TATARICA: LANGUAGE
EARLY CONTACTS OF TURKS AND PROBLEMS OF PROTO-TURKIC RECONSTRUCTION
Anna Vladimirovna Dybo, Institute of Linguistics, RAS, Russian Federation, 1 B.Kislovski Street, Moscow, Russia, 1125009, [email protected]
The article presents the results of our studies of loanwords in the Turkic languages and borrowings from the Turkic languages that can be classified as borrowed in Proto-Turkic and Common Turkic times. The classification is based on the availability of these words in different groups of the Turkic languages and in Ancient Turkic texts. The classification is based on the presence of these words in different groups of the Turkic languages and ancient Turkic texts. The data collected can testify both in favor and against the decisions taken during the development Proto-Turkic reconstruction.
Key words: Proto-Turkic period, Common Turkic period, reconstruction, borrowings.
Below, we present the results of our studies of Comparative-Historical School. The genealogical Turks’ early language contacts conducted within classification of the Turkic languages, accepted in the frame of the Proto-Turkic reconstruction, ap- these works, is used in the research. peared in [1, 2], and other works of the Мoscow
The Genealogical Tree of the Turkic Languages Proto-Turkic Proto-Bulgarian Common Turkic Danube Volgaic Yakut- Sayan "Kyrgyz" Kypchak-Karluk Oghuz Bulgarian Bulgarian Dolgan Chuvash Yakut, Tuvinian, Khakas, Shor, Tatar, Kumuk, Karaim, Turkish, Azeri, Dolgan Tofa,... Saryg Yuygu, ... Balkar, Kazakh, Uzbek, Turkmen, New Uygur,… Salar,...
1.0. The contacts of Proto-Turkic with Late Old Chinese A new (after Pulliblank) reconstruction of the The dating of the first Proto-Turkic disintegra- phonetic history of Chinese which we are guided tion, achieved by means of glottochronolоgy, is by in our conclusions can be seen in: [3, 4, 5]. about the first century B.C. [2].
7 A.V.DYBO
The processes in Old Chinese that enable to 16. *sïr ‘color, dye, lacque’: LOCh 漆 shjit date the time of OCh borrowings in PT are as fol- ‘lacquer tree, lacquer (Rhus vernicuflua)’ lows: 17. *jinčü ‘pearls’: LOCh 真 ćin ‘true’ + 珠 Laterals > fricatives, Lh > źh before short ćwo ‘pearls’ vowels: Eastern Han (0 -3 cent. A.D.) 鷂 18. *čavlï ‘a species of falcon’: LOCh źawh T > ć before short vowels: Eastern Han (0-3 ‘sparrow hawk (Accipiter nisus)’ cent. A.D.) 19. *Turma ‘radish, horseradish’: LOCh 土卵 L > D in initials: Early Postclassical Chinese (3 thārhwān ‘yam’ (lit. “earthen egg”) cent. A.D.) b) Proto-Turkic exotisms in Chinese Han tran- r, rh > l, lh: Early Postclassical Chinese (3 scriptions (Shi zi, Han shu)1 cent. A.D.) 撐黎 pr- > p- : Early Postclassical Chinese (3 cent. *ṭhāŋ-rə̄ j ‘sky’ < *taŋrï A.D.) 瀧 *roŋ ‘headquarters’ < *orun Tr- > retroflex stops: Western Han (3 cent. 徑路 *kēŋh-rāh ‘sword’ < *Kïŋrak B.C.-0 cent.) 廓洛 *k(h)wā(k)-r(h)āk ‘belt’ <*Kur-γak -r > -n: Classical Old Chinese (7 cent. B.C.-3 服匿 *bwək-ṇək ‘a k. of vessel’ < *bök-lüg cent. B.C.) ‘having a cork’ No processes later than Early Postclassical 駃騠 *kwjāt-d(h)ē ‘a k. of horse’ < *Kạtïr Chinese can be observed in this lexis. ‘mule’ Thus, the dating of these language contacts can 騊駼 *Łhə̄ w-Łhā ‘a small horse’ < *ïlaλa ‘a be defined as the third century B.C. and the third bad horse’ century A.D. 驒 *d(h)ān-gēh/ kēh ‘wild horse’ < *Takï The words showing the phonetic peculiarities 蛩蛩 of the Proto-Turkic language can be divided into *g(h)oŋ-g(h)oŋ ‘a k. of horse’ < *Koŋur three groups. ‘brown’ a) Late Old Chinese borrowings in Proto- 橐駝 *thāk-lhāj ‘camel’ < *tạj-lag ‘young Turkic camel’ 1. *(a)laču-k ‘cottage, small yurt’: LOCh. la- 毆脫*γwā́-lwāt ‘nomad settlements’ < *Koλ-ut λiaʔ 廬 舍‘cottage’ 隔昆 *krēk-kwə̄ n ‘Kirgiz’ < *Kïrkïř 2. (?)*ạltun, Chuv. ïltăn ‘gold’: LOCh. dōŋ 銅 匈奴 *ŋōŋ-nhā ‘Hsiung-nu’ < *hunga ‘copper, bronze’ 屠耆dā-grjəj ‘right’ < *dogro ‘right’ 3. *gümüλ ‘silver’: LOCh. *kəm-liw 金 鐐, 谷蠡 *kōk-r(h)ə ‘patrimony’ < *Kor(ï)γï ‘bright silver’ 且居 *chiá-ka a title < *čïka-n 4. *Tẹmür ‘iron’: LOCh *tiēt-mhwit (= mwut) 稽粥 *kjə̄ j-təuk N. pr. < *Kạtïk ‘hard’ ‘iron thing’,dial. Tiēr-mwur 鐵 物 呼廚泉 *wā-ḍwa-ʒjwan N.pr. < *otočï-n ‘heal- 5. *könüg suv ‘quicksilver’: LOCh *köuŋ 汞 er’ ‘quicksilver’ c) Postclassic Chinese transcriptions (310 A.D. 6. *bẹk ‘a nobility rank’: LOCh pẹ̄ k 伯 ‘to be from Zin shu, Wei shu) elder’ 秀支*śəw-kje ‘army’ < *sü-ge 7. *čerig ‘army’, originally ‘army formation’: 替戾岡 *thiēj-liet-kāŋ ‘go out’ < *tạλï-t-kan LOCh cjə̄ t,dial. cjə̄ r 節 ‘knee; detachement’ ‘withdrawn’ 8. *sü ‘army’: LOCh *śwò 戍 ‘frontier guards’ 僕谷 *bwōk-kwōk a title < *bökö-g ‘hero – 9. *biti- ‘write’: LOCh pit: 筆 ‘writing brush’ Acc’ 10.* kujn ‘scroll, book’: LOCh kwén 卷 ‘reel, 劬禿當 *g(h)wo- thwōk-tāŋ ‘seize’ < *götök- coil, volume’ tä-ŋ ‘you will seize’ 11. *bengü ‘eternal’: LOCh mwə̄n ‘be ten- 跋 *bāt ‘self, master’ < *bod thousand, myriad’ 萬 + LOCh 古 kṓ ‘to be ancient’ 鐵伐 *thiēt-b(h)wət ‘iron’ < *Tẹmür 12. *čin ‘verity’: LOCh 貞 tʽeŋ ‘to test, try out, 迦沙 *kā-ṣā ‘jade’ (?) < *Kāλ correct’ 逗落 *d(h)ōw-lāk ‘mound’ < *durak 13. *deng ‘equal’: LOCh 等 tə̄ ŋʔ ‘equal’
14. *dōn ‘clothes’: LOCh tōn ‘black straight 1 Here and below the Old Chinese hieroglyphic tran- robe’ scriptions of foreign words are taken from [6; 7; 8]; the 15. *kög ‘tune’: LOCh曲 khok ‘melody’ full analysis see in [2].
8 TATARICA: LANGUAGE
昆子 *kwə̄ n-cjí ‘beaver’ < *Kuntřз heir and thus, was given this title. Cf. Av. negation 夾兜 *kiēp-tōw ‘churn’ < *küp-i- noit, + Iran. *(v)rau-ka- – ‘not-ruling’. 屈孓 *khwit-kwət ‘low’ < *Kodku-t 10. 居次 *ka shjəś ‘princess’ – MIran. *kan-č- 托 *thāk ‘earth’ < *Tog ača (Sogd. knčy, knčyg, Pehl. kanīčag, Munji kinčäkä ‘girl’ < PIran. *kan- ‘little, young’. 赫連 *hēk-len ‘red’ < *jẹgren The linguistic situation that led to such borrow- 丁菱 *tiēŋ-līŋ an ethnonym < *Teleŋ- ings was probably caused by close contacts of Pro- In the same groups of Chinese sources we find to-Turks with early Saka, a number of Iranian bor- the lexemes among “Hsiung-nu” words that can be rowings in Proto-Turkic being the evidence for the traced as Iranian ones, borrowed from one of the fact. Eastern Middle Iranian languages which was simi- 2 e) Early East Iranian borrowings in Proto- lar to a kind of archaic Khotanese Saka . Turkic (pre-Khotanese Saka; Kh.Saka was regis- d) Iranian exotisms among “Hsiung-nu” tered in the 7th-10th centuries A.D. but the separa- Chinese transcriptions (only from Shi zi and Han tion of the Saka-Wakhi Iranian branch would be shu), dairy husbandry words and titles. dated not later than the 5th century B.C.) 1. 酪 *rāk ‘koumiss’ – PIran. *ranka- (+ -aka), 1. *ečkü ‘tame goat’: Iran. *aź-ya-k-ā, from Kh. Saka ragai ‘fermented liquor’; Osset. rong *aźa- ‘fermented honey liquor’. 2. *dānạ ‘heifer’: Iran. *dainu-kā, Kh.Saka 2. 湩 *ṭoŋh ‘milk, koumiss’ (Han epoch, about dīnū ‘cow’ a liquor from whipped horse milk) – PIran. *dauγ- 3. *dorak ‘cheese’: MIran. *tura-ka, Kh.Saka na (from *duž- ‘to milk’) > Osset. donq/donγ ttūra ‘cheese’ ‘yield of milk’, Wakhi δingí ‘milk products’ 4. *kumlak ‘hop’: Iran. *hauma-aryaka “Aryan 3. 酥酪 *sā rāk ‘cream, butter’ – MIran. haoma”, Osset. x°ymællæg ‘hop’ (*hauma ‘ephed- **sara-ka < PIran. **sarah-, OInd. śaras- ‘milk ra’) skin, cream’. 5. *bütnük ‘mint’: MIran. *bodina-ka (Osset. 4. 醍醐 *tē-g(h)ā ‘light koumiss or clarified bit‛na / bet‛ina ‘mint’, Shugn., Bartang wiδn, oil’ – MIran. *doga-(ya): PIran. *dauga- > Cl.Pers. Rushan wuδn, Wakhi waδn, Munji wālən, Pashto dōγ ‘buttermilk’, Pers. duγ, Kurd. dō ‘buttermilk’, welə́ na) Pashto lwaγ ‘yield of milk’, Shugn. důγ, Yazg. dəγ, 6. *arpa ‘barley’: (?) Iran. *arba- ‘barley’, Wakhi δi ‘buttermilk’. East Iran. *arbasyā- (or *arpasyā): Ishk. úrvьs, 5. 單于 *tān-wa ‘Shan-yu (title)’. Pulleyblank: Sangl. vərvəs, Yidgha yaršīo, Pashto orbəˊši, = Turk. *darxan, cf. *kraś-pin ‘Kashmir’. Cf. a urbəˊši commentary in Han Shu: “this title means “vast” 7. (?)*dura ‘tower, fortification’: cf. Kh.Saka and demonstrates that this person is as vast as the ttaura ‘wall’, Osset. tyrg ‘courtyard’ sky”. Cf. OUig. tarqan- ‘to spread’, Caus. tarqar-. 8. *gẹl ‘house, home, family’: Iran. *gr̥ da- ‘house’, MPers. gilistak [glsty, glystk] ‘Dev 6. 閼氐 *γāt-tə̄́j ‘Shan-yu spouse (title)’: cf. house’, Zor. Pehl. *gil-šāh ‘house host’, Kh.Saka Sogd. xuten < *xwatāyn, < *hva-tāvyaini (f. from ggalū ‘family’ [13]. *hva-tāvya-) ‘lady’; > Early Saka *hvatuń > Hsi- 9. *dām ‘wall of a stationary building’: Iran. ung-nu *γāt-tə̄́j > Sogd. xātūn [x’twn] ‘lady’ > *dam- ‘house’ (Av. dam, Sogd. -dam ‘world’, OTurk. qatun. Yazg. -dom in toponyms, cf. also Kh.Saka damänu 7. 攣鞮 *r(h)wan dē ‘royal clan of Hsiung-nu’ ‘house’) [13]. – Cf. Kh.Saka runde ‘kings’ (NPl of rre ‘king’ < 10. *darkan ‘title or post; in names’ : PIE *tlk-, *rwant-). IIran. tark- ‘to decide, to judge’, Sogd. trγ’n, trχ’n 8. 自次 *ʒ(h)jəś shjəś ‘second title after Shan- [tarxān] ‘title’, Kh.Saka ttarkana- ‘title’, Osset. yu’ – Chinese compound ‘self’+‘following’, can be tærxon ‘justice’ a loan-translation of a well-known Middle Iranian 11. *qaγan: ‘head of tribal confederation’, title – MPers. pasāgrīv, Parf. *pašāgrīv, Sogd. ‘lord’ : MIran. *hva-kama- ‘autokrator’ (hva- ‘self- pš’γryw, pas/š- ‘after’ и grīv ‘body, self’. ’ and kam- ‘to wish’), cf. Sogd. xutkame [xwt-k’m’- 9. 日逐 *njət Łhəuk a title of a left-hand da- k’] [11] in the same meaning, Avestan hvata-data- jiang who, against the old custom could not be an and hva-data. 1.1. Phonetic peculiarities of Chinese-Turkic adaptation 2 The Khotanese Saka data see in [9], Ossetic in [10], 1.1.1. Consonants Sogdian in [11], Avestan in [12].
9 A.V.DYBO
Chinese non-aspirate stops > PT voiced (weak) a) Turkic loanwords in Proto-Samodic3 stops; 1. CT *Kapuŋ ‘bumblebee’ < PAlt. *k‛ap‛u Chinese aspirate stops > PT voiceless (aspirate) ‘stinging insect’. Probably > PSam. *ke̮ pu ‘Wespe’ stops; (without Uralic etymology). PT and Iranian *d- > OChinese t-; 2. PT *bālik ‘fish’ < PAlt. *pā́ li ‘k. of fish’. PT and Iranian *t- > OChinese th-; Probably > PSam. *pə̑ jkз ‘dried fish’ (without Multiple OChinese affricates > PT *č and PT Uralic etymology). *j-, so PT *j- should be phonetically close to affri- 3. PT *bEkre ‘k. of sturgeon’< PA *bek‛ú ‘k. cates of fish’. Probably > PSam. *wekänä / *wekзrз OCh laterals > PT *l before back vowels and ‘sturgeon’. PT *λ before front vowels 4. PT *kīλ ‘sable’. Probably > PSam. *ki, *kilз PT *l,*λ > OCh l, lh in early transcriptions;? *λ ‘sable’ (without Uralic etymology). > OCh l and ṣ in late transcriptions 5. CT *junt ‘horse, mare’. Probably > PSam. 1.1.2. Vowels *juntз ‘horse’. Postclassical Old Chinese iē, ē > PT *ẹ 6. (?) CT *dal ‘branch, willow’ < PAlt. *čălù Postclassical Old Chinese ə, ə̄ i > PT *ä ‘k. of leaf-bearing tree’. Probably > PSam. *ta(ə)j 2.0. The "Tocharian loans" in Proto-Turkic and ‘branch, ast’ (without Uralic etymology). the problem of rhotacism /lambdaism 7. PT *bat- ‘sink, drown, set (about sun)’. A. Róna-Tas [14] suggests that the words be- Probably > PSam. *pə̑ t- id. (without Uralic ety- low are Tocharian loanwords in Proto-Turkic and mology). that their phonetics proves the “rhotacist” model 8. PT *Kïλ ‘winter’. Probably > PSSam. *ke̮ for Proto-Turkic; i.e., that the Common Turkic *š, ‘winter’. Chuvash l are the reflexes of PT *š and not of a 9. PT * ṻř ‘fat’. Probably > PSam. *jür id. lateral phoneme. This view is contrary to our view 10. CT *jama- ‘patch, darn’ < PA *nĕ́mè supported by the phonetic appearance of Chinese- ‘patch, darn’ Probably > PSam. *jemńə- ‘patch’ Proto-Turkic contact words seen above. But all (without Uralic etymology). these supposed Tocharisms are unreliable. 11. CT*baλmak ‘k. of shoes’. Probably > PT *Koλ ‘cottage’ (< PA *kuĺV ‘enclosure’, PSam. *päjmå ‘shoes’ (without Uralic etymology). PTM *kuli- ‘to fence’) — Toch.B koṣkīye ‘hut’ 12. CT*(h)ẹ̄ jke- ‘sow, sharpen’ Probably > ([15: №1101] — from MIr., cf. Pahlavi kwšk 'a PSam. *jikå- ‘sow, sharpen’; part of a building', Modern Persian kōšk); where is 13. CT *kīn ‘sheath’. Probably > PSam. *ken -k- in PT form? (The Turkic etymology is severely id. criticized by J. Reinhart [16]). The MIr. etymology 14. CT *jasa- ‘build’ < PA *dasa- ‘rule’. for Toch. B is preferable. Probably, Toch. B kwaṣo Probably > PSam. *je̮ səj- ‘to build a chum’ (with- ‘country’ [15: №1217] could be a loan from OT out Uralic etymology). *koš (
10 TATARICA: LANGUAGE
b) Probable Samodic loans in Proto-Turkic 5. Ket-Yug *soʔ/G/χom ‘an arrow with a blunt 1. PSam. *käsa ‘bark’ > CT *kās ‘bark’ (OUig. arrowhead’ < CT *sоkom/n ‘a whistling arrow- qas, qasuq, Krh.-Uig. qas, qasuq (MK), Halaj qās). head’ The Samodic word has a standard Uralic etymol- 6. Ket-Yug *doʔ s ‘idol; spirit’ < PT *Töř ogy (PFU *ko(ń)ćkз ‘bark’). ‘root; origin, ancestors’. 2. (?) PSam. *kaəti̮ə ‘fir tree’ > PT *Kadi ‘pine c) Probable borrowings from PYen to PT: tree’ 1. PT *gejik ‘wild, game’ (no Altaic etymol- 3. (?) PSam. *ti̮te̮ŋ ‘Siberian cedar’ > CT *Tīt ogy) < PYen. *gəʔj ‘hunt; wild animal’. ‘larch’, 4.1. Phonetic peculiarities of Proto-Turk – Pro- 4. PSam. *koəjə ‘mountain, watershed’ > CT to-Yenissean adaptation: only consonants *K(i)aja ‘rock, mountain’. PSam < PUr *kaδ'a > PT *ř ,*λ > PYen *r, *l, Hung. hegy ‘top, mountain’), CT has no good Alt. СT *z > PKott s etymology. PT*d- > PYen *d- 5. PSam. *we̮ ńз ‘meat or fish soup, broth’ > (?) 5.0. The contacts of Proto-Turkic with Proto- CТ *bün (*büjn?) ‘meat soup, broth’ Ob’-Ugrian5 3.1. Phonetic peculiarities of Samodic-Turk, a) Loans from Proto-Ob’-Ugrian to the Proto- Turk-Samodic adaptation Turkic: 3.1.1. Consonants 1. PT *kunduř ‘beaver’ < POU *kuntз-l' < PUg PT *ř ,*λ > PS *r, *l (PS *l gave *j in the syl- *kuntз ‘beaver’. lable end automatically). 2. PT *Kutan ‘heron, pelican' < POU *koti̮ ŋ < PT *j- > PS *j-. PUg *kottVŋV ‘swan’. PT *h- > PT *0- 3. PT *iŋir 'pack saddle' < *iŋgri < ПОУ Samodic has no Anlaut laryngeal oppositions *näγrä < ПУг. *närkV ‘saddle’. on stops. b) Loans from Proto-Turkic to the Proto-Ob’- 3.1.2. Vowels Ugrian: PT *a > PS *e, *e̮ in open syllables and *a, be- 1. POU *ūri̮ ‘suitable, skill’ < PT (CТ) *ūř fore *j — *ä, *ə̑ in closed syllables ‘master’. 4.0. The contacts of Proto-Turkic with Proto- 2. POU *tarma ‘god’< PT *Taŋrï ‘god’? Yenissean4 (disintegration into Ketish and Kottish 3. POU *wūjma ‘skein of wool’ < PT *ojma groups ~ the turn of the Christian Era) ‘felt’ a) Proto-Turkic loans in Proto-Yenissean 4. PОU *pe̮ rγa ‘pipe, piped stem’ < PT *burgu 1. PYen. *χɔtyr ‘felt, cloth’ < PT *kidiř ‘felt’ > ‘pipe, hunter’s call; piped stem’. CT *kidiz. 5. (?) POU *pe̮ kta ‘dung, excrements’< PT 2. PYen. *ʔ iʔ n ‘needle’ < PT > CT *(j)igne, *bok ‘dirt, dung’. jiŋne. 6. (?) POU *qe̮ r-si̮ ‘without snow (about au- 3. PYen. *ʔ Vʔ r1 ‘song’ < PT > CT *ir. tumn)’< PT *Kiār-sïř ‘without snow’. 4. ? PYen. *dam- in *dam-χuχ ‘window’ (-χuχ 6.0. Proto-Turkic-Mongolic contacts “hole”) < PT > CT *dām ‘wall’. a) The reconstructed PMo state (the state of 5. PYen. *KVlpV ‘ladle’ < PT **kaλbuk > PT Mongolic system in the time of the first disintegra- *kaλuk > CT *kašuk. tion of Mongol family) is dated, by means of glot- 6. PYen. *dəĺi ‘willow’ < PT > CT *dal. tochronology, after the 6th cent. A.D.; the Common 7. PYen. *χɔpVr ‘foam’ < PT *köp- > PT Mongolic Chinese borrowings cannot be dated ear- *köpük ‘foam’, CT *köpür- ‘to foam’. lier than Middle Chinese, e.g. the 6th -7th cent. A.D. 8. ? PYen. *bət ‘Salmo lenoc’ < CT *bińit. b) The reconstructed PT state (in the time of b) Words borrowed not later than in the 12th disintegration of Common Turkic and Bulgar): ~ 1 cent. A.D. (Only Ket-Yug sub-branch): th cent. B.C. glottochronologically; PT Chinese 1. Ket-Yug *paĺgV ‘ruff’ < PT *bālik ‘fish’. borrowings show that it is Western and Eastern th th 2. Ket-Yug *ʔ īGV- ‘to sharpen’ < PT *hẹ̄ jke-. Han (3 cent. B.C.-3 cent. A.D.) 3. Ket-Yug *ʔuʔǯ- ‘waist’ < PT *ūča. c) Turkic loans, that can be reconstructed for 4. Ket-Yug *siʔ id ‘strap’ < PT *sid- ‘lace’. Proto-Mongolic, are well-known and numerous, among them many Chinese loans in Proto-Turkic are found.
4 The Proto-Yenissean reconstructions are taken from [21] 5 The Proto-Ob'-Ugrian reconstructions see in [22, 23].
11 A.V.DYBO
Chinese loans in Proto-Turkic are dated before CT *tōr 'net' < PMo *towr (cf. PT *duřak 'net', the third century A.D.; that is terminus post quem. ТМ *turku- 'to be entrapped'). Terminus propter quem for the Proto-Mongolic 7.0. The resulting table of Proto-Turkic lan- state is the sixth and seventh century A.D. guage contacts. d) Borrowings from Old Turkic in Proto- Contact lan- to Proto-Turkic from Proto- Mongolic: guage Turkic T. *ạltun ‘gold’ (< OCh.) > PMo *altan, Late Old Chi- 16-19 borrow- 18 borrowings in T. *Tẹmür ‘iron’ (< OCh.) > PMo *temür, nese ings from “cul- Han epoch, Т. *(a)laču-k ‘cottage, small yurt’ (< OCh.) > tural” areas. 14 borrowings PMo *alačug, T > *D, Th > *T, later, generally T. *Turma ‘radish‘ (< OCh.) > PMo *turma TS > *j- exotisms (but T. *biti- ‘write’ (< OCh.) > PMo *biči- L > *l /_A, *λ_E “pony” and T. *Kojn ‘sheep’ > PMo qoni(n), PT < PA iē, ē > *ẹ “camel” are *giabo(nV) ‘ungulate female’ (PMo *gewü-n ə, ə̄ i > *ä found in Modern ‘mare’, PTM *gibu- ‘roe’) Chinese) T. *ornu (3 P. from *orun ‘place, residence’, *D > T, *T > Th Cf. in Hsiung-nu language 龍 WH roŋ) with *l,*λ > l, lh (ear- “Kyrkyz” cluster development (rn > rd) > PMo lier) *ordo(n) (MMo ordo ‘palace’, ordos ‘Khan resi- ? *λ > l / ṣ (later) dence’ SH, Kitan 斡魯朵 wò-lu-duo ‘palace An East Mid- 11 borrowings Not clear (in gen- wards’, MChin reading ʔwât-lo-twâ. dle Iranian from “cultural” eral, the Saka- e) Exemples of possible loans from Proto- language (ear- areas; Cf. con- Wakhi cognates Turkic in Early Proto-Mongolic (before the 3th ly Saka? Pro- siderable number are now not col- cent. A.D.) to-Saka- of Iranian words lected). Cf. a PT *ařïg ‘fang’ > PMo ariγa ‘fang’ by PMo Wakhi?) among “Hsiung- number of later aral ‘fang’, ara-tai ‘predator’ < PA *aŕi; nu” lexemes. No Turkic words in PT *bōř ‘grey’ > PMo *boro ‘grey’ by PMo good points for Khotanese Saka *buγurul ‘grey-haired’ < PA *baguŕ-. PT reconstruc- f) Turkic loans in Tabgach (the 4th -5th A.D.)6 tion (but cf.: 比德填 pjíj tə̄ k ćín ‘scribe’ < PT *bitig ‘letter’ Iranian *d- > 樸大填 bōk dhā̀j ćín ‘cloakroom servant’ < PT OChinese t-; (?) *bog-taj ‘bag with clothes’ Iranian *t- > OChinese th-) 可薄填 khā́ bāk ćín ‘warden’ < PT *kapog Proto- 6 (unreliable); 5 (unreliable); Cf. ‘door’ Tocharian 2 probable To- a number of later 咸填 giəm ćín ‘post station employee’ < PT ̄ charian loans in Turkic loans in **jam ‘post station’ Hsiung-nu lan- Tocharian B) g) A Mongolic loan in Hsiung-nu language? guage 犀毗 slə̄ j b(h)jəj ‘buckle’ = монг. *silbi ‘but- Proto- 5 (?) 15–21, generally tonhole’ Samodic “cultural” h) Examples of borrowing from Early Mongol *ř ,*λ > *r, *l, in Common Turkic later *ř > s CT *ordo 'khan residence; army' < NMo PT *j- > PS *j-. *ordo(n) PT *h- > PT *0- CT *talpï- ‘to dangle, swing’: < PMo *dalba- Proto- 1? 8–15, “cultural” ‘to shake'; Yenissean *ř ,*λ > *r, *l, CT *dōrug ‘bay (horse coat)’ ? < PMo Later *ř > s *dorugun ‘badger’, Cf. Tu bulan ‘dun’ < “elk”, ji- *d- > *d- gren ‘chestnut’ < “gazelle”, Mo xal'uun ‘dun with Proto-Ob- 3 (“trade”) 6 (“cultural”) black mane’ < “otter”; Ugrian ~ *ř > *r CT aksum ‘fury, tumult’ < PMo *agsum 'tu- Proto-Nivkh ? 4 (“trade”?) mult', < Mong *agsa- 'to writhe in convulsions; Tabgach Not clear 4 (one remains in brawl' (Mongolic) Modern Mongo- lic languages) 6 See [24]; [2].
12 TATARICA: LANGUAGE
8.3. Reflexes of Bulgar vowels in loanwords7 8.0. Borrowings from Proto-Bulgar and the PT Early Late Bul- Late Late Chuvash early Bulgar languages in Hungarian and Slavic: Bulgar gar (Da- Bulgar Bulgar the case of Proto-Turkic vowel system. loans in nube) lo- (Danube) (Volgaic) 8.1. Bulgar loanwords in Hungarian can be di- Hungarian ans in loans in loans in vided into two groups: Hungarian South East Slavic Slavic a) In the first group the assumed appearance of *a a (å) a (å)? o o o the Turkic prototypes is very close to the Proto- *ā á á? a, (?) ālC o Turkic stage (excluding the "Bulgar palataliza- > ъlC tion": the change *s- > š- before *i, *ï, *iV). The *ä é, ε a o o a primary vowel length is preserved; the “Chuvash” *ǟ ε̄/e̋ ? a a shifts are not observed. This group should be con- *o *u > o a (å) o (oγC > vъ-, -u- sidered among "the Pre-Conquest Layer" ([25: voC) 752]) – these were the loans on the territory of the *ō *ū > u vá-, -á- va va va-, -u- Volga-Kama (or, as A.Róna-Tas now prefers to be- *ö *ü > ö e (e̊ ), ö u u vъ-, -ü- lieve [26: 436-438], the Don-Kuban) area (the fifth *ȫ *ǖ > ü vé-, -é- ve, ȫrC > (P)i va-,- and seventh centuries A.D.); ъrC ъva- b) In the second group the prototypes appear to *u *u > o va-(r) a, uRC > ъ ъ, vъ-(r) be extremely similar to the prototypes of Danube ъRC Bulgar loanwords in the South Slavic languages. *ū *ū > u ? ъ ̊ This group are, apparently, the loans from the Da- *ü *ü > ö ö, e (e) ь, (K)ъ (K)u, (P)i ə *ǖ *ǖ > ü ve- ə nube Bulgar, which were acquired on the territory *ï,ï̄ a, (á >) é a? a; ïlC > ə/ъ near present-day Hungary; the adaptation rules for lъC their phonetics in Hungarian are almost identical to *i *i > e (ё) i? e, ilC > ь ə/ъ the adaptation rules of early Slavic loans, which lьC appeared in Hungarian in the time period "chrono- *ī *ī > i ? ə/ъ logically close to the Hungarian conquest of the *ạ *ï > i a? ь, (K)ъ ï Lower Danube region (895-900 A.D.)" – see [27: *ẹ é, ε é, ε? i i/ə 422]. *ẹ̄ e̋ e̋ ? i a 8.2. Also two categories of Bulgar loanwords *ẹj*ī > i ? jə-,ja-,-i- in Slavic can be distinguished: a) Words borrowed *äj *i > e (ё) ? i jə-,ja-,-i- from the language of Danube Bulgars into the South Slavic languages (not to the Proto-Slavic, as it was considered earlier: it is chronologically im- possible). These words incorporated into the Old Church Slavonic language spread into East Slavic and partly also into West Slavic languages with the literary language of the Slavic world. On historical grounds these loans should be dated as early the eighth and ninth centuries A.D. b) Words bor- rowed from the language of Volga Bulgars into the East Slavic languages (on the Volga trade route) and partly spread on to the West Slavic languages, mostly to Polish. These borrowings should, appar- ently, be dated later, after the rise of the Volga Bulgar state.
7 See the full analysis in [28; 29].
13 A.V.DYBO
Bulgar languages: the vowels of 1st syllable Chuvash Bulgar loans in Bulgar loans in Bulgar loans in Hun- Bulgar loans in Proto- EastSlavic SouthSlavic garian – B Hungarian – A Turkic o Хопужьское море ковъчегъ: PT koporsó 'coffin': PT karó 'nail': PT*Kař- *a sot- ‘to sell’ < PT 'Black Sea': PT *Kapurčak *Kapurčak guk *sat- *kарug тоягъ, тояга: PT *dajak gyapjú 'wool': PT 'staff' *japagu o санъ 'rank': PT *sān bársony 'brocade': sátor 'tent': PT ā solъ 'raft', porźïn самъчии 'steward': PT *bārčun *čātur 'silc brocade' PBulg. *sām 'counting' szám 'numeral': PT szál 'raft': PT *sāl брачина 'silc brocade': *sām < *sā(j)- 'to PT *bārčun count' vъ-, -o- воръ: PT *ogry хорѫгы 'banner': PT apró 'small, fine': PT kos: PT *Koč 'ram' *o porъ· 'badger', тволага ‘heifer’: *horu·gu *opra-k borz: PT *bors-uk vъrъ 'thief' PT *dog-lak сокачии 'butcher': PT 'badger' *sok- 'slaughter' + -*či or, orv: PT *ogry ‘thief' va-, -o-, -ъva- ватага 'tent': PT кваръ 'harm': PT *Kōr váj- 'to row': PT *ōj- turó 'cheese': PT *ō tora, tъvara *ōtag 'harm, damage' kár 'harm': PT *Kōr *tōrak 'cheese' тварогъ 'cheese': PT 'harm, damage' valak 'желоб' < *tōrak PT *ōlak vъ-, -u-/-ü- боубрегъ: PT *bögrek > csepű (ö, ё) ‘oacum’: ökör 'bull': PT *ö püre 'kidneys' *bövrek 'kidneys' PT *čöp-ik *höküř vъgъr 'bull, ox' коурѣлъкъ ‘form, ap- seprő (ö, ё) 'yeast, pearance’: PT *körüglük sediment': PT ‘appearance’ *čöpre-g va, -ъva- бирюкъ 'lone wolf': верига 'fetters': PT *ȫr- ver- 'plait': PT *ȫr- szűn-ik- 'to faint': *ȫ kъvak 'blue', vagъ PT *bȫrü-k ·k lék, dial. vék 'ice- PT *sȫn- 'disappear, 'clearing, glade' < hole': PT *ȫk・ fade' PT *ȫk· kék (ё) 'blue': PT *gȫk ъ трунове “nobles of сасыгъ ‘crucible’: PT var 'scab, furuncle': korom 'soot': PT *u xъrъm 'soot' Volga Bulgars", *sus- ‘to scoop’, MK PT *ur ‘wart, tu- *Kurum vъr 'polypore' *tъrunъ: OT tudun, susɨq ‘bucket’ mour’ bodor 'curly': PT MK tuδun тлъпыгъ 'waterskin': PT *budra *tulup: кърчии "smith": PT *kurč "steel"+ -čï pъs ‘fog’ búsz 'fog': PT *būs *ū ə pədər- 'twist' коуригъ 'best man': кънига 'book': PT *kün- dél (e̋ ) 'South, noon': pödör- 'twist': PT *ü PT *güdegü ig PT *düλ ? *püt-ir-'plait, spin' пирогъ 'cake': PT къркыга 'litter': PT tömény 'many': PT *büräk *kürk 'fur, cover' *tümen '10000' тьма '10000': PT könyv 'book': PT *tümen *kün-ig
ə/i gyűl-öl 'be angry': *ǖ śilə 'be angry' PT *jǖl- ə/ъ шаръ "dye": ПТ*sïr karvaly 'kestrel': gyalu 'plane': PT *ï xərxi 'kite' крагуи: PT *kïrguj 'kite' PT *kïrguj 'kite, fal- *jïλku (ïl: тълмачь con' 'interpreter': PT *tïlmač) ə/ъ (térd 'knie': Bulg. (?) *ï ̄ čər-puśśi ‘knie’ *dï·ř ~ *dïjr < PT *düjř (?)) ə/ъ жьнчугъ ''pearl”s: бѣльчугъ 'fetters': PT (kis 'little, small': PT serke: PT *sirke 'nit' *i šъrga 'nit' PT *jinčü-k *bile-čuk *kičü-g seper, söpör 'broom': šъbъr 'broom' тетегъ 'litter': PT *ditek bilincs ‘fetters’: PT *sipür- 'sweep'
14 TATARICA: LANGUAGE
Chuvash Bulgar loans in Bulgar loans in Bulgar loans in Hun- Bulgar loans in Proto- EastSlavic SouthSlavic garian – B Hungarian – A Turkic (il: бльхъчии ‘smith, ПТ*bilen-čüg?) bölcs 'wise' <*belü- joiner’: PT *bilgüči) cs: PT *bilgüči ə/ъ süllő 'zander': PT *ī šъl ‘tooth’ *sīλ-leg ï (юрага: чьпагъ 'bag': dara ‘grain': PT disznó 'pig': PT *ạ tïla ‘brake’, sïsna PT *ạgur-ak 'but- PT *čạp-gu 'pocket, lap' *dạrɨ- *jạs-na- 'pig', ïrri 'butter- termilk') дъхътъръ 'pillow': tiló 'brake': PT milk', PT *jạt-ku-r *tạlku ‘brake’ tïrъ 'grain' író 'buttermilk': PT *ạgur-ak a ковьръ: ковригъ 'loaf of bread': csavar- 'to wind': gyermek (ε) 'jung': *ä sagъ 'seat' < PT *Käbiř 'carpet' PT *gäbrek PT *čäbir- PT *järmik PT *säkü огаръ 'trackhound': agár 'trackhound': bélyeg (ё) 'sign, śarъ 'army': PT *äker PT *äker brand': PT *bäl-gö PT *čärig a капь 'idol': PT *gǟp kép 'appearance, *ǟ kap 'form, image' portrait': ПТ*gǟp 'form, exemple, im- age' i(=ẹ)/ə тикърь 'mirror': PT szél (ε) 'ветер': teker- (ё) 'to wind': *ẹ śil 'wind': PT *je·l *tẹkör 'disc' PT *je·l PT *tẹkör-e-gyenge təgər 'зеркало' чиготъ 'noble': PT szer (ё) 'место': (ё) 'слабый': PT *jẹgit PT *jẹr *jẹŋ-gül (tükör 'mirror': ПТ*tẹkör) a биръ ‘tax’: PT *bệr- bér (e̋ ) 'fee': késik (e̋ ) 'be late': *ệ kaś ‘evening’: PT *bệr- PT *gệč- PT *gē·č- paru ‘gift’: PT *bē·r- i сигать ‘jump’? szök-ik- (ё) 'run': PT *äj sik- 'jump' *sǟjk- 'jump' i iker 'tweens': PT *ẹj jəGər ‘tweens’ *ẹjkiř, gyümölcs, OHung gemils- (ё): PT *jē·jmiλč
8.4. The phonetic peculiarities of Proto-Bulgar Thus, during the period under study, Slavic did / Early Bulgar > Hungarian and Early Bulgar > not lose the difference in quantity of *a [ā] < PIE Slavic adaptation: vowels. *ā, *ō and *o [ŏ] < PIE *ă, *ŏ]. Proto-Turkic vowel length was relevant in Pro- Consequently, all early contact data reaffirm to-Bulgar and Danube Bulgar; the "Altaic-oriented" reconstruction of Proto- The Proto-Turkic diphthongue *ia has specific Turkic. reflexes in Proto-Bulgar, Danube Bulgar, Volga Bulgar inscriptions and Chuvash; Abbreviations The reflexes of *ạ and *ẹ can be distinguished CT – Common Turkic from reflexes of *a and *ä in ProtoBulgar, Danube LOCh – Late Old Chinese Bulgar and Chuvash. MChin – Middle Chinese [Slavic adapted Danube Bulgar a (< *a, ä) >o, MIran. =MIr. – Middle Iranian MMo – Middle Mongolian ā (<*ā, ǟ) > a, NMo – Northern Mongolian Old Hungarian adapted Slavic *a [ā] > ā, *o OCh – Old Chinese [ŏ] > ă OInd. – Old Indian Old Hungarian adapted Danube Bulgar *ŏ > ă OT – Old Turkic OUig. – Old Uigur PA – Proto-Altaic
15 A.V.DYBO
PIE – Proto-Indo-European 15. Adams D.Q. A Dictionary of Tocharian. Amster- PIran. – Proto-Iranian dam; Atlanta, 1999. 964 p. (in English). PMong = PMo – Proto-Mongolian 16. Reinhart J. Die tocharischen Entlehnungen im Alt- POU – Proto-Ob-Ugric aischen und die Chronologie der tocharischen Laut- PSam. – Proto-Samodic gesetze// Tocharian and Indo-European Studies. PSSam. – Proto-South-Samodic Supplementary series. Vol. 4. B., 1990. pp. 219- PT – Proto-Turkic 272. (in German). PYen. – Proto-Yenissean 17. Dybo A.V. Turco-Tocharica and Turco-Sakica Re- newed// Proceedings of the 45th Meeting of the References PIAC (Budapest, 2002). Budapest, 2003. pp. 87-96. 1. Sravnitel'no-istoricheskaya grammatika tyurkskikh (in English). yazykov. Pratyurkskiy yazyk-osnova. Kartina mira 18. Helimski E. Samoyedic loans in Turkic: Check-list pratyurka. M.: Nauka, 2006. 912 s. (in Russian). of etymologies.// Laut- and Wortgeschichte der 2. Dybo A.V. Lingvisticheskie kontakty rannikh tyur- Türksprachen. Hrsg. von B.Kellner-Heinkele und kov. Leksicheskiy fond. Pratyurkskiy period. M.: M.Stachowski. (Turcologica 26). Wiesbaden, 1995. “Vostochnaya literature”, 2007. 223 s. (in Russian). pp. 75-95. (in English). 3. Starostin S.A. Rekonstruktsiya drevnekitayskoy fo- 19. Janhunen J. Samojedischer Wortschatz. Gemein- nolo-gicheskoy sistemy. M.: “Vostochnaya litera- samojedishe Etymologien. Helsinki, 1977. 185 p. ture”, 1989. 725 s. (in Russian). (in German). 4. Baxter W.H. A Handbook of Old Chinese Phonol- 20. Helimski E. Die Matorische Sprache. Szeged, 1997. ogy. Berlin – New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 1992. 477 p. (in German). 922 p. (in English). 21. Starostin S.A. Sravnitel'nyy slovar' eniseyskikh 5. The comparative-historical database of Chinese yazykov// Ketskiy sbornik. M.: Nauka, 1995. characters S.176-315. (in Russian). http://starling.rinet.ru/databases/bigchina.dbf 22. Honti L. Geschichte des Obugrischen Vokalismus 6. Pulleyblanc E.G. The Consonantal System of Old der ersten Silbe. Budapest, 1982. 227 p. (in Ger- Chinese// AM 9, pt. 1–2, 1962–1963. pp. 239–265. man). (in English). 23. Honti L. Az Obi-Ugor Konsonantizmus Története. 7. Materialy po istorii syunnu (po kitayskim istochni- Szeged: Studia Uralo-altaica, 1999. 152 p. (in Ger- kam) / Per. i primech. V.S. Taskina. Vyp. 1, 2. M.: man). “Vostochnaya literatura”, 1973. 178 s. (in Russian). 24. Ligeti L. Tabgachskiy yazyk – dialekt syan'biysko- 8. Shiratori K. Sinologische Beiträge zur Geschichte go// Narody Azii i Afriki. Vyp. 1. M., 1969. S. der Türk-Völker. II. Über die Sprache der Hiungnu 107–117. (in Russian). und der Tunghu-Stämme // Известия Император- 25. Róna-Tas A. Turkic Influence on the Uralic Lan- ской Академии наук. 1902. Сентябрь. Т. XVII, guages// The Uralic Languages. Leiden: Brill, 1988. № 2. 1-3. (in German). pp. 742-780. (in English). 9. Bailey H.W. Dictionary of Khotan Saka. Cambridge 26. Róna-Tas А. Néhány megjegyzés faneveinkről etc., 1979. 559 p. (in English). (Bükk, dió, gyertyán, gyümölcsény, gyürüfa, éger, 10. Abaev V.I. Istoriko-etimologicheskiy slovar' osetin- kőris, mogyoró, tölgy). // Búdapest. Magyar Nyelv skogo yazyka. T. I–V. M.; L.: Nauka, 1958– 2005. pp. 419-438. (in Hungarian). 1995.1800 s. (in Russian). 27. Khelimskiy E.A. Vengerskiy yazyk kak istochnik 11. Gharib B. Sogdian Dictionary. Tehran, 1995. 644 dlya praslavyanskoy rekonstruktsii i rekonstruktsii p. (in English). slavyanskogo yazyka v Pannonii. // Komparativ- 12. Bartholomae Chr. Altiranisches Wörterbuch. Strass- istika, uralistika. M.: "Yazyki russkoy kul'tury", burg 1904; Berlin, 1961. 2012 p. (in German). 2000. S. 416-432. (in Russian). 13. Dybo A.V. Material'nyy byt rannikh tyurok. Zhil- 28. Dybo A.V. Vokalizm rannetyurkskikh zaimstvova- ishche// Prirodnoe okruzhenie i material'naya niy v vengerskom // In Gedenk von E. A. Helimsky. kul'tura pratyurkskikh narodov. M., 2008. s. 219- Finnisch-Ugrische Mitteilungen Band 32/33, 2010. 272. (in Russian). pp. 83-132. (in Russian). 14. Róna-Tas A. Tocharische Elemente in den altaische 29. Dybo A. Bulgars and Slavs: phonetic features in Sprachen?// Sprache, Geschichte und Kultur der al- early loanwords. // Studies on the Turkic World. taischen Völker: Protokollband der XII. Tagung der Festschrift in honour of Stanisіaw Stachowski ed- PIAC 1961 in Berlin. Berlin. pp. 499–504. (in ited by E. Maсczak-Wohlfeld and B. Podolak, German). Kraków 2010. pp. 21–40. (in English). ______
16 TATARICA: LANGUAGE
БОРЫНГЫ ТӨРКИ КОНТАКТЛАР ҺƏМ БАБАТӨРКИ ЧОРНЫ РЕКОНСТРУКЦИЯЛƏҮ МƏСЬƏЛƏЛƏРЕ
Aнна Владимировна Дыбо, РФА Тел белеме институты, 125009, Россия, Мəскəү ш., З. Кисловский ур. 1, [email protected]
Мəкалəдə бабатөрки һəм гомумтөрки чорларда төрки теллəргə һəм төрки теллəрдəн башка теллəргə кергəн алынмаларны өйрəнү нəтиҗəлəребез китерелə. Алынмаларны төркемлəүдə аларның төрки теллəрнең төрле этник төркемнəрендə кулланылуы һəм борынгы истəлеклəрдə теркəлүе нигез итеп алына. Мондый төр тикшеренүлəр бабатөрки реконструкциялəрне торгызуга кагылышлы мəсьəлəлəргə өстəмəлəр, төзəтмəлəр кертергə мөмкинлек бирə.
Төп төшенчəлəр: бабатөрки чор, гомумтөрки чор, реконструкциялəү, алынмалар.
______
РАННИЕ КОНТАКТЫ ТЮРКОВ И ПРОБЛЕМЫ ПРАТЮРКСКОЙ РЕКОНСТРУКЦИИ
Анна Владимировна Дыбо, Институт языкознания РАН, 125009, Россия, г. Москва, Б. Кисловский пер. 1, [email protected]
В статье представлены результаты наших исследований по тем заимствованиям в тюркские языки и из тюркских языков, которые могут считаться заимствованными в течение пратюрк- ского и общетюркского периодов. Классификация заимствований основана на встречаемости этих слов в различных группах тюркских языков и в древнетюркских текстах. Оказывается, что эти данные имеют значение для принятия или отклонения ряда решений разрабатываемой пра- тюркской реконструкции.
Ключевые слова: пратюркский период, общетюркский период, реконструкция, заимство- вания.
17