii ABSTRACT Most analyses of regionalist sentiments in Belgium are hindered by an overly finalist interpretation of Belgian history, in which Belgium is an "artificial" construct in which two "real" populations, Flemings and Walloons, have uneasily coexisted, waiting for the eventual break-up of the state. From this perspective, the Flemish and Walloon Movements are the "awakenings" of these primordial groups. I argue instead that regionalism is a form of discourse, a "political idiom" which historical actors develop and use in the course of political debates on a wide array of issues which are portrayed as connected to regional identities. In particular, I examine the Walloon Movement in the three decades before World War I. I propose that this movement was the domain of ambitious but frustrated men in the literary and political fields who felt symbolically "dominated" by a clerical, "Flemish" government. -
De Vorming Van De Eerste Regering-Van Zeeland (Maart 1935) Een Studie Van Het Proces Van Kabinetsformatie1 BREGT HENKENS Wetenschappelijk Medewerker KU Leuven
De vorming van de eerste regering-van Zeeland (maart 1935) Een studie van het proces van kabinetsformatie1 BREGT HENKENS wetenschappelijk medewerker KU Leuven De kabinetsformatie is een van de cruciale fases in het proces van politieke machtsverwerving. Het is het moment waarop de politieke verhoudingen binnen de nationale uitvoerende macht worden vastgelegd. Sedert de Eerste Wereldoorlog gaat het daarbij, op enkele uitzonderingen na, steeds om coalitievormingen. De samenstelling van een regering werd daardoor een ingewikkeld spel tussen diverse actoren. Grondwettelijk gezien is het de Koning die zijn kabinet samenstelt2, maar al sedert 1831 maakt deze daarvoor gebruik van een formateur. In meerderheidssystemen heeft het Staatshoofd daarbij weinig keuze: hij duidt doorgaans de leider van de meerderheidspartij aan. Door de verdeeldheid in het parlement na 1919 kreeg de Belgische Koning als centrale bemiddelende figuur meer bewegingsvrijheid. Hij kon zijn formateur kiezen uit diverse partijen, en soms werd zelfs iemand van buiten de politieke partijen aangetrokken. Dit was o.m. het geval bij de vorming van de regering-van Zeeland. In de negentiende eeuw oefende de Koning zijn recht om afzonderlijke ministers te benoemen of te ontslaan ook effectief uit, maar vanaf Albert I werd dit prerogatief nog maar zelden toegepast. Dat wil echter niet zeggen dat hij de regeringsvorming uit handen gaf. Integendeel, zeker tot aan de Tweede Wereldoorlog bleef de vorst actief interfereren: hij bepaalde welke coalitie er kon worden gevormd, in welke richting het regeringsprogramma moest gaan, stelde zijn veto tegen bepaalde kandidaat-ministers en drong er andere op (zie Stengers, 1992,41-72). 1 Dit artikel is een van de case studies in het kader van FKFO-project 8.0012.93 "Rege- ringsvorming in België, 1909-1940" met prof.