“Siam's Borān Buddhism” from the Reign of Rāmā I (1782-1809 CE.)

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The Dhammakāyānussati-kathā: A Trace of “Siam's Borān Buddhism” from the Reign of Rāmā I (1782-1809 CE.)

Woramat Malasart

A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts Of the University of Otago, Dunedin New Zealand

June 4, 2019

Abstract The Dhammakāya text genre appears in manuscripts, inscriptions, and printed texts found in Central Thailand, Northern Thailand, and Cambodia. Texts belonging to this genre share the same core Pāli verses, and date back to the Ayutthaya period. In this thesis, I transliterate, translate, contextualise and analyse the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā, “Words on the Recollec- tion of the Body of Dhammas,” which was part of the Suat Mon Plae, a collection of Bud- dhist chanting rituals compiled during the 1st reign (1782-1809), using a historical-critical approach to the text. The Dhammakāyānussati-kathā consists of verses composed in Pāli followed by the Thai translation, using a traditional method called yok sab. The first three parts of the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā share the core Pāli verses of the Dhammakāya text genre, but the final section, which praises the Buddha‟s physical body, is different. The Pāli verses describe the Buddha‟s auspicious marks including radiance, hair, height, etc., verses that are also found in the Golden Manuscript Braḥ Dhammakāya, a text that can be dated to the 1st reign. Today, the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā is not well-known in Central Thailand, but its similar texts are still used in Northern Thailand and Cambodia during buddhābhiṣeka and the ritual of installing the Buddha‟s heart into a Buddha statute and chedī. The Dhammakāyānussati-kathā along with other texts belonging to the Dhammakāya text genre disappeared during the 5th reign (1868-1910), when the royal chanting curriculum was reformed under Supreme Patriarch Sā in 1880, and Siam‟s Tipiṭaka was revised during the 10th Saṇgāyanā in 1893. I conclude that the disappearance of the Dhammakāyānussati- kathā is evidence for the suppression of Siam‟s “Borān” Buddhism during the 5th reign in response to modernist concerns about canonicity and textual authenticity.

Keywords: Dhammakāyānussati-kathā, Buddhābhiṣeka, Borān Kammaṭṭhāna, Rāmā I

Acknowledgement

„Life‟ is all about learning and experiencing new things. The years (2018-2019) that I spent researching and writing this thesis have been the most enjoyable years of my academic life. My research has offered me opportunities to learn and experience a model of existence which I call „Living like a Scholar‟. Even though at times the route to complete this thesis was rough and unclear the support, kindness and empowerment that I got from my mentors, fami- ly and friends encouraged me to find ways to solve all the problems facing me.

First of all, I deeply appreciate the scholarships I received from the University of Otago Mas- ters by Coursework (2018) and the Dhammachai International Research Institute of Australia and New Zealand (DIRI). As an international student studying at Otago the fees, in terms of living expenses and tuition, were costly. Without the funding support offered by both institu- tions I would not be able to study here at Otago and do my research in Thailand. Not only did the DIRI provide me with funding support, but the institute also contributed the digitised manuscript of the Old Manual for Installing the Buddha’s Heart into a Buddha Image and a Stūpa.

I would like to express my deepest thanks to my supervisor Dr. Elizabeth Guthrie, whose knowledge made learning a thrill. Elizabeth offered me a rough translation of the Dhammakāya text, a chapter in Bizot‟s book Le chemin de Lanka. Without her comments, editing and translation this thesis would not have been completed. I am graceful to Assoc. Prof. Will Sweetman, who carefully looked over my thesis contents, and provided critical thoughts on every chapter. My transliteration and translation were guided by Dr. Trent Walk- er, Dr. Kitchai Urkasame, Dr. Chanida Jantrasrisalai, and Prof. Claudio Cicuzza. They all read through my translation draft, and gave useful suggestions for the critical study of the text. Trent always responded to my questions. Kitchai provided his thesis, as well as relevant works, which were really useful to my study. Chanida corrected my translation, with a focus to the parallel between Pāli and English. She also provided helpful critiques on the concept of the Buddha‟s body. I am grateful to Phra Sudhammayanvites, who kindly provided me manuscripts for this thesis. I would like to thank Phramaha Ariya Ariyachayo whom I consulted about the Pāli translations. I thank my friends, James McCulloch, Michael Inglis and Dr. Ro- hana Ariffin, for their assistance on English grammar. There are many other colleagues of mine, who provided words of motivation and useful critiques, but I cannot include them all here.

I am grateful to the National Library of Thailand, where I did my fieldwork, which consisted mainly in exploring manuscripts. From there, I got many more supportive suggestions than I expected. I would like to express my profound thanks to the Foundation of King Rāmā II, from which I got multiple doctrinal records, including manuscripts and rare printed books.

My grandparents, Sommay and Sawat Sanboran, and my parents, Tongchai and Ratree Malasart, were my first teachers. Their infinite kindness and encouragement made my mind a stone, which allowed me to endure whatever I had to face and experience. I would like to dedicate this thesis to my grandfather, Sommay Sanboran who died last year.

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Table of Contents Abstract ...... i Acknowledgement ...... ii Table of Contents ...... 1 List of Abbreviations ...... 3 Chapter I: Introduction and Literature Review ...... 4 1.2 Research Questions ...... 7 1.3 Methodology ...... 8 1.4 The Dhammakāya Text Genre and Its Analysis ...... 9 1.4.1 Editions, Transliterations, and Translations of the Dhammakāya Text Genre ...... 9 1.4.2 The Dhammakāya Text Genre in the Ritual Context...... 12 1.4.3 Textual Analysis of the Dhammakāya Text Genre ...... 13 1.4.4 Table A: The Index of the Dhammakāya Text Genre in Different Times and Locations ...... 15 1.4.5 Why the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā? ...... 16 Chapter II: A History of the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā ...... 17 2.1 The Golden Manuscript Braḥ Dhammakāya (1794-1801) (GBD) ...... 18 2.2 Braḥ Dhammakāyādi (1st and 3rd reigns) (BD) ...... 18 2.3 The Suttajātakanidānānisaṃsa (1817 and 1824) (SJNA) ...... 20 2.4 Rāmā II‟s Sangayana Bot Suat Mon (1821 CE) ...... 21 2.5 Was DK 1909 composed during the 1st or 2nd reign? ...... 22 2.6 Conclusion ...... 24 Chapter III: Transliteration and Translation ...... 25 3.1 Diplomatic Translation of DK 1909 ...... 25 3.2 Analysis of DK 1909 ...... 27 Chapter IV: A Textual and Contextual Analysis of DK 1909 ...... 31 4.1 The Dhammakāya Text Genre and Its Ritual Usage in Khmer and Northern Thailand 31 4.1.1 Buddhābhiṣeka ...... 32 4.1.2 Individual Recitation for Living Prosperity and Meditation Progresses ...... 35 4.2 Contextual Analysis of DK 1909 ...... 36 4.2.1 DK 1909 as a Performative Text ...... 37 4.2.2 DK 1909 as a Meditation Text ...... 37 4.2.3 DK 1909 as a Commentarial Text ...... 39 4.3. The Disappearance of the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā ...... 41 Chapter V: Conclusion ...... 46

Appendix ...... 48 Bibliography ...... 64

List of Abbreviations

DK Dhammakāyānussati-kathā DK 1909 Dhammakāyānussati-kathā published in 1909 SMP Suat Mon Plae SMP 1909 Suat Mon Plae published in 1909 SBD Stone inscription Braḥ Dharmmakāya NSSMCL Nang Sue Suat Mon Chabap Luang Khong Somdet Phra Sangkarat Pussadeva BD Braḥ Dhammakāyādi BDT Braḥ Dhammkāyādi-ṭīkā GBD Golden Manuscript Braḥ Dhammakāya DA Dhammakāyassa atthavaṇṇanā SJNA Suttajātakanidānānisaṃsa GT Gāthā Thammakāy TKKP Tamra Karn Kosrang Phraphuttarup

Chapter I: Introduction and Literature Review

In this thesis, I will translate, analyse, and contextualise the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā, “Words on the Recollection of the Body of Dhammas.” This text was included in the 7th chapter of a ritual chanting book, Suat Mon Plae (henceforth SMP) that can be dated to the 1st reign of Rattanakosin era. 1 The version of the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā (henceforth ab- breviated DK 1909) that I analyse in this thesis is taken from an edition of Suat Mon Plae Chabap Ho Phra Samut Wachirayan, published in 1909 by the then Vajirañāṇa Library in Bangkok (today, the National Library of Thailand). This printed text was composed in Pāli language written by using modern Thai script and followed by Thai translation. Before the Suat Mon Plae Chabap Ho Phra Samut Wachirayan was printed in 1909, it would have been transmitted in manuscript form using Khom script or by oral tradition. 2

DK 1909 shares the same basic textual structure as a genre of Buddhist texts which George Coedès (1956) called “Dhammakāya texts” (and I call the “Dhammakāya text genre” in this thesis). Texts belonging to the Dhammakāya text genre equate the Buddha‟s dhammakāya with the Buddha‟s ñāṇa, “knowledge” and Buddha‟s guṇa, “qualities” or “virtues.” In addition, they also share the same core Pāli verses:

…dhammakāyabuddhalakkhaṇaṃ yogāvacarakulaputtena tikkhañāṇena subbaññubuddhabhāvaṃ patthentena punappunaṃ anussaritabbaṃ…

…the mark[s] of the Buddha [that constitute] the Dhammakāya should be contemplat- ed again and again by one in the lineage of the yogāvacara, who is of sharp wisdom and who aspires to the state of an omniscient buddha…3

The Dhammakāya text genre has been studied by many scholars including Damrongra- janubhap (1909), Coedès (1956),Thongkhamwan (1961), Bhāvaṇāmaṅgala (2003), Reynolds (1977), Bizot (1992), Ploychum (1992), Swearer (2004), Urkasame (2013), Nayokworawat

1 The Ritual Chanting Book Publised by the Vajirañāṇa Library of Siam สวดมนต์เเปลฉบับหอพระสมุดวชิรญาณ, (Bangkok: Vajirañāṇa Library of Siam, 1909), preface. 2 Suchao Ploychum, The Contribution of King Rāmā 2 to Siamese Buddhism การส่งเสริมพระพุทธศาสนาในสมัยรัชกาลที่ ๒ (Bangkok: Sahadhammika Press, 1992), 118. Ploychum suggests that SMP may have been written on samut khoi. See information of Tai manuscript cultures in The National Library of Thailand, A Manual for Surveying and Collecting Thai Manuscripts คูม่ ือสา รวจ จัดหา รวบรวมทรัพยากรสารสนเทศ เอกสารโบราณ ประเภทคัมภีร์ใบลานเเละหนังสือสมุดไทย (Bangkok: The National Library of Thailand, 2009), 22,55. 3 Trent Thomas Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism: Communal Scripts, Localized Translations, and the Work of the Dying in Cambodian Chanted Leporellos" (PhD Thesis University of California, 2018), 350-51. See also George Coedès, "Dhammakāya," The Adyar Library Bulletin XX, no. 3-4 (1956): 261. , and Kitchai Urkasame, "A Study of Elements in Yogavacara Tradition from Tham Scripts Palm-Leaf Manuscripts" (University of Sydney, 2013), 251.

(2013), Crosby (2016) and Walker (2018), using a variety of approaches including textual analysis, historical analysis, ethnography and translation. These texts have been found in Central Thailand, Northern Thailand, and Cambodia. The earliest extant version of the Dhammakāya text genre discovered to date is the “Braḥ Dharmakāya inscription” (henceforth SBD), an engraved stone slab from the stūpa of Wat Suea, Phitsanulok dated 1549 CE.4

The existence of multiple Dhammakāya texts in inscriptional and manuscript forms dating back to the time of Ayutthaya reflects the important role they once had for Buddhist rituals and practices, such as buddhābhiṣeka. However, during the Buddhist reforms of the 5th reign (1868-1910) the Dhammakāya text genre and its associated rituals disappeared from Central Thailand. The reasons for this disappearance are still unclear, but probably are connected to the Buddhist reforms that took place during the reigns of Rāmā V and Rāmā IV.5 While the Dhammakāya text genre is still used during buddhābhiṣeka in Northern Thailand and Cam- bodia, it is no longer used in Central Thailand. Today both the Dhammayuttika-nikāya and Mahā-nikāya in Central Thailand use Patriarch Sā‟s revised chanting curriculum, the Nang Sue Suat Mon Chabap Luang Khong Somdet Phra Sangkarat Pussadeva (henceforth NSSMCL), which is still in print.6

It is my argument in this thesis that the Buddhist reforms that took place during the 5th reign (1868-1910) resulted in the disappearance of DK from Siam‟s chanting curriculum. During this time a number of Buddhist texts were classified as “non-canonical” and removed from “Siam‟s Formal Canon.”7 As a result, Buddhist texts and its associated practices that were once popular began to disappear from Central Thai Buddhism. My findings are consistent with theories of James Taylor, Kate Crosby and others about the suppression of traditional Theravāda Buddhism during the 4th and 5th reigns.8 My arguments are based on my analysis of the lists of Buddhist chants in the 1911 edition of Nang Sue Suat Mon Chabap Luang

4 Cham Thongkhamwan, "The Transliteration and Translation of Braḥ Dharmakāya Inscription Dated in 2092 (B.E)," Silapakorn 5, no. 4 (1961): 54-58. 5 For example, Supreme Patriarch Sā revised the royal chanting curriculum in 1880, and further revisions were made to the Siamese Tipiṭaka during the 10th Saṃgāyanā in 1893. 6 This text was in print in 1880 and today has been reprinted many times. 7 “Formal Canon” is the canon as a concept and as the ultimate locus of interpretative authority. See Anne M Blackburn, "Looking for the Vinaya: Monastic Discipline in the Practical Canons of the Theravāda," Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 22, no. 2 (1999): 284. 8 Kate Crosby, Traditional Theravāda Meditation and Its Modern-Era Suppression (Hong Kong: Buddhist Dharma Centre of Hong Kong, 2013), 103-42; James L Taylor, Forest Monks and the Nation-State: An Anthropological and Historical Study in Northeastern Thailand (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1993), 32, 40-45.See also Walker, op cit, 26, cf. 104, for a list of scholars who have worked on this topic.

Khong Somdet Phra Sangkarat Pussadeva,9 and the published records of 10th Saṃgāyanā, the revision of the Siam‟s Tipiṭaka in 1893.10 Here, I have found that the Pakiṇṇaka-gāthā “miscellaneous verses” section containing DK verses was removed from Sā‟s chanting curriculum. In addition, its associated texts: the Braḥ Dhammakāyādi (henceforth BD) and Braḥ Dhammakāyādi-ṭīkā (henceforth BDT), which once were included in the Siam‟s Tipiṭaka, were omitted from the 1893 Siam‟s Formal Canon.

Although the Dhammakāya text genre has been studied by many scholars, no-one has yet made a detailed study of DK 1909. The thesis contributes to the study of the Dhammakāya text genre and Thai Buddhism in general by using the historical analysis, textual analysis, transliteration and translation of DK 1909. In addition, it provides an overview of the changes that took place in Central Thailand during the Buddhist reformations between the 4th and 5th reigns, which led to the marginalisation and disappearance of borān11 “old” traditions (including its textual genres and ritual practices). It also investigates the way that the Dhammakāya text genre was used by Siamese Buddhists during the pre-reform period and its disappearance during the reform period. My thesis consists of five chapters, which I summa- rise here.

Chapter I, “Introduction and Literature Review” analyses and critiques an existing scholarship related to the Dhammakāya text genre. I show that DK 1909 belongs to the Dhammakāya text genre.

Chapter II, “A History of the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā” examines the historical background of the DK. As well as looking at archival records, I analyse several versions of the

9 See also Justin McDaniel, Gathering Leaves and Lifting Words: Histories of Buddhist Monastic Education in Laos and Thailand (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2010), 234; Wat Ratchapraditsathitmahasimaram, The Biography of Somdet Phra Ariyawongsakhatayan (Sa Pussadevo) Somdet Phrasangkharat พระประวัติสมเด็จพระอริ ยวงศาคตญาณ (สา ปุสฺสเทโว) สมเด็จพระสังฆราช, 3 vols. (Nontaburi: Matichonpakkret, 2015), 95-99. 10 Robert Chalmers, "The King of Siam's Edition of the Pāli Tipiṭaka," The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1898): 2. 11 Crosby, Traditional Theravāda Meditation, 3-4. See also John Marston, "Reconstructing „Ancient‟ Cambodian Buddhism," Contemporary Buddhism 9, no. 1 (2008). See also Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," 26. The Thai borāṇ (Khmer purāṇ and Pāli/Skt purāṇa) means “tradition/ancient/old.” This term is used to identify practices (Crosby focuses on meditation practice) that was widespread before the Buddhist reformation that took place during the 4th to 5th reigns. Moreover, in contemporary Northern Thailand, Buddhists still call this ritual and related elements “borān.” (See also chapter IV).

Dhammakāya text genre produced during the 1st, 2nd and 3rd reigns, and argue that it is likely that the DK 1909 was composed during the 1st reign (and not during the 2nd reign).12

Chapter III, “Transliteration and Translation” offers a diplomatic translation into English of DK 1909. I compare DK 1909 with other texts from the Dhammakāya text genre that can be dated to the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd reigns. I conclude that the Golden Manuscript Braḥ Dhammakāya (henceforth GBD) which can be dated to the 1st reign is closely related to DK 1909 in terms of contents and structure. I hypothesise that the author of DK 1909 may have used the GBD as the source text.

In Chapter IV, “Textual and Contextual Analysis of DK 1909” I consider the ritual practices (namely the consecration of a Buddha image and chedī or stūpa) that are associated with the Dhammakāya text genre in Northern Thailand and Khmer today. I hypothesise that DK 1909 was used in a similar way during the 1st reign. In my analysis, I subdivide the text into three categories: “Performative Texts,” “Meditation Texts,” and “Commentarial Texts,” and consider the political context of the Buddhist reformation that took place during the 4th and 5th reign. I compare Supreme Patriarch Sā‟s NSSMCL 1911 with SMP 1909, and conclude that the absence of DK 1909 from NSSMCL 1911 was the result of the Buddhist reformation during the 5th reign.

Chapter V, “Conclusion” offers a short summary and reflects on the ways my thesis contributes to the study of Thai Buddhism. I conclude that DK 1909 is a key text for understanding the changes that took place in Siamese Buddhism during the 5th reign of Rattanakosin era.

1.2 Research Questions • How might the DK have been used during the 1st, 2nd and 3rd reigns?

• Is there a relationship between the way texts are used and Buddhist doctrine?

• Did its usage change over time?

• When and why did the DK disappear from central Thai Buddhism?

12 Ploychum, Contribution of King Rāmā 2 115-21. He argues that SMP 1909, where DK 1909 was located, was composed during the 2nd reign.

1.3 Methodology

In this thesis I apply a historical-critical approach to the text which combines historical analysis, textual analysis, transliteration and translation with the comparative study of other texts within the Dhammakāya text genre. The procedures I use in this thesis are listed below.

Firstly, I review scholarship and identify the DK as belonging to the Dhammakāya text genre. Secondly, to analyse the historical background of the DK, I look at the historical background of SMP 1909 which appears on the book itself, as well as chronicles, royal document, and archives during the reigns of Rāmā I and Rāmā II. If the date of the SMP can be identified, it becomes possible to determine a terminus ad quem for DK 1909 as the text is part of chapter 7 of the SMP. In addition to identifying the date of DK 1909, I also look at other manuscripts and printed texts, which are related to DK for example Dhammakāya, Dhammakāyussa aṭṭhavaṇṇanā (henceforth DA), Braḥ Dhammakāyādi, Braḥ Dhammakāyādi-ṭīka, and Suttajātakanidānānisaṃsa (henceforth SJNA). Thirdly, throughout my thesis and especially in chapter III, when I transliterate Pāli terms written in modern Thai scripts into Romanised Pāli, I employ Phra Bhrāmāgun- abhorn‟s system.13 When I transliterate Thai terms into Romanised English, I follow the UB system used in Walker‟s 2018 thesis.14 When I transcribe Thai terms into Eng- lish I consult the Royal Thai General System of Transcription (RTGS).15 Finally, in order to understand how DK was used in the 1st reign, I analyse DK 1909 from three perspectives: as a “Performative Text,” “Meditation Text,” and “Commen- tarial Text.” My analysis suggests that during the 1st reign, Buddhists used DK 1909 in the same way that borān Buddhists in Cambodia and Northern Thailand use the Dhammakāya text genre today. I conclude that the disappearance of this text during the Buddhist reformations of the 5th reign provides perspective into some aspects of contemporary Thai Buddhism.

13 Phra Bhramagunabhorn, Thai-English Buddhist Dictionary (Bangkok2004), 316. It can be downloaded in . 14 Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," xii-xvii. 15 The explanation of this system can be downloaded in http://www.efeo.fr/lanna_manuscripts/node/61

1.4 The Dhammakāya Text Genre and Its Analysis

There are many Dhammakāya texts discovered today. Some of these texts can be dated and can be located geographically in certain times and places. Undated Dhammakāya texts are also useful: in chapter II, I analyse the contents of a number of undated manuscripts in order to understand the historical background of DK 1909. The contents can be categorised into two main types. The first category contains the core Pāli verses (SBD, GBD, and DK belong to this category). The second category contains the core Pāli verses and commentary in Pāli and vernacular languages (DA, SJNA, GT, and BD belong to the second category).

1.4.1 Editions, Transliterations, and Translations of the Dhammakāya Text Genre

The first scholarly study of the Dhammakāya text genre was published by Coedès in 1956. Coedès transliterated a palm-leaf manuscript titled Dhammakāya/Dhammakāyassa at- thavaṇṇanā (or DA) from the Vajirañāṇa National Library of Siam into romanised Pāli, and then translated it into French. He compared this manuscript with another manuscript that he found in Vat Uṇṇālom, Phnom Penh (Cambodia) and identified only minor orthographic differences between the two manuscripts. In his article, Coedès also mentioned another related Siamese manuscript, the Suttajātakanidānānisaṃsa (or SJNA), also from the Vajirañāṇa Li- brary and noted that a version of the Dhammakāyassa atthavaṇṇanā was contained in the second half of the 13th phuk “bundle.”16 In this article, Coedès did not pay much attention to the historical background of DA, but did mention that the two copies of SJNA were of Siamese origin.17

In 1961, Cham Thongkhamwan studied the Braḥ Dharmakāya inscription found in the stūpa of Wat Suea from Phitsanulok and dated ca. 2092 B.E.18 The inscription composed in Pāli and written using Khom-Sukhothai script19 was damaged, and today only nine lines of texts are legible. Thongkhamwan transliterated the inscription into modern Thai script and translated it into modern Thai. In his article, Thongkhamwan did not cite Coedès, but referred to a

16 Coedès, "Dhammakāya," 258. 17 Ibid. The earliest edition of Suttajātakanidānānisaṃsa is dated 1817 (see chapter II on the indexes of the Dhammakāya text genre during the 1st, 2nd and 3rd reigns). 18 Thongkhamwan, "Sbd," 54-58. 19 This script was adapted from Khmer alphabetic system in order to record a more accurate Thai pronunciation. Khom-Sukhothai script was widely used throughout central and southern Thailand during the Ayutthaya king- dom to the beginning of the 20th century.(See Urkasame, "Study of Elements in Yogavacara Tradition," 245.)

manuscript from the Vajirañāṇa National Library called Braḥ Dhammakāyādi (or BD) which he used as a comparative source for his translation. Thongkhamwan did not discuss the historical background of the inscription or its ritual usage, but to date, this inscription is the earliest datable extant version of the Dhammakāya text genre.

In his 1992 work Le chemin de Lanka, Bizot discussed three Dhammakāya texts from Cam- bodia (TK 217: Vat Uṇṇālom in Phnom Penh; TK27: Vat Chong Thnol in Phnom Penh; and TK 305: Achar DIN, Phnom Penh. 20 He transliterated and translated one of the three Dhammakāya texts into French. Bizot argued that his manuscripts were similar to the central Thai Dhammakāya text published by Coedès in 1956 and belonged to what he called the yogāvacara tradition.21

In their Materials for the Study of the Tripitaka, Vol. 1: Pāli and Vernacular Literature Transmitted in Central and Northern Siam (2002), Peter Skilling and Santi Pakdeekham re- published the 1920 index of the Vajirañāṇa National Library of Siam. This 1920 index included a manuscript called Braḥ Dhammakāyādi.22 This undated manuscript described the characteristics of the Buddha‟s body, which is made from dhammas, “Truths” and is adorned by dhammas. Skilling and Pakdeekham claim that BD is similar to DA which was studied by Coedès.23

In his 2004 book, Becoming the Buddha, Swearer refers to another version of the Dhammakāya text genre in Northern Thailand located in Tamra Karn Kosrang Phraphut- tarup (henceforth TKKP) or “Manual for Making a Buddha Image.”24 Swearer compares this text with versions of the Dhammakāya text genre studied by Coedès and Bizot and identifies some differences between the three versions.25 In Swearer‟s Northern Thai text, the Bud- dha‟s dhammakāya has twenty-six characteristics. However, Coedès‟s text lists thirty charac-

20 Francois Bizot, Le Chemin De Lanka (Paris: EFEO, 1992), 294-95. I would like to thank Dr. Elizabeth Guth- rie for her assistance with translating this chapter from French to English. 21 Ibid., 293. 22 Peter Skilling and Santi Pakdeekham, Materials for the Study of the Tripitaka, vol. 1: Pali Literature Transmitted in Central Siam สยามบาลีวรรณกรรม (Bangkok: Fragile Palm Leaves Foundation and Lumbini International Research Institute, 2002), 89. On page 183, Skilling and Pakdeekham list the SJNA manuscript, but do not cite Coedès‟s article or connect this manuscript to the Dhammakāya text genre. 23 Ibid., 89-90. 24 Donald K Swearer, Becoming the Buddha: The Ritual of Image Consecration in Thailand (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 50-73. 25 Ibid., 286.

teristics and Bizot‟s text lists twenty-seven characteristics. Despite these and other differences, Swearer concluded that all three manuscripts were based on one root text. 26

In his 2003 book Traces of the Dhammakāya, Venerable Bhāvaṇāmaṅgala collected many Buddhist materials (doctrinal records and archaeological evidence) in which the term “dhammakāya” appears. He mainly looked at Thai sources, including the Thongkhamwan‟s SBD (pp.200-2), GBD (pp.204-8) and DK (pp.220-23). He suggested that DK shares the same basic textual structures with SBD and GBD, although the texts were found in different places and originated from different times. 27 Bhāvaṇāmaṅgala follows Damrong in identifying DK 1909 to the reign of King Rāmā II and argues that the text was a product of the revision of Buddhist chanting that took place in 1820-21.28 Even though Bhāvaṇāmaṅgala noted similarities between these three texts, he does not make a detailed study of DK.

In his 2013 PhD dissertation, Urkasame transliterated and translated a vernacular version of the Dhammakāya text genre into Thai and English.29 This undated palm-leaf manuscript titled Gāthā Thammakāy (“Thammakāy” is a vernacular spelling of the Pāli Dhammakāya) was found in Northern Thailand at Wat Pāsak Noi, San Kampaeng District, Chiang Mai Province. The manuscript was written using Tham Lān Nā script. The manuscript consists of two parts: a Pāli section and its corresponding commentary in Yuon script. Urkasame suggests that there are similarities between the Pāli verses of this text, the 15th century SBD from Phitsanu- lok and the 18th century GBD dated to the reign of King Rāmā I.30

In the same year, Phrakru Palad Nayokworawat published an article titled “Dhammakāya in Braḥ Dhammakāyādi Scripture.”31 He looked at a royal edition of the Dhammakāya text genre called Braḥ Dhammakāyādi (henceforth BD3). The Braḥ Dhammakāyādi was part of Thepchumnum Tipiṭaka produced during the reign of Rāmā III (1824-1851). In the article, Nayokworawat transliterated and translated BD3 from Pāli-Khom script into modern Thai.

26 Ibid., 190. 27 Phra kru Bhāvaṇāmaṅgala, Traces of Dhammakāya ตามรอยธรรมกาย (Bangkok: SPK paper and form, 2003), 208. 28 Ibid., 220-21. 29 Urkasame, "Study of Elements in Yogavacara Tradition," A366-A80. 30 Ibid., 14. 31 Phrakru Palad Nayokworawat, "Dhammakāya in Braḥ Dhammakayadi Scripture ธรรมกายใน คัมภีร์พระธัมมกายาทิ," (Bangkok: Dhammachai International Research Institute, 2013).

He pointed out similarities between BD3, Coedès‟s DA, Thongkhamwan‟s SBD, Bizot‟s Dhammakāya texts and Urkasame‟s GT.32

The most recent work that discusses the Dhammakāya text genre is Trent Walker‟s 2018 PhD thesis on Cambodian Chanted Leporellos. 33 Walker looked at the different versions of these texts in Cambodia, which are often called Gāthā Pañcuḥ Braḥ Lakkhaṇa “the verse of the incantations for implanting the sacred marks.”34 Walker‟s thesis contains a diplomatic transcription and translation of a bilingual Pāli-Khmer Dhammakāya text in Cambodia.35 Even though he did not look at DK 1909, the Khmer text he describes is similar to DK 1909 in terms of its form and textual structures.36

1.4.2 The Dhammakāya Text Genre in the Ritual Context

In Chapter Eleven of his 1992 book Le chemin de Lanka, Bizot described how the Dhammakāya text genre was used during the consecration of Buddha images in the Cambo- dian tradition. 37 The consecration ceremony described by Bizot consisted of three rituals: first, the implantation of lakkhana (marks); second, the opening of the eyes; and third, the recitation of consecration stanzas.38 The monks gather in front of the new Buddha statue and recite the Dhammakāya formula in order to introduce the twenty-seven marks of the dhammakāya (as listed in Dhammakāya texts) into those parts of the Buddha image. While reciting the text, the monks invited the pāramī (perfections, or here, powers) to enter the Buddha statue being consecrated in order to infuse the statue with the dhammakāya. 39 Although Walker‟s 2018 thesis did not focus on consecration rituals, his findings were consistent with Bizot‟s work on the implantation of the buddhalākkhaṇa during buddhābhiseka, in which the Dhammakāya text genre is recited.40

In his 1994 book on Buddhābhiseka, Swearer investigated the image consecration ceremonies performed in Northern Thailand. Swearer argued that the image consecration ceremonies

32 Ibid., 8-10. 33 Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," 113, 349-51, 417, 598, 789-91. 34 Ibid., 131. 35 Ibid., 1017-19. 36 I have found Walker‟s thesis as well as his encouragement and advice invaluable for my diplomatic transcription and translation of DK 1909. 37 Bizot, Le Chemin De Lanka, 293-94. See alsoKate Crosby, "Tantric Theravāda: A Bibliographic Essay on the Writings of François Bizot and Others on the Yogāvacara Tradition," Contemporary Buddhism 1, no. 2 (2000): 156-59. 38 Bizot, Le Chemin De Lanka, 294. 39 Ibid. See also Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 71-73. 40 Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," 131.

reenact the story of the Buddha‟s life, so that the representation of the Buddha is fused with the biography of the Buddha and the image becomes the Buddha himself.41 After reviewing the scholarship on the Dhammakāya text genre presented by Coedès, Reynolds and Cros- by, Swearer concluded that the Dhammakāya passage is recited during the consecration of a Buddha image in order to make the Buddha‟s dhammakāya manifest in his image.42

Taken together these characteristics of the Buddha are called the Dhammakāya. If one con- structs a Buddha image and chants as written this text, it will be the same as though the Bud- dha himself was present. 43

Although his focus is not on Buddhist ritual, Urkasame‟s dissertation briefly mentions the Northern Thai Buddhist recitation of GT to bring prosperity: “This stanza is called Gāthā Thammakāy. It would be of prosperity if one could remember [the gāthā] by heart.”44 Like- wise, the Khmer text that Bizot translated recommends that

Anyone who venerates and praises or studies the Dhammakāya text everyday will obtain whatever that person wishes. For example, a person who recites this Dhammakāya only one complete day is reborn as a god who lives in the precious palaces. For another example, a person who recites the qualities (of the Dhammakāya) spits on a female ant, and that causes her death. This ant at the time of her death was reborn in heaven because of great merit which that person had accumulated from the recitation of the Dhammakāya.45

It should be noted that although Bhāvaṇāmaṅgala and Urkasame worked with texts — SBD and GBD that were found respectively in the stūpa of Wat Suea, and the chedī of Wat Phra Chetupon, they were not concerned about the relationship between find location and ritual usage. However, I argue that the placing of Dhammakāya texts in chedī or stūpa was inten- tional, and linked to rituals still practiced today in Northern Thailand; I will discuss this further in chapter III.

1.4.3 Textual Analysis of the Dhammakāya Text Genre

According to Coedès46, Urkasame47 and Nayokworawat48, texts belonging to the Dhammakāya text genre are concerned with thirty elements of Buddha‟s Knowledge (ñāṇa)

41 Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 5. 42 Ibid., 185. 43 Ibid., 55-56. 44 Urkasame, "Study of Elements in Yogavacara Tradition," A268. 45 Bizot, Le Chemin De Lanka, 299. 46 Coedès, "Dhammakāya," 255-56. 47 Urkasame, "Study of Elements in Yogavacara Tradition," 246-51. 48 Nayokworawat, "Dhammakāya in Braḥ Dhammakayadi Scripture," 5-7.

and Buddha‟s qualities or virtues (guṇa). Twenty-six of these are identified with parts of Buddha‟s dhammakāya, and four elements with his vestments. The Uṇhassavijaya- gāthā (see Finot, 1917, Recherches sur la literature laotienne) included the dhammakāya in DA and BD3.49 Coedès50, Reynolds51 and Urkasame52 claimed that the identification of the dhamma with the Buddha‟s body 53 and the aspiration of Buddhahood may reflect the influence of Mahayāna ideas.54 However, Reynolds argued that

It is also true that the [Dhammakāya] text strongly expresses the traditional Theravāda perspective, which emphasises that Buddhahood is the product of a series of attainments and makes no reference to the kind of ontological concerns and the conceptions which are charac- teristic of Mahāyāna perspective.55

Likewise, Urkasame compared the GT with the orthodox texts such as the Visuddhimagga and Pāli Canon and concluded that the essential character of the manuscript Gāthā Tham- makāy was “orthodox.”56

In using textual analysis, Coedès, Bizot, Urkasame, Crosby, and Walker have all linked the Dhammakāya text genre to the yogāvacara tradition or borān kammaṭṭhāna. “Yogāvacara” tradition is the term that Crosby used to describe the presence of an esoteric tradition of texts and practices within the Theravāda tradition of mainland Southeast Asia, before the Dhammayutika-nikāya reformation by King Rāmā IV of Thailand (r. 1851-1868). This tradition is far removed from the rationalistic monolithic Theravāda presented in many secondary sources.57 In terms of kammaṭṭhāna practice Walker commented that

The closing lines of this text [the Dhammakāya] make clear that the desired soteriological aim is to become the Buddha oneself…In this case, the implication is that certain kammaṭṭhāna meditation practice can lead directly to Buddhahood.58

Swearer also proposed that the Dhammakāya section of TKKP refers to the various aspects of meditation practice (kammaṭṭhāna) that the Buddha achieved when he attained enlightenment.59

49 Coedès, "Dhammakāya," 259; Nayokworawat, "Dhammakāya in Braḥ Dhammakayadi Scripture," 5. 50 Coedès, "Dhammakāya," 256-57. 51 Frank E Reynolds, "The Several Bodies of Buddha: Reflections on a Neglected Aspect of Theravada Tradition," History of Religions 16, no. 4 (1977): 386. 52 Urkasame, "Study of Elements in Yogavacara Tradition," 252. 53 Coedès, "Dhammakāya," 256. 54 Urkasame, "Study of Elements in Yogavacara Tradition," 256-57. 55 Reynolds, "Several Bodies of Buddha," 186. 56 Urkasame, "Study of Elements in Yogavacara Tradition," 246-50. 57 Crosby, "Tantric Theravāda," 141. 58 Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," 598.

1.4.4 Table A: The Index of the Dhammakāya Text Genre in Different Times and Locations

Name Date Location Studied by Translation

Tamra Karn Kosrang Phra- 15th -16th CE Northern Thailand Swearer (2004) English phuttarup (TKKP)

Braḥ Dharmakāya 1549 CE Phitsanulok (Northern Thongkhamwan (1961) Thai inscription (SBD) Thailand )

The Golden Manuscript Braḥ 18th CE Wat Phra Chetupon Bhāvaṇāmongala (2003) Thai Dhammakāya (GBD) (1782-1851 ) (Central Thailand ) Urkasame (2013)

Dhammakāyānussati-kathā Rāmā II‟s Central Thailand Bhāvaṇāmongala (2003) None (DK) reign (Bangkok)

Braḥ Dhammakāyādi (royal Rāmā III‟s Wat Phra Chetupon Phrakru Palad Thai Thepchumnum edition or reign(1824- (Central Thailand ) Nayokworawat (2013) BD3) 1851)

Dhammakāyassa at- - Vajirañāṇa National Li- Coedès (1956) French thavaṇṇanā or Dhammakāya brary of Siam (Central Bizot (1992) (DA) Thailand ) and Cambodia

Braḥ Dhammakāyādi (BD) - Vajirañāṇa National Li- Thongkhamwan (1961) Thai brary of Siam

Gāthā Thammakāy (GT) - Wat Pāsak Noi (Northern Urkasame (2013) English Thailand)

Gāthā pañcuḥ braḥ lakkhaṇa - Cambodia Walker (2018) English

Suttajātakanidānānisaṃsa - Vajirañāṇa National Li- Coedès (1956) None (SJNA) brary of Siam

59 Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 189.

1.4.5 Why the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā?

To date, only Bhāvaṇāmaṅgala has mentioned DK 1909 in his 2003 book Traces of the Dhammakāya. Although Bhāvaṇāmaṅgala did not make a detailed study of DK 1909, his theory—that the text can be dated to the reign of King Rāmā II and was a product of the Buddhist chanting‟s revision during 1820-21—has been useful for my historical analysis. Although Bhāvaṇāmaṅgala mentioned similarities between Pāli verses and textual structure between DK 1909, SBD and GBD, he did not classify these three texts as belonging to any particular genre of Buddhist texts. However, based upon the similarities identified by Bhāvaṇāmaṅgala I argue that the DK belongs to the Dhammakāya text genre (further discussion in chapter III).

Moreover, as I have shown (see Table A), to date no-one, either Thai or Western, has yet made a detailed study of the DK 1909. Therefore, in this thesis I present a translation of DK 1909, its textual analysis, historical background and the ritual practices associated with the text. The works of Coedès, Reynolds, Bizot etc. have contributed to my conclusion that the Dhammakāya text genre is essential for understanding the history of Thai Buddhism. These texts can be found in Central and Northern Thailand and in Cambodia in the form of manuscripts, commentaries, inscriptions and printed texts as early as the 15th CE. The Dham- makāya text genre is not only important for Thailand's textual history, but also provides information about traditional Buddhist ritual practices during image consecration ceremony, and meditation practice.

Chapter II: A History of the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā

In 1908 Prince Damrong Rajanubhap, one of the most influential Thai intellectuals of the 5th reign of Rattanakosin era, located three chanting manuscripts, Suat Mon Plae (henceforth SMP) in Petchaburi Province, Wat Molilok in Bangkok and in the Vajirañāṇa National Li- brary of Siam. The three manuscripts, which consisted of compilations of ritual chants used during Buddhist ceremonies, were undated, but Damrong believed that they were the product of the Sangayana Bot Suat Mon sponsored by Rāmā II.1 The significance of Rāmā II‟s San- gayana will be discussed below in section 2.4. In 1909, an edition of Damrong‟s three manuscripts were published by the Vajirañāṇa National Library under the title Suat Mon Plae Chabap Ho Phra Samut Wachirayan (henceforth SMP 1909). In the compilations of SMP discovered by Damrong, the 7th chapter is titled the Pakiṇṇaka-gāthā, “miscellaneous verses.” One of the miscellaneous verses in the Pakiṇṇaka-gāthā chapter is the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā (henceforth DK). Because of its location in the 7th chapter of the SMP, Damrong (along with many other scholars) date DK 1909 to the reign of Rāmā II.2

However, my analysis of SMP 1909 suggests that the text can be dated to the 1st reign instead of the 2nd reign. In this chapter, I begin an overview of texts that belong to the Dhammakāya text genre, which dates to the 1st, 2nd and 3rd reigns and have a relationship with DK. I will look at the Sangayana Bot Suat Mon and conclude that the SMP was not the product of the Sangayana Bot Suat Mon. It is more likely that the text originates from the 1st reign or earlier. By identifying the date of SMP 1909, it is possible to corroborate the date of DK 1909, because DK 1909 was originally belonged to the 7th chapter of SMP 1909. In this chapter, I will argue that it is more likely that DK 1909 originates from Rāmā I‟s reign, rather than Rāmā II‟s reign.3

1 Smp 1909, preface; Ploychum, Contribution of King Rāmā 2 155. 2 The Suat Mon Plae Chabap Ho Phra Samut Wachirayan for the cremation ceremonies of Phra Maha Ra- chamangkaladilok (Puṇṇakathera) and Phrathep Wisuttiyan (Nandako) was reprinted in 1999. In the preface to these cremation volumes, the publisher writes: This book, Suat Mon Plae Chabap Ho Phra Samut Wachirayan being printed at this time is copied from the 1909 original text published by Prince Damrong Rajanubhap. The reason to republish this book is to preserve and propagate this rare, valuable text that originated from the reign of Rāmā II. See Suat Mon Plae Chabap Ho Phra Samut Wachirayan สวดมนต์เเปล ฉบับหอพระสมุดวชิรญาณ, (in the cremation ceremony of Phra Maha Rachamangkaladilok (Puṇṇakathera) and Phrathep Wisuttiyan (Nandako): Wat Bowonniwet Vihara, 1999), introduction. 3 Damrong, Ploychum and Bhāvaṇāmongala concluded that SMP 1909 as well as DK 1909 was a product of Sangayana Bot Suat Mon.

2.1 The Golden Manuscript Braḥ Dhammakāya (1794-1801) (GBD)

On 18 October 1988, during the restoration of Phra Maha Chedi Srisanpetdayan at Wat Phra Chetupon, a golden manuscript was discovered inside the chedī. The golden manuscript was composed in Pāli written by using Khom script and consisted of nine golden plates. The two cover plates were blank, and each of the seven plates was inscribed with five lines, recto and verso. The text was transliterated and translated into Thai in 1998 by Thai scholars Term Mitem and Kasean Mapamo. The manuscript contains three Buddhist chants: Paccayākara, Anekajātisaṅsāraṃ, and Braḥ Dhammakāya.4 The date that the GBD was inscribed is un- known, but its installation in the chedī gives a terminus ad quem.

According to The Royal Rattanakosin Chronicle of King Rāmā I Written by Phraya Tipa- kornwong, the construction of Phra Maha Chedi Srisanpetdayan began in 1794, and was completed in 1801.5 The Chronicles report that Rāmā I himself donated valuables such as golden Buddha images, relics and jewels to be installed in the chedī. The precise date of the chedī’s installation ceremony is not given, and no details about the installation ceremony have survived.6 However, the consecration of this royally-sponsored chedī at Wat Phra Chetupon would have involved important and elaborate rituals.7

2.2 Braḥ Dhammakāyādi (1st and 3rd reigns) (BD)

When I went to the National Library of Thailand in 2017, the chanting manuscripts identified by Damrong in 1908 were not listed in the indexes of palm leaf manuscripts. However, the Braḥ Dhammakāyādi manuscripts described by Thongkhamwan, Pakdeekam and Skilling, and Nayokworawat are listed in the index.8 The royal edition of BD studied by Nayok- worawat is produced during the 3rd reign and today is preserved in Wat Phra Chetupon, Bangkok. In the National Library of Thailand, there are five BD manuscripts that can be categorised into two main types: the first consists of Pāli verses with no commentary, and the second consists of Pāli verses and Pāli commentary.

4 Wat Phrachetupon, Antiques Found in Chedi from Four Reigns at Wat Phrachetupon (Bangkok: Amarin Printing and Publishing Press, 1998), 206-07. 5 Peter Skilling et al., eds., How Theravāda Is Theravāda? Exploring Buddhist Identities (Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 2012), 315-16; Phrachetupon, Antiques Found in Chedi, 366-70. 6 Phrachetupon, Antiques Found in Chedi, 366-70. 7 The Buddhist ritual practices associated with the construction and consecration of a chedī will be discussed further in chapter IV. 8 See chapter I

1. Braḥ Dhammakāyādi (๗๒๓/๑, 1 phuk “bundle”) is composed in Pāli written using Khom script. The text belongs to the Siamese Tipiṭaka known as Chabap Tongyai “gold-gilded large palm-leaf edition” which was produced during the reign of King Rāmā I (1782-1809).9 This BD manuscript is preserved in Phra Monthian Tham Hall in the Royal Palace. Its registration number is 723/1 (๗๒๓/๑).

2. Braḥ Dhammakāyādi-ṭīkā (๗๒๔/๑, 1 phuk) is the ṭīkā “commentary” for Braḥ Dhammakāyādi. The text was composed in the reign of King Rāmā I as part of the Siamese Tipiṭaka known as the Chabap Tongyai “gold-gilded large palm-leaf edition.” This BDT text is preserved in Phra Monthian Tham Hall in the Royal Palace, and its registration number is 724/1 (๗๒๔/๑).

3. Braḥ Dhammakāyādi-ṭīkā (๖๓๒๒/ง/๑, 1 phuk) is the ṭīkā for Braḥ Dhammakāyādi. The text is recorded in Pāli written using Khom script. This Siamese manuscript was composed in reign of the King Rāmā I as part of the Siamese Tipiṭaka called the Chabap Rongsrong "red-edged & glided palm-leaf edition.”10 This BDT text is preserved in the National Library of Thailand and its registration number is 6322/ṅ/1 (๖๓๒๒/ง/๑).

4. Braḥ Dhammakāyādi (๗๒๑๓/ก/๑, 1 phuk) is recorded in Pāli written in the Khom script called Chabap Landip (the public edition of Siamese Tipiṭaka). This undated Siamese manuscript is preserved in the National Library of Thailand and its registration number is 7213/k/1 (๗๒๑๓/ก/๑).

5. Braḥ Dhammakāyādi-ṭīkā (๑๑๓๙๘/ช/๑, 1 phuk) is the ṭīkā for the Braḥ Dhammakāyādi. This undated manuscript was recorded in Pāli written in the Khom script. The manuscript was part of the Siamese Tipiṭaka called Chabap

9 This Siamese Tipiṭaka was composed in 1788 as the product of the 8th Saṇgāyanā, the revision of Tipiṭaka sponsored by Rāmā I. See Somdetkromphraya Damrongrajanubhap, Tamnan Ho Phra Samut Ho Phra Montiantam Ho Wachirayan Ho Buddhasasanasangkhaha and Ho Phra Samut Samrap Phra Nakorn ตานานหอพระ สมุด,หอพระมณเฑียรธรรม,หอวชิรญาณ, หอพุทธสาสนสังคหะ, และหอพระสมุดสาหรับพระนคร (Bangkok: Sophonphipattanakorn, 1916), 6-7. See also Skilling and Pakdeekham, Materials for the Study of the Tripitaka 1, 1: Pali Literature Transmitted in Central Siam สยามบาลีวรรณกรรม, xviii; David K Wyatt, Thailand: A Short History (London: Yale University Press, 2003), 146-47; Craig James. Reynolds, "The Buddhist Monkhood in Nineteenth-Century Thailand" (PhD Thesis, Cornell University, 1972), 50-55. 10 This Tipiṭaka was produced after the Chabap Tongyai was completed in 1788.

Longchat, or the rouge-edged palm-leaf edition. This manuscript is preserved in the National Library of Thailand and its registration number is 11398/J/1 (๑๑๓๙๘/

ช/๑).

2.3 The Suttajātakanidānānisaṃsa (1817 and 1824) (SJNA) Some Dhammakāya texts are contained within compilations or anthologies. An example of such an anthology is the Suttajātakanidānānisaṃsa, a Siamese manuscript consisting of eighteen phuks.11 Coedès noted in 1956 that the Suttajātakanidānānisaṃsa justifies its title by the fact that it contains a miscellany of sutta-s (some of which are included in the paritta collections), jātaka-s, stories of a historic character (nidāna) relating to famous relics or images, and short texts making known the fruits of meritorious work (ānisaṃsa).12 The National Library of Thailand holds a number of SJNA manuscripts in its archives; ten of these are undated. In this thesis, I will focus on the two dated SJNAs. 1. The earliest SJNA was produced by the sponsorship of Phra Intachot in 1817. SJNA 1817 now consists of seventeen phuk and not eighteen (the second phuk is missing) and was composed in Khom-Pāli. Its registration number is 3822/1,3-18 (๓๘๒๒/๑,๓-๑๘) 2. The later SJNA was produced by the sponsorship of Thepangorn in 1824. The text was written in Khom-Pāli, and consists of eighteen phuk. SJNA 1824 is preserved in the National Library of Thailand and has been digitised. Its registration number is 6796/1-18(๖๗๙๖/๑-๑๘). The Braḥ Dhammakāyādi-ṭīkā (or BDT) is presented in the second half of the 13th phuk of both manuscripts. The first half of the phuk consists of the Bimbābhilāpavaṇṇanā, the story of the Buddha‟s wife.13 It is unclear how SJNA was used by Siamese Buddhists during the 2nd reign. However, the colophon of SJNA 1824 states that copying this text is a meritorious act that will help the sponsor reach nibbāna in the future: nibbāna-paccayohoti.14

11 Coedès, "Dhammakāya," 257-58. 12 Ibid., 257. 13 I would like to thank Dr. Kitchai Urkasame for a rough transliteration of the 13th phuk and confirmation that the Dhammakāyādi-ṭīkā (or BDT) was included in the 2nd half of the 13th phuk. 14 Swearer has documented the ritual use of the Bimbābhilāp during the consecration ceremony of a Buddha image (buddhābhiṣeka) (Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 123-29.).

2.4 Rāmā II’s Sangayana Bot Suat Mon (1821 CE) One of the most distinctive Buddhist practices performed during the reign of King Rāmā II (1809-1824), which had never been performed in previous reigns, was the revision of Bud- dhist chanting, called Sangayana Bot Suat Mon. Krommaluang Narintaratevi (?-1827) wrote in her personal journal, The Personal Journal of Krommaluang Narintaratevi that:

The royal decree of Rāmā II insisted that the Buddhist chants be revised that Thai people called Sangayana Bot Suat Mon had not been done by previous Siamese kings. The honorable Rāmā II was the first king who did so.15

Rāmā IV explained that the Sangayana Bot Suat Mon was performed by the sponsorship of Rāmā II, in order to dedicate merit to people who died from cholera. This Sangayana ordered by Rāmā II was the ritual recitation of buddhavacana “the words of Buddha” by monks and courtiers at the royal palace.16

The exact date of Rāmā II‟s Sangayana is unclear. The Chunlasakkarat 1183 or “1821 Royal Decree of King Rāmā II, gave the date 1821 for the King‟s Sangayana.17 The Royal Chronicle of Rāmā II Written by Phraya Tipakornwong gave a date range of 1819-1821 for the Sanga- yana, while The Personal Archive of Krommaluang Narintaratevi stated that the Sangayana took place sometime between 1819 and 1822. According to The Royal Chronicle of Rāmā II written by Damrong18, the Sangayana was organised thus:

First, Ālakṣa-s (Royal Scribes) collected the important Pāli chants [from the reigns of Rāmā I & II] written in the Khom script and then transliterated them into Thai script.

Second, the Buddhist materials were corrected by the Department of Royal Experts [known in Thai as Krom-ratchabundit] in order to ensure grammatical precision and accurate meaning.

Third, the experts transliterated Pāli language into Thai, possibly word by word.

15 The Personal Archive of Kromluang Narintaratevi and the Royal Commentary of King Rāma V (During 1767 to 1820) จดหมายเหตุความทรงจาของกรมหลวงนรินทรเทวี พิมพ์พร้อมกับแบบฉบับเพิ่มเติม เเละพระราชวิจารณ์ในพระบาทสมเด็จพระจุลจอมเกล้าเจ้าอยู่หัว เฉพาะ ตอน พ.ศ. 2310-2363, (Bangkok: The Teachers Council of Thailand, 1973), 410. 16 Ibid., 410-11; Ploychum, Contribution of King Rāmā 2 115-16. Today, the term “sangayana” (Pāli saṃgāyanā) is used to refer to a council of monk-scholars who gather together to recite, correct, edit and redact the Buddha‟s teachings in order to ensure their authenticity. 17 "The Royal Decree of the King Rāmā 2 Chulasakharat 1183 หมายรับสั่ง ร.2 จ.ศ. 1183," (The National Library of Thailand, 1821). King Rāmā II assigned the department of the royal expert (Krom-ratchabundit ) to collect the Pāli chants written in the Khmer script ,and then transliterated and translated them into Thai (See also Ploychum, 116). 18 The Royal Chronicle of King Rāmā II Written by Damrong references The Personal Archive of Krommaluang Narintaratevi and The Royal Chronicle of Rāmā II Written by Phraya Tipakornwong.

Fourth, these chants were written in notebooks [perhaps made of mulberry paper or samut khoi or bap sā]

Fifth, those Buddhist chants were recited by royal courts and nobles in the royal palace and during important ceremonies.19

There were three reasons why Rāmā II commanded the performance of the Sangayana Bot Suat Mon.20 The first reason was used to generate merit to be transferred to 30,000 deceased victims of a cholera epidemic that swept through Bangkok during 1821.21 The second reason was the King‟s desire to sponsor an innovative campaign that had not been performed by other kings in the previous reigns. The third reason was to spread the Dhamma by translating Pāli chants written in Khom script into Thai so that ordinary people can read and understand them.

2.5 Was DK 1909 composed during the 1st or 2nd reign?

In section 2.4, I discussed the Sangayana Bot Suat Mon sponsored by Rāmā II. Damrong, and subsequent generations of Thai scholars argued that SMP and its 7th chapter, DK was a product of the Sangayana Bot Suat Mon and dated them to the reign of Rāmā II. 22 Damrong and Ploychum based this date on his understanding of Rāmā II‟s Sangayana and on the Royal De- cree of 1821, which prescribed an extensive list of chanting texts including Chet Tamnan (the Seven Protective Chants), Sip Song Tamnan (the Twelve Protective Chants), and Bhāṇavāra (Occasion of Recitation).23 However, no chant associated with DK 1909 is listed in the 1821 Royal Decree. More to the point, there are a number of links between the 1st reign, SMP and its 7th chapter, DK.

Buddhist monks who assisted and provided translations into Thai of Buddhist chants were associated with the 1st reign (and earlier). For example, while translating one of Buddhist

19 Ploychum, Contribution of King Rāmā 2 117-18; Srongwit Kaewsri, "The Royal Tipitaka พระไตรปิฏกฉบับหลวง," in Tipitaka: The Hisory and Significance พระไตรปิฏก: ประวัติเเละความส าคัญ (Bangkok: Mahachulalongkornrachavitayalai, 1992), 73. 20 Ploychum, Contribution of King Rāmā 2 119-20. 21 Somdetkromphraya Damrongrajanubhap, The Royal Ratanakosin Chronicle of King Rāmā 2 พระราชพงศาวดารกรุง รัตนโกสินทร์ รัชกาลที่ 2 เล่มท ี่ 2, vol. 2 (Bangkok: The Teacher's council of Thailand, 1962 (2505 B.E.)), 73,87. 22 Ploychum, Contribution of King Rāmā 2 117,55-56; Bhāvaṇāmaṅgala, Traces of Dhammakāya, 220-21. 23 See more details of paritta in Lily de Silva, Paritta: A Historical and Religious Study of the Buddhist Ceremony for Peace and Prosperity in Sri Lanka (Colombo: National Museums of Sri Lanka, 1981); Justin McDaniel, "Paritta and Raksa Texts," in Encyclopedia of Buddhism, ed. Robert Buswell (New York: Macmillan, 2004).

chants, a translator consulted the Pāli scholar Phra Ācāriya Śrī, who was appointed as Saṅgarāja by King Rāmā I in 1782 and passed away in 1794, during the 1st reign.24

… Pāli terms that were translated, [I] have consulted the older Saṅgarāja “Supreme Patriarch” whose former name was Phra Ācāriya Śrī, and the Supreme Patriarch agreed with the translation.25

Damrong also cites Phraya Dhammaprījā‟s testimony existed on page 331 of SMP 1909:

…I, Phraya Dhammaprījā, translate the brief Abhidhamma-s composed of seven manuscripts, which correspond with the Pāli canon. The aims of this translation are to educate and decorate the knowledge of an honorable one. It is also the sublime sevanānuttariya “the Great Dhamma Conversation”, so [if there are no questions], the conversation would be sincerely finished. 26

Damrong interpreted Phraya Dhammaprījā's testimony as evidence for Rāmā II‟s translation projects. But this testimony and Phraya Dhammaprījā‟s biography are evidence for linking the history of SMP to Rāmā I‟s reign.27

Phraya Dhammaprījā (lay name Kaew) began his career as a Royal Scribe for King Taksin (r.1767-1782). Kaew wrote letters and documents for the King in Krom Phra Ālakṣaṇa (the Department of Royal Scribes). Eventually he ordained and took the monastic name “Phra Ālakṣaṇa Kaew.” Because of his expertise in interpreting the Buddha‟s teaching, King Taksin gave him the title “Phra Rattanamunī.” When King Rāmā I (r.1782-1809) ascended the throne, Phra Rattanamunī disrobed. He was granted the title “Phraya Dhammaprījā” by Rāmā I himself around 1784.28 Because of his expertise in the Pāli and Thai languages, he was often consulted by Rāmā I, and his contributions to Buddhism were recorded in archival documents from the 1st reign. For example, in 1802 Rāmā I asked Phraya Dhammaprījā to complete the edition of the Traibhūmilokavinicchaya-kathā, a cosmological text in the Trai-

24 Nattawut Suttisongkram, The Biography and Writings of Sodet Phramaha Samanachao Krom Phraparamanuchitchinorot (Bangkok: Aksorn Printing Press, 1972), 209. 25 Smp 1909, 280. “ …กริยาที่นบั เรียงควบน้ียงั หาพบพระบาฬีไม่ แตไ่ ดเ้ ห็นอยา่ งที่พระบาทจา ลองทา่ นกระทา เป็นห้องๆ ที่นบั เรียงกม็ ีนับควบกม็ ี จึงเข้าใจตามที่ได้เห็น เยยี่ งอยา่ งทา่ นกระทา มาแตก่ ่อนน้นั คร้ันจะไม่นบั เรียงควบตามอยา่ งที่พระบาทจา ลอง กจ็ ะเหลือร้อยแปดประการไป ความที่นับเรียงนับควบน้ีก็ดี ศัพท์ที่ แปลน้ีกด็ ี ได้สอบลายลักษณ์ที่พระบาทจาลอง ไดป้ ฤกษาพระสังฆราชผเู้ฒา่ ที่พระนามเดิมชื่อพระอาจารยศ์ รีน้ัน ทา่ นเห็นดว้ ย” 26 Ibid., 331. “ข้าพระพุทธเจ้าพระยาธรรมปรีชา แปลพระธรรมท้งั เจด็ พระคมั ภีร์ ตามพระบาลียอ่ ถวาย สนองพระเดชพระคุณประดบั พระปัญญาบารมีให้แก่กลา้ เป็นเสวนานุตตริย ธรรมอันประเสริฐ กย็ ตุ ิการลงโดยสังเขปแตเ่ ท่าน้ี ขอเดชะ” 27 See more details on Phraya Dhammaprījā‟s contributions in Seksun Polwattana, "A Study of Political and Social Influences on the Composing of Traibhūmilokavinicchayakathā in the Reign of King Buddha Yod-Fa the Great (King Rāmā I), " (MA Thesis, Thammasat University, 2005), 19-25. 28 Ibid., 22.

bhūmi-kathā genre.29 According to The Royal Chronicle of Rāmā I, Phraya Dhammaprījā was the head of royal experts responsible for the revision of the Tipiṭaka:

…Rāmā I said that the Tipiṭaka that recorded the Buddha‟s words was misinterpreted and misunder- stood [by Siamese Buddhists], so it is difficult to maintain śāsannā “dispensation of the Buddha” [for 5,000 years]. To revise the Tipiṭaka the king invited Supreme Patriarch, Phra Dhamaudom, and Phra Buddhakosajarn. Rāmā I also invited royal experts including Phraya Dhammaprījā etc.30

Based on this archival evidence, and the fact that he died at the end of the 1st reign (and not during the 2nd reign) 31 it seems likely that Phraya Dhammaprījā translated the chanting rituals for Rāmā I (and not for Rāmā II) during 1784 to 1809. Therefore, SMP 1909 and DK 1909 may have composed during the 1st reign, and the author of DK 1909 may have used the Dhammakāya text genre written using Khom script existed during this reign as the source text.

2.6 Conclusion

My survey has shown that texts which are similar in contents and structure to DK 1909 can be found during the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd reigns, but can no longer be found in 4th and 5th reigns, perhaps due to the Buddhist reformations (further discussion in chapter IV). Based on this evidence, it seems that DK 1909 was known and continued to be part of the official chanting curriculum in Central Thailand, during early Rattanakosin era. I have looked at Sangayana Bot Suat Mon the “Buddhist chanting revision” that took place in 1821, during the reign of Rāmā II. At this time, many Buddhist chants were collected, transliterated, translated, and examined by Buddhist scholars at the request of the King. I have concluded that although DK may be known during the 2nd reign, there is no clear evidence linking SMP 1909 and DK 1909 to Rāmā II‟s Sangayana, and they may date back to the 1st reign or even earlier.

In chapter III, I will transliterate, translate and analyse the structure of DK 1909 and compare this text with three other texts belonging to the Dhammakāya text genre.

29 Reynolds, "Buddhist Monkhood," 57. 30 The Royal Chronicle of King Rāmā I, 7 ed. (Bangkok: Karn Sasana Press, 2002), 76. 31 The Literature of the Rattanakosin Era (Tribhūlokavinicchaya-Kathā), (Bangkok: Division of literature and history, Krom Silapakorn 1992), 27.

Chapter III: Transliteration and Translation

In Buddhist tradition, the translation and transmission of Buddhist texts are conceived as meritorious action for maintaining the śāsanā. In the domain of Buddhist studies, translation makes the study of Buddhism feasible.1 Scholars are expected to translate old texts and vernacular texts for a variety of readers. As well as considering what selected texts say, looking at how they were translated also helps scholars to identify how the texts may have used, interpreted, understood and localised by Buddhists in certain times and places.

In this chapter, I transliterate and translate the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā (DK 1909) into English. I compare DK 1909 with three texts that also belong to the Dhammakāya text genre: the Dhammakāyassa atthavaṇṇanā (or DA)2, the Thepchumnum Braḥ Dhammakāyādi (or BD3) and the Golden Manuscript Braḥ Dhammakāya (or GBD). These three texts used for the comparison were composed in Pāli language and written using Khom script. My goal in this chapter is to explore possible relationships between DK 1909 and other Dhammakāya texts dating to the early Rattanakosin era.

In my transliteration and translation, I transliterate Thai terms using the UB system used in Walker‟s thesis.3 I transliterate the Pāli terms written in Thai script using Phra Bhrāmāgun- abhorn‟s system.4 I also use Phra BhRāmāgunabhorn‟s system to transliterate the hybridised Pāli or Sanskrit-Tai terms. The reason as to why I chose to transliterate (instead of transcrib- ing) these terms is to identify the choices made by the Siamese translator when they translated the original Pāli terms into Thai.

3.1 Diplomatic Translation of DK 1909

The Dhammakāyānussati-kathā (Words on the Recollection of the Body of Dhammas) The set of various Knowledges of the Buddha that the Buddha compared with the characteristics of the buddhas and proclaimed by the designation as the “Body of Dhammas.” It has the Omniscient Knowledge as the sublime head. It has the realm of Nibbāna, the objective of meditative consciousness, as the sublime hair. It has the Four Absorptions as the sublime forehead. It has Knowledge of Obtaining Great Thunderbolt, as the sublime long hair

1 Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," 31. 2 The version that I use to compare was transliterated by Coedès, "Dhammakāya," 260-86. 3 Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," xii-xvii. 4 Bhramagunabhorn, Thai-English Buddhist Dictionary, 316. It can be downloaded in .

which appears in the middle of the forehead and between the eyebrows, and that hair consists of radiance. It has Knowledge in the practice of the Meditative Recognition of Blue Objects, as a pair of sublime eyebrows which is beyond worldly. It has the five eyes of Knowledge as the two sublime eyes. The five eyes include (1) the divine eye, (2) ten Knowledges of the Buddha, (3) Omniscient Knowledge, (4) the clear Knowledge in [knowing] the traditions of the buddhas i.e. what buddhas do (not what Buddhists do), (5) the absolute Knowledge in [knowing] the Truth completely. The Body of Dhammas has the Divine Ears as the two sublime ears. It has Knowledge of Gotrabhū as the prominent sublime nose. It has Knowledge of the Fruit of Noble Path and the Fruit of Liberating Truth, as a pair of sublime cheeks. It has Knowledge of the Thirty-seven Virtues Contributing to Awakening, as the sublime teeth. It has Knowledge of the Mundane Truths and the Supramundane Truths, as the sublime upper and lower lips. It has Knowledge of the Four Noble Paths, as the four sublime eye teeth. It has Knowledge that clearly sees the Four Truths, as the sublime tongue. It has [the irresistible] Knowledge of the Buddha that is eternal and nothing can interfere with it, as the sublime chin. It has Knowledge of the liberation, which is the Supramundane Truths, as the sublime tubal neck. It has Knowledge of the Three Characteristics of Existence, as the sublime neck. It has Knowledge of the Four Folds of Intrepidity, as the two sublime upper arms. It has Knowledge of the Ten Recollections, as the gracefully rounded fingers. It has Knowledge of the Seven Awakening Elements, as the sublime fully chest. It has Knowledge of the Instinc- tive Disposition in all beings, as a pair of sublime breasts. It has Knowledge of Ten Buddha‟s Powers as the sublime middle trunk of the body. It has Knowledge of the Truth of Dependent Origination, as the sublime navel. It has Knowledge of the Five Controlling Faculties and the Five Powers, as the sublime waist. It has Knowledge of the Four Great Efforts, as a pair of sublime thighs. It has Knowledge of the paths of the Ten Wholesome Actions, as a pair of sublime legs. It has Knowledge of the Four Paths of Accomplishment, as a pair of sublime feet, and the Body of Dhammas also wears morality, concentration and knowledge, as its outer robe. It wears Knowledge of the Moral Shame and Moral Fear, as the great upper robe of discarded cloth. It wears Knowledge of the Noble Eightfold Path, as the sublime under robe, and it wears Knowledge of the Four Foundations of Mindfulness, as the sublime girdle. The Buddha is more brilliant than divine beings and men by means of the Body of Dhammas. Whatever knowledge, beginning with that of the sublime head etc. which is omniscience, and so on and so forth, which is, for all the buddhas, that which is called the "Body of the Dhammas," that knowledge beginning with the head etc. is the set of marks of the buddhas called the "Body of the Dhammas” which is the leader away from the world. It is to be recollected repeatedly by one in the lineage of the yogāvacara-s who possesses a keen intelligence and who aspires to the state of an omniscient buddha. The Gotama Buddha, twelve soks tall, has uṇhisa, six soks in size. The uṇhisa is comparable to a great crown and composed of a flame-like radiance. So Gotama Buddha is eighteen soks tall in total, including the sublime uṇhisa, which the buddhas intrinsically possess. All radiances of the buddhas consist of six elements: green radiance, yellow radiance, white radiance, red-and-yellow-combined radiance, brilliant radiance and dark red radiance, gushing from their bodies. Each body hair of the buddhas circulates in a sphere. Some hairs are long, short and round, glowing from the front and side. The greatest leader of the world, the

Buddha, is seeking the sublime morality, more sublime than other divine beings and human beings. He reaches the realm of Nibbāna by his own efforts and brings other beings to the realm of Nibbāna. He has conquered the five evil ones. No-one is comparable to him, and there are no words to analogise [the virtues of the Buddha]. The radiance of the honorable one is like an ornament adorning his body. The cause of charismatic intelligence of all divine beings and human beings is not the same as that of the Buddha himself, [and therefore the charismatic intelligence of all divine beings and human beings] is not comparable to that of Buddha.

3.2 Analysis of DK 1909

My analysis of the DK shows that the translator used the traditional technique of lifting of the Pāli terms (yok sab) as part of their translation process.5 The way these scholars translated Pāli shows us how Buddhist ideas were localised, understood, interpreted, and translated during the 1st reign. In many cases, the Siamese translator left words untranslated or used what scholars call “hybridised Pāli -Tai”. An example of this usage is the Thai braḥ sab- baññutañāṇ (a) for the Pāli sabbaññutañāṇa, and the Thai braḥ ñāṇ (a) for the Pāli ñāṇa. Sometimes the Siamese translator preferred hybridised Sanskrit translations, e.g. keśā instead of the Pāli kesā. Further examples are the preference for the braḥ dharmakāy (a) instead of the Pāli dhammakāya, and braḥ saddharm (a) instead of the Pāli saddhamma.

Degeminisation — ttt, kkk, bbb etc. — is a regular feature of Thai orthography. My analysis shows that the scribes preferred to write dibacakṣu instead of the Pāli dibbacakkhu. There are some minor orthographic differences between DK 1909, DA, BD3 and GBD, such as n and ṇ (see note 16), and t and ṭ (see note 41)6. One reason for this might be human error due to manual copying. Although my analysis shows some differences between DK 1909 and three texts DA, BD3 and GBD analysed in this chapter, the similarities between these four texts suggest that they share a root text in common.7

The structure of DK 1909 can be separated into four separate sections: the list of dhammakāya‟s marks, praise in verse, prose exhortation and the praise in the Buddha‟s physical body. While the DA, BD3, and GBD begin with sabbaññutañāṇa pavarasīsaṃ, the beginning Pāli verse of DK 1909 is different and starts with dhammakāyabuddhalakhaṇam. The

5 McDaniel, Gathering Leaves and Lifting Words, 131. 6 The replacements of n (น) with ṇ (ณ) and t (ต) with ṭ (ฏ, and ฎ) are probably due to their similar pronunciations in Thai. 7See also Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 190.

initial Pāli verse in DK 1909 is the same as the bilingual Pāli-Khmer Dhammakāya texts discussed by Walker who notes that the Khmer author tried to weave all three sections of the Khmer Dhammakāya texts together: “This text begins by pulling the key compound noun from the third section, dhammakāyabuddhalakhanaṃ…, understanding it in the accusative case.”8

The Siamese translator of DK also attempted to weave the list of the dhammakāya marks, the praise in verse, and the prose exhortation together, translating dhammakāyabuddhalakhanaṃ as a kammadhāraya compound, comparing the braḥ buddhañāṇa or “Buddha‟s knowledge(s)” with the “set of marks of the buddhas.” After referring to the dhammakāyab- uddhalakhanaṃ, DK describes the features of the Buddha‟s dhammakāya as sabbaññutañāṇa pavarasīsaṃ…catusatipaṭṭhāna pavarakāyapandhanam, equating them with the Buddha‟s knowledge(s) and virtues/qualities (guṇa).

The dhammakāya described in the first section of DK 1909 is constituted of thirty attaining elements which are identified with the Buddha‟s knowledge and virtues.9 Twenty-four of these are identified with the parts of the Buddha‟s physical body and the other four elements are identified with his robe. Most identification contains doctrinal significance. In other words, the features of the dhammakāya correspond to the physiological (e.g. the equations between the eyes and the different kinds of the supernatural eyes, and between the ear and the divine ear), and numerical characteristics of the Buddha (e.g. the equations between the teeth and thirty-seven fold of partaking of enlightenment, between the eye teeth and the Knowledge of Four Noble Paths, and between the fingers and the Knowledge of Recognising the Ten Recol- lections). In some cases the identifications are made based upon the combination of physiological appropriateness and metonymy or verbal congruence, for instance, the equations between the feet (pāda) and Four Paths of Accomplishment, caturiddhipādañāṇa. Here, pāda could be rendered as “path” or “basis.”

The second section of DK 1909 starts with the phrase buddho ativirocati devamanussānaṃ dhammakāyena, which Walker calls “a praise in verse”. The phrase states that the Buddha is more sublime than other beings (human and divines) by means of the dhammakāya.

8 Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," 349. 9 Coedès, "Dhammakāya," 254; Reynolds, "Several Bodies of Buddha," 385; Urkasame, "Study of Elements in Yogavacara Tradition," 245-46.

The third section of DK 1909 begins with yassa pana…and ends with punappunaṃ. The overall meaning of this section is to remind meditation practitioners (yogāvacara-s) to recollect the dhammakāya in order to attain Buddhahood. The 3rd section consists of one complex sentence:

yassa pana moḥ yaṃ pana uttamaṅgādiñāṇaṃ sabbaññutādikaṃ dhammakāyamataṃ buddhānaṃ atthi, etaṃ uttamaṅgādiñāṇaṃ dhammakāyabuddhalakkhaṇaṃ lokanāyakaṃ, yogāvacarakulaputtena tikkhañāṇena patthentena sabbaññū buddhabhāvaṃ anussaritabbaṃ punappunaṃ.

This complex sentence can be broken down into three main parts. The first part is a relative clause beginning with yassa... to dhammakāyamataṃ buddhānaṃ atthi. Here, the Siamese translator sought to gloss the relative pronoun yassa pana as yaṃ pana. The term “moḥ”เมาะ

(or “มกั วา่ ” in Lao and Lānnā10) used in this section is commonly used in bilingual Pāli-Khmer and Pāli-Tai texts. Khmer and Siamese translators also used moḥ in Pāli-Pāli glosses.11 In the second part of the sentence, the correlative clause starts with etaṃ ut- tamaṅgādiñāṇaṃ…lokanāyakaṃ, and the final portion, yogāvacarakula- puttena…punappunaṃ. The final part of the sentence adds additional details about the subject of the relative-correlative structure, namely the dhammakāya-buddhalakkhaṇaṃ, or "the set of marks of the buddhas is [called] the Body of the Dhammas."The fourth and final section of the DK 1909 begins with buddho dvādasahattho…and ends with buddassa eva na hoti. It praises in verses of the composition of the Buddha‟s physical body including radiance, hair, height etc.

Although textual structures remain the same in these four texts, there are differences in the way that the Pāli terms are translated into Thai. For instance, the Pāli lokanāyakaṃ can be translated “leader away from the world.” However, the Siamese translator of the DK glossed this term as “that which liberates beings from the world.” The Pāli dhammakāya- buddhalakhanaṃ can be translated as “the set of the Buddha‟s marks is [called] the dhammakāya.” However, the Siamese translator glossed this as “the Knowledge(s) of the buddhas that the Buddha compared to his marks and proclaimed by the designation as the dhammakāya.” The Pāli term “buddho” can be translated as “buddha (s)” or “the awakened one” but is glossed by the Siamese translator as “Gotama Buddha.”

10 Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," 337. 11 Ibid., 369-70.

3.3 Conclusion

In conclusion, in this chapter I have analysed four texts belonging to the Dhammakāya text genre dating from the 1st , 2nd and 3rd reigns, DA, BD3 and GBD. My analysis shows that there are many similarities between DK 1909 and these three other texts. However, the text that is closest in structure to DK 1909 is GBD. Both DK 1909 and GBD share “the praise in the Buddha‟s physical body”: buddho dvādasahattho chahattho aggisikhūpamo pavaggo uṇahiso niccaṃ so buddho aṭṭhārasako bhavo (see note 72). But these Pāli verses are not present in the DA and BD3. Based on the similarities between DK 1909 and GBD, it seems likely the Siamese author used GBD as the source text for DK 1909, during the 1st reign. Fur- thermore, it is possible that the GBD—an important text inscribed on gold plates and installed in a chedī at Wat Chetuphon during the 1st reign—served as a ritual model for DK 1909. The relationship between DK 1909 and the other two texts—DA and BD3 — is less clear, as they might be composed by different authors in different times.

Chapter IV: A Textual and Contextual Analysis of DK 1909

In the previous two chapters, I have shown that DK 1909 can be dated to the 1st reign, and continued to be part of the official chanting curriculum during the 2nd and 3rd reigns. Howev- er, by the 4th and 5th reigns, DK 1909 and its associated texts had disappeared from the official chanting curriculum and Siam‟s Tipiṭaka respectively. In this chapter, I will consider these questions: (1) how was DK 1909 used during the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd reigns? And (2) why did this text disappear from the official chanting curriculum? To answer these questions, I first look at the way similar texts belonging to the Dhammakāya text genre have been and are still being used by Buddhists in Northern Thailand and in Cambodia. I analyse the function and contents of DK 1909 by dividing the text into three categories: a “Performative Text,” “Meditation Text,” and “Commentarial Text.” The way texts belonging to the Dhammakāya text genre are used links them to a form of Buddhism that Bizot, Crosby, Urkasame and others associate with yogāvacara traditions, or borān kammaṭṭhāna practices.1 I conclude that when borān practices fell out of favour during the Buddhist reforms that took place during the 4th and 5th reigns, the Dhammakāya text genre, along with the DK, disappeared from the official curriculum.2

4.1 The Dhammakāya Text Genre and Its Ritual Usage in Khmer and Northern Thailand

New kings, chedīs, and Buddha images must all be consecrated in order to fulfil their religious functions. Tambiah (1984), Bizot (1992), Swearer (2004) and others have written about Buddhābhiṣeka: the consecration ritual that takes place to “enliven” a Buddha statue and “make the Buddha present.3 In this section, I will explore the use of the Dhammakāya-gāthā, a member of the Dhammakāya text genre that is very similar in structure and contents to DK

1 Crosby, Traditional Theravāda Meditation, 3-5, 20-29. See also Crosby, "Tantric Theravāda," 142. 2 Note that although the DK was reprinted by Damrong in 1909 and has been reprinted many times today, its textual and practical significance was marginalised and had died out before then. 3 Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah, The Buddhist Saints of the Forest and the Cult of Amulets: A Study in Charisma, Hagiography, Sectarianism, and Millennial Buddhism (London: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 254; Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 5-6, 108-15.for the concept of "making the Buddha Present" Tambiah did not mention the Dhammakāya text genre in his book, but this is a central focus of the works of Bizot and Swearer on Buddhābhiṣeka.

1909, during Buddhābhiṣeka, meditation practice and individual recitation in contemporary Cambodia and Northern Thailand.4

4.1.1 Buddhābhiṣeka

Buddhābhiṣeka with “its transformation of the body through samādhi and the transformation of the dhammakāya into a material representation provide a striking insight to the operative significance of the meaning of the consecration ritual of the Buddha image.” 5

Swearer looked at the relationship between theoretical considerations discussed in Buddhist texts, and practical considerations articulated during ceremonies.6 He claimed that buddhābhiṣeka, during which an inanimate image is transformed into the Buddha‟s dhammakāya, is a re-enactment of the scriptural claims that the Buddha has the dhamma as his body (D III.89)7, and that whoever sees the Buddha sees the dhamma (S III. 120).8 Swearer interprets the dhammakāya as the embodied dhamma, and as “spiritual phenomenon.”9

According to Bizot, buddhābhiṣeka in Cambodia can be divided into three stages. The first stage is the implantation of the marks (pañcuḥ braḥ lakkhaṇa),10 the second is the recitation of the Dhammakāya text during the opening of the eyes, and the third is the recitation of consecration‟s stanzas. By reciting the Dhammakāya-gāthā during this ritual, the lakkhaṇa-s of the dhammakāya were introduced into the new Buddha image.11 In other words, the Dhammakāya-gāthā is not a “static text” but “performative text” or "a practical/living text.”12 A witness to this ritual usage in the Cambodian tradition, Mr. Kun Sopheap, stated in an in-

4 Although there are national boundaries between Thailand and Cambodia, like Walker (2018, 7-8) I find the notion of “Khmer-Tai Buddhism” a useful way to work with the manuscript cultures of mainland Southeast Asia. 5 Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 72. See also Crosby, Traditional Theravāda Meditation, 51-52. 6 Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 184-91. 7 See also Paul M Harrison, "Is the Dharma-Kāya the Real" Phantom Body" of the Buddha?," Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 15, no. 1 (1992): 50. 8 Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 188-89. 9 See also Steven Collins, "Reflections on the Dichotomy Rūpakāya/Dhammakāya," Contemporary Buddhism 15, no. 2 (2014): 259. 10 See also Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," 113, 349-51, 417, 598, 789-91. 11 Bizot, Le Chemin De Lanka, 293. 12 See the concept of the “practical canon” in Blackburn, "Looking for the Vinaya," 254.

terview that he had participated in five consecration ceremonies where the Dhammakāya- gāthā was recited:13

“My name is Sopheap. My nickname is Mong. I used to be a monk in Wat Kweanklang. At that time, there was a forest monk (dhutaṅga) who had a palm-leaf manuscript called the “Dhammakāya,” and this text was recited during the Buddha image consecration ritual. The text was also installed in Buddha images and put under the stones (pañcuḥ sīmā) in order to make the Saṅgha boundary. Therefore, as I have remembered, I will attempt to recite the Dhammakāya gāthā.” Sopheap then starts chanting with Sabbaññutañāṇa pavarasisaṃ… and ends with …dhammakāyabuddhalakkhaṇaṃ lokanāyakaṃ yogāvacarakulaputtena tikkhañāṇena patthentena sabbaññūbuddhabhāvaṃ punappunaṃ anussaritabbaṃ.”

The video shows that in Cambodia, recitation of the Dhammakāya-gāthā was part of buddhābhiseka rituals that included the installation of Dhammakāya texts inside a Buddha image. The video also shows the memorisation techniques and gestures used by the practitioner to internalise the teachings of the text.

The Dhammakāya-gāthā is also used during buddhābhiṣeka in Northern Thailand. Although the Dhammakāya formula was recited during consecration rituals in both Cambodia and Northern Thailand, there are differences between them. For instance, in Cambodia, the Dhammakāya-kāthā is recited during the eye-opening part of the ceremony but in Northern Thailand, the gāthā is recited during the construction ceremony of a Buddha image and the ritual of installing the Buddha‟s heart into a Buddha image and chedī. Despite these differences, Cambodian and Northern Thai Buddhists use similar Buddhist technologies to “make the Buddha present.”14

Tambiah and Swearer write that the ritual of consecration—the Buddhist technology for giv- ing “life” to the material representation of the Buddha—has four dimensions.15 First, a portion of the pāramīs and virtues that reside in an old Buddha image are transfused into a new Buddha image. This newly consecrated statue is considered to be a “reincarnation” of the older image. Second, paritta “the protective chant,” from the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta (the first sermon of the Buddha), and the Paṭhama Sambodhi (a biography of the Buddha) are recited to instruct the image about its former lives. Third, the meditative power of monks is

13 Personal communication, Phrakru Videśasudhammayaṇa (January 18, 2018) and Elizabeth Guthrie (July 4, 2018). See also https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yt_0aMOOp3k for the interview which I have translated from Thai into English 14 See the concept of presence in Donald K Swearer, "Hypostasizing the Buddha: Buddha Image Consecration in Northern Thailand," History of Religions 34, no. 3 (1995): 270-71. 15 Tambiah, Buddhist Saints of the Forest and the Cult of Amulets, 245-56.

transferred to an image by means of a sacred length of string, in order to transform the image into what Swearer calls “the holy Buddha spirit” or dhammakāya.16 Fourth, the eye-opening ceremony is performed in order to recreate the moment when the Buddha attained enlightenment.17

A fifth method to bring an image of the Buddha to life used in Northern Thailand (but not mentioned by Tambiah, Bizot or Swearer) is the ritual of installing the heart of the Buddha into a Buddha image or stūpa. During this ritual, the Dhammakāya-gāthā is recited and written on a metal plate and placed inside the image and chedī. The ritual of installing a Buddha‟s heart into a Buddha image can be found in Northern Thailand, Cambodia, China and Tibet.18 In Thailand, this ceremony can be traced back to at least the Sukhothai period (1283-1317 CE) when Buddha images were often constructed from stucco. These images often had a cavity in the chest area where relics, manuscripts, and valuables were placed. 19 Some installa- tions involved the placement of models of the heart, two lungs, two small intestines, two large intestines, and two livers inside an image of the Buddha.20 During my own research on buddhābhiseka, I identified a Northern Thai consecration ceremony in which a Dhammakāya text is recited and a “heart” is placed inside a cavity in a Buddha image or in a stūpa.21 An important source for this practice is Tamra Karn Banchu Huachai Phraphuttharup and Phra Chedī Borān (the Old Manual for Installing a Buddha‟s Heart Into a Buddha Image and Chedī) composed by Northern Thai monk Kruba Kong (1902-1989) who wrote:

Whoever recites or worships the Dhammakāya gāthā, and whoever worships the Buddha statue or the chedī which had been consecrated by the Dhammakāya gāthā will gain great merit, living prosperity, and even attain the state of an omniscient Buddha, if they wish. The Dhammakāya gāthā which great teachers recommended for recitation should be written on golden plates and put inside both a Buddha image and chedī as the “heart.” It will be as if the Buddha himself is present. Moreover, if a temple has this gāthā, it will bring prosperity be-

16 Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 189-90. 17 Richard Gombrich, "The Consecration of a Buddhist Image," The Journal of Asian Studies 26, no. 1 (1966): 26. See also Bizot, Le Chemin De Lanka, 293. 18 Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 262. See also Gregory Henderson and Leon Hurvitz, "The Buddha of Seiryōji: New Finds and New Theory," Artibus Asiae (1956): 23-25. 19 Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 262. 20 Surasavas Suksavas, The Lanna Buddha Image and the Influence of Vajirañāna Nikāya พระพุทธรูปลา้ นนากบั คติ พระพุทธศาสนามหายานเเบบตันตระนิกายวัชรยาน (Chiang Mai: Chiang Mai University Press, 2016), 41-42. 21 See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WjCiauLiNLk for the ceremony of installing a Buddha‟s hart into a Buddha statue in contemporary Northern Thailand.

22 cause the Dhammakāya gāthā originated from the Tamra Karn Kosrang Phraphuttharup and Phra Chedī Borān (the old manual for making Buddha images and Chedī-s)23

As the above quotation shows, in the past, and today in Northern Thailand and Cambodia, the Dhammakāya gāthā, its symbolic, alphabetic and inscriptional elements were part of the individual practice of Buddhists, and also essential for official ceremonies. Buddhists used the Dhammakāya gāthā not only for worldly (lokiya) purposes of gaining merit and living prosperity, but also for a supramundane (lokuttara) purpose: attaining Buddhahood. It is likely that a similar ritual was performed when the Golden Manuscript Braḥ Dhammakāya (GBD) was installed into the chedī at Wat Phrachetuphon during the 1st reign. Although Thongkhamwan, Bhāvaṇāmaṅgala and Urkasame were not concerned with the ritual usage of the Dhammakāya text genre, in this thesis, I argue that the link between the Dhammakāya text genre and buddhābhiṣeka is due to their performative nature. Further investigation may help us understand the significance of earlier examples of this text genre, such as the Phitsan- ulok inscription which was also found the stūpa and dates back to the 15th century CE.

4.1.2 Individual Recitation for Living Prosperity and Meditation Progresses

It seems that Dhammakāya-gāthā was not only considered essential for public rituals but was also part of individual religious practice in Khmer and Northern Thailand. Bizot found that Cambodian Buddhists use the Dhammakāya gāthā as part of their individual recitation. One section (2.3) of the Dhammakāya manuscript (registered number: TK217) found in Wat Uṇālom, Phnom Penh states;

22 This manuscript was studied by Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 259-60.This text is found in Northern Thai- land and written in Tham Lānnā scripts dated back to the Golden Age of Lānnā (ca.1400-ca. 1525). See Thai translation Phisit Kotsupho, "The Manual for Constructing a Buddha Image from the Old Manuscript ตาราสร้าง พระพุทธรูปจากคัมภีร์โบราณ." See also http://phil-re4you.blogspot.com/2017/09/blog-post_30.html?m=1 23 I took this quotation from the manual for installing a Buddha‟s heart into a Buddha image and a chedī composed by Kruba Kong. I have translated this quotation from Thai to English. See also Suksavas, Lanna Buddha Image 244. Watch online clip on https://www.facebook.com/diri.ac.nz/videos/927925597388034/ 24 Bizot, Le Chemin De Lanka, 299.

In Northern Thailand, Urkasame found that the Gāthā Thammakāy he studied were recited and memorised by lay people to gain prosperity.25

…This is to say that the [Thammakāy] stanza should be remembered by heart and recited in order to pay homage to the Buddha everyday with no exception. This is perhaps essential to protect [practitioner] in the present and future life time...26

He also found that the Gāthā Thammakāy were associated with meditation practice. The Mūlakammaṭṭhāna,27 a Northern Thai mediation manual and another text belonging to the Dhammakāya text genre, instructs meditation practitioners (including monks and laypeople) who fail to achieve their meditation goals to recite the Gāthā Thammakāy to ensure that their meditation progresses:

When the yogāvacara-s including laypeople, monks or nuns practice meditation, or observe dhutaṅgavatra, and they cannot manage their mind in the path of meditation, or their mind lacks power and wants to sleep all times…they should use the gāthā to make sacred water. Before drinking or using this water, they should ask for forgiveness from the five gems.28

This passage suggests that by reciting the Dhammakāya gāthā the teaching of the text is transferred into water and then internalised to the bodies of local meditation practitioners by drinking the consecrated water.

4.2 Contextual Analysis of DK 1909

In this section, I analyse the contents of DK 1909 to find out how the text was actually used by Buddhists living during the 1st, 2nd and 3rd reigns. To do this, I subdivide DK1909 into three categories: “Performative Texts,” “Meditation Texts,” and “Commentarial Texts.” I will begin by defining the terms being used throughout this section. “Performative Text” indicates texts that are used in rituals. “Meditation Text” refers to texts with information about meditation practice and used to instruct Buddhists practicing meditation. “Commentarial Text” re-

25 Urkasame, "Study of Elements in Yogavacara Tradition," A268. 26 Ibid., A375. 27See the translation of the Mulakammaṭṭhāna in Kitchai Urkasame, "Meditation in Tham Scripts Manuscripts," (Bangkok: Dhammachai International Research Institute, 2013), 132-204. 28Ibid., 195-96. คาถาธรรมกาย อนั น้ีคร้ันโยคาวจระคฤหัสถน์ กั บวชหญิงชาย ท้งั หลายเหล่าอนั ไดถ้ ือกรรมฐานและถือธุดงควตั ร แล้ว และมีใจบต่ ้งั มน่ั และมีใจ เหนื่อยเมื่อยคร้านและใคร่หลบั ใคร่นอน และมีใจอนั กระดา้ งแข็งอยนู่ ้ันกด็ ี มีใจเป็นดง่ั เป็นบ้าเป็นวิน และยิน ตกใจกลวั อยไู่ จว้ ๆน้นั ชื่อวา่ บาปธมฺมานทิฏฺฐี มาครอบงาแล คร้ันสงเคราะห์ให้หายน้นั ให้ไดส้ ัมมาแกว้ เจ้า 5 จา พวกเสียก่อนแลว้ ให้ไปตกั เอาน้า 7 บอ่ มา แลว้ ให้ฝนขม้ินส้มป่อย จนั ทน์ขาวจนั ทน์แดงตกใส่น้า น้ัน แล้ว ให้เอาไป สระสรงมหาธาตุและพุทธรูปเจา้ เสียก่อน แลว้ ให้โอกาสะอาราธนาพระแกว้ เจา้ 5 จาพวกเป็น ที่จ้งั ที่เพ่ิง แล้วมีข้าวตอกดอกไม้เทียน 5 คูเ่ จาะ ตามบูชาติดไว้ปากบาตร 5 แห่ง แล้วให้เอาคาถาธรรมกาย บทน้ีเสกน้า ในบาตรน้ัน แลว้ ซ้า สัมมาแกว้ ท้งั 5 แถม ขอเอาน้า ในบาตรอนั เสกน้ันมา กินมาอาบเถิด หากจกั หายยงั เพศอนั เป็นบา้ ท้งั มวลอนั ผใี ส่คนใส่น้นั หากจกั หายเสียดว้ ยเดชคุณแห่งพระพุทธเจา้ ท้งั มวล

fers to texts that relates to pedagogy (sermons, translation, and glossaries)29 and elaborate the theories and concepts about the dhammakāya.

4.2.1 DK 1909 as a Performative Text

No evidence has survived to show how DK 1909 was used during the 1st reign. However, the fact that DK 1909 was included in Suat Mon Plae, a chanting manual, indicates that it was meant to be recited — “performed” — during individual recitations and public religious rituals such as buddhābhiṣeka as the Dhammakāya text genre is used in Cambodia and Northern Thailand.

The alphabetic and inscriptional elements of the DK may have used in the same way as the Golden Manuscript Braḥ Dhammakāya (or GBD)—the closest version of DK 1909—was used during the 1st reign, and as the Dhammakāya gāthā is being used in contemporary Northern Thailand during the ritual of installing the Buddha‟s heart into Buddha images and chedīs.

4.2.2 DK 1909 as a Meditation Text

No evidence has remained to show if DK was recited during meditation practice in Central Thailand during early Rattanakosin era, but it is likely that the text may have used in the same way as the Dhammakāya gāthā is in Northern Thailand, during the meditation practice of Northern Thai Buddhists. The text‟s title “Dhammakāyānussati-kathā”—that constitutes of Dhammakāya, Anussati, and Kathā, literally means “Words on Recollection of the Body of Dhammas”—justifies itself by the fact that the text is associated with the recollection of the dhammakāya. In the 3rd section of DK 1909, the Pāli verses contained symbolic, alphabetic and inscriptional concepts that had a supramundane (lokuttara) purpose: attaining Bud- dhahood. The path to Buddhahood requires the practitioner to recollect the dhammakāya;

…the set of marks of the buddhas called the "Body of Dhammas" (dhammakāyab- uddhalakkhaṇaṃ) which is the leader away from the world (lokanāyakaṃ); it is to be con- templated (anussaritabbaṃ) repeatedly (punappunaṃ) by one in the lineage of the yogāvacara-s (yogāvacarakulaputtena) who possesses a keen intelligence (tikkhañāṇena)

29 McDaniel, Gathering Leaves and Lifting Words, 163.

and who aspires (patthantena) to the state of an omniscient buddha (sabbaññūbud- dhabhāvaṃ).... 30

The passage instructed the yogāvacara or “practitioner of spiritual discipline” to use the dhammakāya (here, embodied in the Buddha image)31 as a meditation object. The process of recollecting the dhammakāya will lead the yogāvacara directly to Buddhahood.32 Reynolds, who also related the Dhammakāya text genre to meditation, suggested that “the key point in the Dhammakāya text is that a single dhammakāya is constituted of the jhānic attainments and the supraworldly path attainments.”33

The first part of DK 1909 describes the features of the dhammakāya and equates the Bud- dha‟s dhammakāya with the Buddha‟s Knowledge (ñāṇa) and qualities/virtues (guṇa). The final part of the text describes some of the auspicious physical marks of the Buddha (rūpa- kāya) including his height, hair, and radiance .The instructions provided in the text are similar to Buddhaghosa‟s “Buddhānussati.”

The Buddha is (bhaggarāko) a person who destroys rāga, who destroys dosa (bhagga- vadoso), who destroys moha (bhaggamoho); he who lacks āsava, all pāpadhama-s. Because he destroys all of these elements, all wise men call him as “braḥ bhagavā.” The Buddha consists of his perfect physical body (rūpa-kāya), which consists of braḥ puṇñalakkhaṇa (sings that occur because of his spiritual merit); it is composed of a hundred sings, so this represents that the Buddha is being braḥ bhāgaya. The perfection that the Buddha consists of braḥ dhammakāya is represented by being (bhaggadosa) a person who destroys dosa; being a person whom people in the world and nearby know well; being a person whom laypeople and all monks can visit; being a person who can resolve human suffering both physical and spiritual when men come to ask; being a proper person who receives āmisadāna and dhamma-dāna; being a person who teaches men to attain lokiyasukkha and lokuttarasukkha. This is the Bud- dha who is composed of the two properties [the rūpakāya and dhammakāya]. 34

30 See my translation of DK 1909 31 Swearer, 185-91, analyses the concept of the Dhammakāya in its ritual context during buddhābhiṣeka but not during meditation. 32 Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," 598. 33 Reynolds, "Several Bodies of Buddha," 385-86. 34Mahamakut Buddhist University, Visuddhimaggassa Nāma Pakaraṇavisesasa Pathamo Bhāgo (Buddhānussati) วิสุทธิมคฺคสสฺ นาม ปกรณวิเสสสฺส ปฐโม ภาโค (พุทธานุสฺสติกถา) (Bangkok: Mahamakut Buddhist University Press, 1997), 270. I transliterate the Pāli terms written in the Thai script into Roman and translate the Thai translation into English. bhaggarāgo bhaggadoso bhaggamoho anāsavo bhaggassa pāpakā dhammā bhagavā tena vuccatī ti

This meditation, the recollection of the rūpa-kāya and dhamma-kāya, instruction can also be found in the Mūlakammaṭṭhāna where the Dhammakāya gāthā, a similar text to DK 1909, is located. This text instructs the meditator to recollect the Buddha‟s qualities/virtues including the physical body (rūpa-kāya), the thirty-two major marks, the eighty minor marks, and the dhamma-kāya:

…anuttaro [the Buddha] is more sublime than other beings who live in the three worlds because of his sīla, samādhi, paññā, vimuttiñāṇadassanaguṇa, and anuttariyadhamma, which is composed of four aspects: dassanānuttariya, sevanānuttariya, pāricariyānuttariya and anus- satānuttariya. [The Buddha] is constituted of thirty-two major marks and eighty minor marks. The high of the Buddha is eighteen soks tall, [and] his radiance is glowing from their bodies six soks.35 No-one is comparable to him…bhakavā [the Buddha] can get rid of the raga, dosa, moha, taṇhā, māna, diṭṭhi, avijjā, and has the sublime śrīsobhāgaya that consists of pāramī-s. [The Buddha] has the dhammakāya-puñña-guṇa established in the Buddha himself, and it is infinite and there is nothing to compare with [the dhammakāya].36

4.2.3 DK 1909 as a Commentarial Text

In this section I argue that DK 1909 has a third function as a “Commentarial Text". The text lists the thirty attainment elements, or dhammakāyabuddhalakkhaṇaṃ that constitute the dhammakāya (twenty-six elements identified with the parts of body and four components are equated to his clothing) and explains how the dhammakāya is equated to the Buddha‟s Knowledge and his virtues (see chapter III). During the 1st reign, the Siamese scholar who

Bhāgyavatāya cassa satapuññalakkhaṇadharassa rūpakāyasampatti dipitā hoti. Bhaggadosatāya dhammakāyapatti. Tathālokiyasarikkhakānaṃ bahumatabhāvo, gahaṭṭhapabbajitehi abhigamanīyatā, abhi- gatānañca nesaṃ kāyacittadukkhā panayane paṭibalabhāvo, āmissadānadhammadānehi upakāritā, loki- yalokuttarasukhehi ca saṅyojanasamatthatā dipitā hoti. พระผู้มีพระภาคเจ้าเป็น (ภคฺคราโค) ผู้ทรงหักราคะ (ภคฺคโทโส) ผู้ทรงหักโทสะ (ภคฺคโมโห) ผู้ทรงหัก โมหะ เป็นผู้หาอาสวะมิได้ บาปธรรม ท้งั หลาย พระองคท์ รงหักเสียส้ินแลว้ เพราะเหตุน้นั บัณฑิตจึงถวาย พระนาม วา่ พระภควา กแ็ ลความถึงพร้อมแห่งพระรูปกายของพระองค ์ ผู้ทรงไว้ซึ่งพระบุญลักษณะ (ลกั ษณะอนั เกิดเพราะบุญ) นับด้วย ๑๐๐ เป็นอนั ทา่ นแสดงแลว้ ดว้ ยความที่ ทรงเป็นผู้มีพระภาคย์ (คือบุญบารมี) ความถึงพร้อมแห่งพระธรรมกาย เป็นอันแสดงด้วยความที่ทรงเป็น (ภคฺคโทส) ผู้หักโทสะ ความเป็นผู้ที่ชาวโลกและคนใกล้เคียง ท้งั หลายรู้จกั มากกด็ ี ความเป็นผทู้ ี่คฤหัสถแ์ ละบรรพชิตท้งั หลาย พึงไปหามาสู่กด็ ี ความเป็นผสู้ ามารถในอนั ช่วย ขจดั ทุกขก์ ายทุกขใ์ จให้แก่เขาท้งั หลายผไู้ ปหากด็ ี ความเป็น ผทู้ า อุปการะเขาดว้ ยอามิสทานและธรรมทานก็ดี ความเป็นผู้สามารถในอนั ยงั เขาให้ประกอบพร้อมไปดว้ ยโลกิยสุข และโลกุตตรสุขกด็ ี กเ็ ป็นอนั ทา่ นแสดงแลว้ ด้วยพระ คุณสมบัติ ๒ อยา่ งน้นั 35 This passage is also found in the 4th section of DK when the text describes the height of the Buddha. 36 Urkasame, "Meditation in Tham Scripts Manuscripts," 149-50. อนุตฺตโร ผูป้ ระเสริฐกวา่ โลกท้งั 3 ด้วย สีล สมาธิ ปัญญา วิมุตติ ญาณทัสสนคุณ และ อนุตตริยธรรม 4 ประการ คือ ทัสสนานุตตริยะ สวนานุตตริยะ ปาริจริยานุตตริยะ อนุสสตานุตตริยะ และประกอบด้วยมหาปุริสลักษณะ 32 อนุ พยัญชนะ 80 ทัศ มีพระองค์ตนสูง 18 ศอก ฉัพพัณณรังสีไหลออก 6 ศอก หาผจู้ กั ยง่ิ จกั เหลือ บไ่ ด…้ ภควา ผู้ได้หักเสียยังราคะ โทสะ โมหะ ตัณหา มานะ ทิฏฐิ อวิชา แล มีศรีโสภาคย์ อันงามบารมี มีธรรมกาย บุญคุณต้งั อยใู่ นตน หาที่เส้ียง ที่สุดบไ่ ด ้

composed DK understood the Pāli term dhammakāya as a kammadhāraya compound refer- encing to “braḥ buddhañāṇa.” The lists of braḥ buddhañāṇa, as Urkasame explained, are a practical teaching about the elements (bodhipakhiyadhamma, bojjhaṅga etc.) that constitute the virtues of the Buddha‟s enlightenment.37

There are similarities between DK 1909 and the genre of Buddhist texts that Justin McDaniel called “Nissaya, Vohāra, and Nāmasadda pedagogical genres.”38 According to McDaniel, such texts “reflect modes of thought, pedagogical techniques, and commentarial practices specific to a place and given time.”39 For example, its structure, DK 1909 resembles the Suat Mon Nissaya: both texts contain a set of Pāli terms framed with glosses and creative asides.40 Like the Suat Mon Nissaya, four or ten Pāli terms are followed by glosses and creative asides.41 This structure shows that the text was originally intended to be used for sermons, chanting rituals, and to expound on the dhammakāyabuddhalakkhaṇaṃ that constitute a Bud- dha‟s dhammakāya.42

Jantrasrisalai has analysed the term dhammakāya in the Pāli textual tradition (Pāli Canon, commentaries, sub-commentaries, and sub-sub commentaries). She argues that the dhammakāya should not be rendered as the “collection of teaching” or “teachings collected together”, but rather the “Body of Enlightening Qualities”, from which the teachings origi- nate.43 Unlike Jantrasrisalai, in DK the dhammakāya can be rendered as the “Body of Knowledge” However, both interpretations share the same concept that dhammakāya is linked to the “body of practical knowledges” or the virtues/qualities that lead the practitioner to enlightenment.44

37 Urkasame, "Study of Elements in Yogavacara Tradition," 247. See the interpretation of the term “dhammakāya” in Harrison, "Is the Dharma-Kāya the Real" Phantom Body" of the Buddha?," 50. 38 McDaniel, Gathering Leaves and Lifting Words, 150-54. 39 Ibid., 120-27. 40 Ibid., 131-34. 41 Justin Thomas McDaniel, The Lovelorn Ghost and the Magical Monk: Practicing Buddhism in Modern Thailand (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), 142-44. 42 Ibid., 132-33. For translation theories see also Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," 33-35. 43 Chanida Jantrasrisalai, "Early Buddhist Dhammakāya: Its Philosophical and Soteriological Significance" (PhD Thesis, University of Sydney, 2009), abstract. 44 See also Reynolds, "Several Bodies of Buddha," 385-87. Collins, "Reflections on the Dichotomy Rūpakāya/Dhammakāya," 259. Collins analysed the theoretical concept of the “dhammakāya” that are found in Pāli texts. He suggests that this term can be seen as being as much a material concept, the Buddha‟s Teaching embodied in things, as it is an immaterial, „spiritual‟ phenomenon.”

4.3. The Disappearance of the Dhammakāyānussati-kathā

In this section, I will consider the political context during the 4th and 5th reigns which caused the marginalisation and disappearance of many Buddhist texts and borān Buddhist practices related to the Dhammakāya text genre. To demonstrate this change, I will look at the published records of the 10th Saṇgāyanā in 1893 and identify what texts were omitted at that time. Moreover, I will consider the way that Supreme Patriarch Sā (1803-1899)45 composed the royal chanting curriculum in 1880 (latter printed in NSSMCL 1911) and compare this book with SMP 1909. I will argue that the textual tradition and borān practices related to the Dhammakāya text genre seems to be marginalised and have disappeared during the 5th reign, due to the Buddhist reformations. In this time, reformists were concerned about canonicity and textual authenticity and the need that practices have to be authorised by the Pāli Canon.46 As the result of this, many Buddhist texts including BD, BDT, DK and associated recitations were classified as “non-canonical”, and then they were excluded from the 1893 Siam‟s For- mal Canon47 and central Thai rituals.

The Buddhist reformation which took place during the 4th and 5th reigns caused the disappearance of many Buddhist texts and borān practices. Encouraged by Rāmā IV, Rāmā V, Sangharāja Sā and Wachirayan made many reforms to the Sangha's educational system, cen- tralised the Sangha‟s hierarchy, and modernised religious practices in accordance with the Pāli Canon.48 Crosby‟s research has demonstrated the marginalisation of Siam‟s traditional meditation practices, which she called the yogāvacara tradition or borān kammaṭṭhāna, during the 4th and 5th reigns.49 According to Crosby, when Rāmā IV was a monk in 1820, he complained that the teachings of his meditation masters at Wat Ratchasitharam were not au-

45 See also Prapod Assavavirulhakarn, "Tripitaka in Practice in the Fourth and Fifth Reigns: Relics and Images According to Somdet Phra Sangharaja Pussadeva's Pathamasambodhi Sermon," in Material for the Study of the Tripitaka Volume 5: Buddhism and Buddhist Literature of South-East Asia Selected Papers, ed. Claudio Cicuzza (Bangkok: Fragile Palm Leaves Foundation and Lumbini International Research Institute 2009), 120- 27. 46 Taylor, Forest Monks and the Nation-State, 40-45; Crosby, Traditional Theravāda Meditation, 114-15. 47 See Blackburn, "Looking for the Vinaya," 284; Steven Collins, Nirvana and Other Buddhist Felicities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 78-79. 48 See also McDaniel, Gathering Leaves and Lifting Words, 98-108. 49 Crosby, Traditional Theravāda Meditation, 120-23.

thorised by the Pāli Canon and redirected his attention to the study of texts, pariyatti over the practice, paṭipatti.50

The emphasis on the study of the Pāli Canon continued during the reign of Rāmā V. 51 As Taylor noted, “by late in the Fifth Reign a meditation seems to have become less important and a Grade Five Pāli scholar then appointed as abbot…In the eyes of leading Thammayut reformers, meditation and austere practices had a useful function only in terms of orthopraxy and orthodoxy. Thus, with emphasis on canonical studies, the Fifth Reign reforms effectively redefined sanctity at many monasteries and the functions of religiosity.”52

Some concerns of canonical authenticity can also be identified in the ways that Sā composed the Paṭhamasambhodhi 1890. In his demystified Paṭhamasambhodhi, Sā paid close attention to the Pāli Canon;

The stories or Pāli verses that are not found or authorised by the Pāli Canon, I will skip or talk about them briefly, based upon traditional teachers have said.53

Moreover, the omission of some texts can be found in the process of composing the Paṭha- masambhodhi. The Bimbā-bhilāpa54 was considered as having textual authenticity by Bud- dhists during the reign of Rāmā II, presented in the SJNA (see chapter II) and Somdet Krom Phra Paramānuchitchinorot. Paramānuchitchinorot included the text in the 18th chapter of the Paṭhamasambhodhi in 1845.55 This text, however, seemed to have less textual authenticity in the view of Sā, and then it was omitted from his 1890 Paṭhamasambhodhi, as a demytholo- gised version of Paramānuchit‟s Paṭhamasambhodhi.56

The reformation and reinterpretation continued during the so-called 10th Saṇgāyanā in 1893, during the 5th reign when the Tipiṭaka was revised. Before this revision, Thai Buddhists

50 Phaladisai Sitthitunyakit, His Majesty King Mongkut Rama 4 of Thailand พระบาทสมเด็จพระจอมเกลา้ เจา้ อยหู่ ัว พระเจ้ากรุง สยาม รัชกาลที่ ๔ (Bangkok: One World, 2004), 49; Crosby, Traditional Theravāda Meditation, 114. and Taylor, Forest Monks and the Nation-State, 42. 51 Crosby, Traditional Theravāda Meditation, 121. 52 Taylor, Forest Monks and the Nation-State, 32. 53 Somdetphrasangharat Pussadeva, Braḥ Paṭhama Sambodhi Composed by Supreme Patriarch Sa พระปฐมสมโพธิ ของ สมเด็จพระสังฆราชปุสสเทว ตอนที่ ๑, vol. 1 (Bangkok: Pimthai, 1922), 7. 54 See the translation of this text in Donald S Lopez Jr, ed. Buddhism in Practice: Abridged Edition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 419-30. 55 Somdet Phra Paramānuchitchinorot, Paṭhama Sambodhi ปฐมสมโพธิ, vol. 1 (Bangkok: Karnsasana, 1962), 325- 43. See also Lopez Jr, Buddhism in Practice, 420. Swearer assumed that Paramānuchitchinorot might have used Northern Thai Paṭhamasambhodhi composed in 16th CE as the sources to compile his Paṭhamasambhodhi, because the incorporating texts such as the Bimbā-bhilāpa can be found in both versions. 56 See also Swearer, Becoming the Buddha, 124.

(learned monks, lay experts and regular people) believed that the Tipiṭaka was a generous collection of baskets that contained the Buddhavacana, its commentaries (aṭṭhakathā), sub- commentaries (ṭīkā), sub-sub commentaries (anuṭīkā) as well as texts composed during a later period (pakaravisesa).57

The goal of the 1893 Saṇgāyanā was to produce a modern printed Siamese Tipiṭaka that contained only authentic texts. To achieve this goal, a number of palm-leaf manuscripts composed in Pāli and written by using Khmer script were collected, edited, transliterated and translated into modern Thai. During this process the contents of Siam‟s Tipiṭaka shrank in size. The 1893 Tipiṭaka consisted of three baskets: the Vinaya-Piṭaka, Sutta-Piṭaka and Abhi- dhamma-Piṭaka. Commentaries, sub-commentaries, sub-sub commentaries and later composed texts were excluded as non-Canonical. A number of books that were once considered part of Siam‟s Tipitaka, namely the Vimānavatthu, Petavatthu, Theragāthā and Therīgāthā, Jātaka, Apādāna, Apādāna, Buddhavaṃsa, Cariyapiṭaka, Anulomapacca-nīyapaṭṭhāna, and the Paccanīyānulomapaṭṭhāna—were also omitted from the 1893 Tipiṭaka.58

Texts belonging to the Dhammakāya text genre started to disappear during this period. The BD and BDT were classified as non-canonical and excluded from the Siam‟s Buddhist Canon in 1893.59 DK 1909 disappeared even earlier in 1880 when Sangharāja Sā replaced SMP dating back to the reign of Rāmā I with NSSMCL. 60 Ploychum believed that Sā used SMP as the source for NSSMCL, but he did not make a detailed comparison between the two chanting texts. He based his argument on the historical information and identified similarities between Buddhist chants as they appear in NSSMCL 1911 and SMP 1909. 61 In the table below, I compare SMP with NSSMCL.

57 Skilling and Pakdeekham, Materials for the Study of the Tripitaka 1, 1: Pali Literature Transmitted in Central Siam สยามบาลีวรรณกรรม, xviii. 58 Kaewsri, "The Royal Tipitaka," 75; Ratchapraditsathitmahasimaram, The Biography of Somdet Phra Ariyawongsakhatayan (Sa Pussadevo) Somdet Phrasangkharat พระประวัติสมเด็จพระอริยวงศาคตญาณ (สา ปุสฺสเทโว) สมเด็จ พระสังฆราช, 99-102. See also Patrick Jory, "Thai and Western Buddhist Scholarship in the Age of Colonialism: King Chulalongkorn Redefines the Jatakas," The Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 3 (2002): 19. 59 See the lists of manuscripts comprised of the printed Tipiṭaka in Chalmers, "Siam's Edition of the Pāli Tipiṭak," 6. 60 Ratchapraditsathitmahasimaram, The Biography of Somdet Phra Ariyawongsakhatayan (Sa Pussadevo) Somdet Phrasangkharat พระประวัติสมเด็จพระอริยวงศาคตญาณ (สา ปุสฺสเทโว) สมเด็จพระสังฆราช, 95-99; McDaniel, Gathering Leaves and Lifting Words, 234. 61 Ploychum, Contribution of King Rāmā 2 156.

SMP NSSMCL

Davādasa paritta Jularāja paritta

Satta paritta Mahārāja paritta

Paṭhama bhāṇavāra Paṭhama bhāṇavāra

Dutiya bhāṇavāra Paṭhama bhāṇavāra

Tatiya bhāṇavāra Tatiya bhāṇavāra

Catuttha bhāṇavāra Catuttha bhāṇavāra

Pakiṇṇaka-gāthā -

Braḥ Abhidhamma (7 braḥ gamphīra) Braḥ Abhidhamma

- Mahāsatipaṭṭhānasuttapāṭho

- Vattra

- Suat Jang

- Gāthā for the royal ceremonies

- Chanting in the Dhammayutika-nikāya tradition

This table shows that only one chapter was omitted from Sā‟s revised chanting manual: the Pakiṇṇaka-gāthā, the 7th chapter of SMP, which contains DK. When this omission is considered with the disappearance of other texts belonging to the Dhammakāya text genre at the time of the 10th Saṇgāyanā in 1893, I conclude that the reason is due to its association with borān practices that were considered non-canonical and fell out of favour during the 4th and 5th reigns.

4.4 Conclusion

In this chapter, I have shown that although the Dhammakāya text genre has disappeared from Buddhist practice in Central Thailand, it has remained important in Northern Thailand and Cambodia. Although there are differences in the rituals performed in Northern Thailand and

in Cambodia, they share the same ideological and philosophical concepts. The Dhammakāya text genre is connected with two dimensions: the first is official ceremonies associated with “the concept of making the Buddha present” and the second is individual orientations related to “the concept of gaining merit, prosperity and meditation progresses” of local Buddhists in Khmer and Northern Thailand. Whether the Dhammakāya text is recited, or written down on a metal plate, or installed inside as a “heart” of a representation of the Buddha (images or chedīs), these methods are all regarded as “ways of enlivening a Buddha image and chedī.”

Based on my analysis of the function and contents of DK 1909 and the ritual usage of the Dhammakāya text genre in contemporary Northern Thailand and Cambodia, I have argued that DK 1909 may have used in a similar way during the 1st, 2nd and 3rd reigns: as a “Performative Text,” a “Meditation Text” and as a “Commentarial Text.” Although the exact reason why DK 1909 disappeared from Siam‟s ritual chanting curriculum is unclear, I have shown that in 1880, Sangharājā Sā composed a new chanting curriculum, NSSMCL and omitted the 7th chapter titled the Pakiṇṇaka-gāthā that contained DK 1909. Further revisions saw other texts belonging to the Dhammakāyā text genre from Siam‟s revised Tipiṭaka in 1893, during the 10th Saṇgāyanā. I conclude that the disappearance of DK 1909 was part of the marginalisation of “borān Buddhism” during the 5th reign.

Chapter V: Conclusion

In this thesis, I have analysed existing scholarship and identified the DK as belonging to the Dhammakāya text genre. I have considered the rich history of the texts belonging to this genre and known throughout the Tai-Khmer cultural sphere. I have traced the history of these texts from the time of Ayutthaya through to the contemporary period, and have demonstrated their importance for meditation practice, individual recitation for gaining merit and prosperity, the consecration ceremony of a Buddha image (buddhābhiṣeka), and the ritual of installing the Buddha‟s heart into a Buddha image and chedī.

When approaching the historical background of the DK, I first looked at SMP 1909. Alt- hough most scholars have dated SMP 1909 to the 2nd reign, my historical analysis in chapter II suggests that it is likely that the SMP originated during the 1st reign. If the SMP can be identified as dating to the 1st reign, the terminus ad quem for the DK must also be the 1st reign as the DK is included in the 7th chapter of SMP 1909. In chapter II, I identified several versions of the Dhammakāya text genre that date to the 1st, 2nd and 3rd reigns: the GBD, BD, BDT, and the SJNA. My comparison of the DK with the DA, BD3 and GBD in chapter III shows that the Pāli verses of the GBD closely resemble the Pāli verses of the DK. The simi- larity suggests that the GBD was the source text for the Pāli-Tai DK, during the 1st reign.

The close relationship in contents and structure between the GBD and the DK supports a date for the DK and also provides an explanation for how the DK was used during the 1st reign. By this time, the GBD was installed in the chedī at Wat Chetuphon when it was completed. Although this ritual is no longer part of contemporary Central Thai Buddhism, it is still practiced in Northern Thailand and in Cambodia. As the Lānnā Tamra Karn Banchu Huachai Phraphuttharup and Phra Chedī Borān explains, when a newly constructed stūpa or a new Buddha image chedī, is consecrated, the dhammakāya-gāthā must be recited while the heart of the Buddha is ritually installed. This explains the presence of DK in chapter 7 of the ritual chanting manuscript, the SMP 1909.

Based on this evidence I argue that like the GBD, during the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd reigns, the DK functioned as a “Performative Text” and was recited during the image and chedī consecration ceremony, and public sermon. In addition to recitation, its alphabetic elements may also have been written on metal plates and installed like the Buddha‟s heart into Buddha images and chedīs.

I also argue that the DK also functioned as a “Meditation Text” and was used by individual practitioners to support the practice of anussati “recollection.” The 3rd part of the DK instructs meditation practitioners to contemplate or recall the dhammakāya, in order to attain the state of the omniscient buddhas. The form of Buddhānussati in the DK can also be found in the Visuddhimagga and in the Mulakammaṭṭḥāna a Northern Thai meditation manual that instructs the practitioner to recite the Gāthā Thammakāy during meditation.

And I argue that the DK functioned as a “Commentarial Text” that uses the traditional pedagogical technique of yok sab to expound the meaning and concept of the dhammakāya. As most scholars translate the term “dhammakāya” as “the Body of Dhammas”, the DK provides an alternative translation of the term dhammakāya as “Body of Knowledge” that constitutes the enlightening qualities and teaches that the dhammakāya is a meditation object.

Like Crosby and Taylor, in this thesis I distinguished between borān Buddhism and reform Buddhism based on the changes on Thai Buddhism during the 5th reign. I argue that the Dhammakāya text genre and associated ritual performances were considered authentic during the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd reigns and multiple versions of the Dhammakāya text genre were produced and used by Buddhists during this period. However, during the 4th and 5th reigns, “borān Buddhism” fell out of favour and between 1880 and 1893 many borān texts including the DK, BD and BDT and their associated rituals, disappeared from Central Thai Buddhism (although they survive in Northern Thailand and Cambodia). One of its ritual performances illustrated in this thesis is the ritual of installing a Buddha‟s heart into a Buddha image and chedī that is still practiced in Northern Thailand today.

Although the focus of this thesis is on a small group of texts, it makes a contribution to the wider field of Tai-Khmer Buddhist Studies by demonstrating that Buddhist texts are not static or abstract doctrines, but “living orientations.” Texts circulate between communities, individ- uals, rituals, meditation practice and the study of texts and in the process, reflect Buddhist beliefs and practices from particular times and places. Today, a number of manuscripts in Tai-Khmer and Theravāda textual tradition remain unstudied, so I hope that this project would provide foundational methodologies for approaching and analysing similar texts in other regions.

Appendix

The Dhammakāyānussati-kathā “Words on the Recollection of the Body of Dhammas” (1) ธมั ม์ กายพทุ ธ์ ลกั ข์ ณ อนั วา่ พระพทุ ธญาณ2ตา่ งๆ [The set of] various Knowledges of the Buddha dhammakāya-buddhalakkhaṇaṃ1 อันพระพุทธองค์เปรียบเทียบด้วยพุทธลักษณะแล้ว that the Buddha compared with the Buddha‟s แลตรัสเทศนาโดยนามบญั ญตั ิชื่อวา่ พระธรรมกาย characteristics and proclaimed by the designation as “the Body of Dhammas;” Various braḥ3 buddhañāṇ(a)s that the Buddha compared with buddhalakkhaṇa and proclaimed by the designation as braḥ dharmakāy(a); 4 (2) สัพ์พัญ์ํุตญาณปวรสีส มีพระเศียรอันประเสริฐ6 คือพระสัพพัญํุตญาณ7 has the Omniscient Knowledge as its sublime sabbaññutañāṇa-pavarasīsaṃ5 has braḥ sabbaññutañāṇ(a) as its sublime braḥ śier;8 head;

(3) นิพ์พานารัม์มณปวรวิลสิตเกส มีพระเกศางามประเสริฐ คือพระนิพพาน อันเป็นอารมณ์ แห่งสมาบตั ิ has the realm of Nibbāna, which is the objective nibbānārammaṇa-pavaravilasitakesaṃ9 has braḥ nibbān(a), which is āramaṇ(a) of of meditation consciousness, as its sublime hair; samāpăti(patti)10 as its sublime braḥ keśā;11

1 Note that a Siamese translator understood “dhammakāya-buddhalakkhaṇaṃ” as a kammadhāraya compound (working as a noun) in reference to “braḥ bud- dhañāṇa”, which is not explicit to the Pāli. It can be translated as “the set of the buddha‟s marks that is [called] the dhammakāya.” 2 Throughout my translation I translate Thai terms “พระญาณ” and “พระปัญญา” to mean “Knowledge” in English. 3 Instead of transliterating a Thai term “พระ” as “Bra” I transliterate it as “Braḥ” in order to show its connection with the Mon-Khmer etymology. The spelling of "braḥ" (though "bra" is common in older Thai manuscripts) connects to the Mon-Khmer etymology of the term (as either "braḥ/vraḥ" meaning "deity" or the prefix "v/b" + "raḥ," "to shine," meaning one who shines, i.e. a deity. (Personal Communication Trent Walker ( November 25, 2018)) 4 This translation also indicates that the Thai preferred Sanskrit translation for Indic words for example ธัมมกาย, dhammakāya in Pāli = พระธรรมกาย, braḥ dhar- makāy(a) in Thai. 5 DA °sīsaṃ; BD3°sisaṃ; GBD °silaṃ 6 Throughout my translation I translate a Thai term “ประเสริฐ” to mean “sublime” in English. 7 A Pāli “sabbaññutañāṇa-pavarasīsaṃ” is a bahubbīhi compound which means “มี พระสัพพัญํุตญาณ เป็น พระเศียรอันประเสริฐ” or “มี พระเศียรอันประเสริฐ คือ พระสัพพัญํุตญาณ.” The meanings of these two Thai translations are literally the same. However, “sabbaññutañāṇa-pavarasīsaṃ” in English can only be translated as “has the Omniscient Knowledge as its sublime head” and not as “has the sublime head as the Omniscient Knowledge” (Personal Communication Chanida Jan- trasrisalai (April 12, 2019) 8 braḥ śier is a hybridised Sanskrit-Tai translation for a Pāli sīsa (śīrṣa, ศีรษะ in Sanskrit). 9 DA °vilasitakesame; BD3°vilasitakesame; GBD °vilasilasitakesaṃ

(4)จตุต์ถัช์ฌานปวรลลาต มีพระนลาฏอันประเสริฐ คือ จตุตถฌาน has the Fourth Absorptions as its sublime fore- catutthajjhāna12-pavaralalātaṃ has catutthajjhān(a) as its sublime braḥ nalāṭ(a); head; (5)วชิรสมาปัต์ติญาณปวรอุณ์ณาภาส มีพระอุณาโลมอันประเสริฐ ประกอบด้วยพระรัศมี คือ พระปัญญา ในมหาวชิรสมาบัติ has the Knowledge of Obtaining Great Thunder- vajirasamāpattiñāṇa13-pavarauṇṇābhāsaṃ has braḥ paññā14 in mahāvajirasamāpăti(patti)15 as bolt, as its sublime long hair which appears in the braḥ uṇālom(a) consisting of braḥ raśmī; middle of the forehead and between the eyebrows, consisting of radiance; (6)นีลกสินโสภาติกก์ นั ์ตปวรภมุยคุ ล มีคูแ่ ห่งพระขนงอนั ประเสริฐล่วงโลก คือพระปัญญา อันประพฤติเป็นไปในนีลกสิณ has Knowledge in the practice of the Meditative nīlakasina16-sobhātikkanta17- has braḥ paññā in the practice of nīlakasiṇ(a) as a pair Recognition of Blue Objects, as a pair of sublime pavarabhamuyugalaṃ18 of sublime braḥ khanaṇ which are beyond worldly; eyebrows which is beyond worldly;

(7)ทิพพ์ จกั ข์ ุ ปัญญ์ าจกั ข์ ุ สมนั ์ตจกั ข์ ุ พทุ ธ์ จกั ข์ ุ ปวรจกั ข์ ทุ วยัง๎ มีคูแ่ ห่งพระเนตรอนั ประเสริฐ คือจักษุญาณ ๕ ประการ คือ ทิพจักษุญาณ ๑ ทศพล has the five eyes of Knowledge or Wisdom Eyes dibbacakkhu-paññācakkhu- ญาณ ๑ สัพพัญํุตญาณ ๑ พระปัญญาแจ้งในพุทธประเพณี ๑ พระปัญญาแจ้งในพระ as the two sublime eyes; the five eyes include (1) the divine eye, (2) ten Knowledges of the Buddha, samantacakkhu-buddhacakkhu- สทั ธรรมไมม่ ีที่เหลือ ๑ เป็นจักษุญาณ ๕ ประการดว้ ยกนั และพระธรรมกายน้นั 19 (3) Omniscient Knowledge, (4) the clear pavaracakkudvayaṃ has the five wisdom eyes as the two sublime braḥ Knowledge in [knowing] the traditions of the netr(a)s; the five eyes include (1) dibacakṣu,20 (2) daśa- Buddhas i.e. what Buddhas do [not what Bud-

10 บ, ฟ, ป can be seen as a variant forms of “p” 11 braḥ keśā is a hybridised Sanskrit-Tai translation for a Pāli kesā. 12 It is found in DA & BD3; GBD °ṇa° 13 BD3.vajjirasamāpattiñāṇaṃ°, GBD.vajjarasamāpattiññāṇalā° 14 This indicates that Thai translator understood the term ñāṇa to mean paññā or “Knowledge” as I translate. 15 Thai uses pătʹi (บัติ) instead of the Pāli patti (ปัตติ). The ไม้หันอากาศ (ă) implies a lost geminate consonant, so บัติ is some sense “patti.” 16 DA °ṇa; BD3°ṇa; GBD °ni° 17 It is found in DA; BD3°taṃ; GBD sobhātakkanta 18 It is found in DA; BD3°mū°; GBD °gaga° 19 DA &BD3 °paññācakkhu samantacakkhu buddhacakkhu dhammacakkhu°; GBD °paññācakkhu buddhacakkhu dhammacakkhu° It is noticeable that the Pāli verse in the DK lists four cakkhus, but its Thai translation lists five cakkhus. Comparing with DA, BD3, and GBD, the dhamma-cakkhu is omitted from the DK. 20 Note that a hybridised Pāil-Tai dibacakṣu is a degeminisation of the Pāli dibba-cakkhu. The degeminisation (bb  b, ttt, kkk etc.) is a regular feature of Thai orthography.

balañāṇ(a), (3) sabbaññutañāṇ(a), (4) the clear braḥ dhists do], (5) the absolute Knowledge in [know- paññā in the traditions of Buddha,(5) the absolute braḥ ing] the truth completely; [all of which] are the paññā in brah saddharm(a) completely; [all of which] five eyes of Knowledge, and the Body of are the five wisdom eyes,21 and that braḥ dhar- Dhammas… makāy(a)… (8)ทิพ์พโสตญาณปวรโสตท๎วย มีคูแ่ ห่งพระโสตอนั ประเสริฐ คือทิพพโสตญาณ …has the Divine Ears as the two sublime ears; dibbasotañāṇa-pavarasotadvayaṃ22 …has dibbasotañāṇ(a) as the two sublime braḥ sot(a)s;

(9)โคต๎รภูญาณปวรอุตุงคฆาน มีพระนาสิกประเสริฐสูง คือโคตรภูญาณ has Knowledge of gotrabhū as its prominent sub- gotrabhūñāṇa-pavarautuṅgaghānaṃ23 has gotrabhūñāṇ(a) as its prominent sublime braḥ lime nose; nāsik(a); (10)มัค์คผลวิมุต์ติผลญาณปวรคัณ์ฑท๎วย มีคูแ่ ห่งพระปรางอนั ประเสริฐ คือพระญาณอนั ประพฤติเป็นไปในผลแห่งอริยมรรค has Knowledge of the Fruit of Noble Path and the maggaphala-vimuttiphalañāṇa- และผลแห่งวิมุตติธรรม Fruit of Liberating Truth, as a pair of sublime 24 pavaragaṇḍadvayaṃ has braḥ ñāṇ(a) which practices in order to [gain] the cheeks; phal(a) of ariyamarg(a) and the phal(a) of vimutti- dharm(a), as a pair of sublime braḥ prāṅ;25 (11)สตั ต์ ติสํ ปวรปักข์ ิยญาณปวรสุภทนั ์ตา มีพระทนต์อันงามประเสริฐ คือพระโพธิปักขิยธรรม อันประเสริฐ ๓๗ ประการ has Knowledge of the Thirty-seven Virtues Con- sattatiṃsapavarapipakkhiyañāṇa26- has braḥ bodhipakkhiyadharm(a) consisting of the thir- tributing to Awakening, as its sublime teeth; pavarasubhadantā27 ty-seven sublime aspects, as its sublime braḥ dant(a); (12)โลกิยโลกุตต์ รญาณปวรโอฏฐ์ ทวย๎ มีสองริมพระโอษฐ์เบ้ืองบน และเบ้ืองต่า งามประเสริฐ คือพระปัญญา อนั เป็นโลกีย ์ has Knowledge of the Mundane Truths and the

21 The Thai translation does not explicitly match the Pāli verse. While the Pāli lists four cakkhus, the Thai lists five cakkhus. The four eyes in the Pāli verse should literally be translated as the divine eye (dibba-cakkhu), the eye of wisdom (paññā-cakkhu), the eye to recognise all dhamma (samanta-cakkhu) and the eye of Buddha (buddha-cakkhu). 22 DA dibbasotañāṇa°;BD3 dibbasotañāṇa°; GBD dibbasotaññāṇa° 23 DA °uttuṅgapavaraghānaṃ; BD3 °utuṅgapavaraghānaṃ; GBD ° pavarautuṅgamāghānaṃ 24 It is found in DA; BD3 °pavaragandadvayaṃ GBD °pavaragandadvayaṃ 25 Siamese Thai translators preferred hybridised Sanskrit translations for the Pāli terms, such the Pāli magga marga (มรรค) and the Pāli dhammadharma. 26 DA & BD3 sattatiṃsabodhipakkhiya°; GBD sattatiṃsabodhipakkhiyadhamma° 27 It is found in DA, BD3; GBD omitted.

lokiyalokuttarañāṇa- แลโลกุตตร Supramundane Truths, as its sublime upper and 28 pavaraoṭṭhadvayaṃ has braḥ paññā which is lokīy(a) and lokuttara as two lower lips; sublime upper and lower lips of braḥ oṣṭh(a); (13)จตุมัค์คญาณปวรจตุทาฐา มีพระเข้ียวแกว้ ท้งั ๔ อันประเสริฐ คือพระจตุมรรคญาณ has Knowledge of the Four Noble Paths, as the catumaggañāṇa-pavaracatudāṭhā29 has braḥ catumargañāṇ(a) as the four sublime braḥ four sublime eye teeth; khie2v gèv; (14)จตุสัจ์จญาณปวรชิว๎หา มีพระชิวหาอันงามประเสริฐ คือพระปัญญาอันเห็นแจ้งในพระจตุราริยสัจจะ has Knowledge that clearly sees the Four Truths, catusaccañāṇa30-pavarajivhā31 has braḥ paññā that clearly sees in braḥ caturāriyasac- as the sublime tongue; ca, as braḥ jivhā; (15)อปั ์ ปฏิหตญาณปวรหนุก มีพระหนุประเทศอันงามประเสริฐ คือพระญาณอันตรัสรู้33ตลอดไป ไมม่ ีที่จะขดั จะ has [the irresistible] Knowledge of the Buddha appaṭihatañāṇa-pavarahanukaṃ32 ข้อง that is eternal and nothing can interfere with it, as has braḥ ñāṇ(a) that irreversibly awakens, and nothing its sublime chin; can interfere with it,. as its sublime braḥ hanu pradeś(a); (16)อนุตต์ รวิโมกข์ าธิคมญาณปวรกณั ์ฐ มีปล้องพระศออันประเสริฐ คือพระญาณ อันตรัสรู้วิโมกขธรรมอันเป็นพระโลกุตตร has Knowledge of the liberation, which is the Su- anuttaravimokkhādhigamañāṇa34- has braḥ ñāṇ(a) that awakens to the vimokkhadharm(a), pramundane Truths, as its sublime tubal neck; pavarakaṇṭhaṃ35 which is braḥ lokuttar(a), as the sublime nape of braḥ śö;

(17)ติลกั ข์ ณญาณปวรวิลสิตคีววิราชิต มีลา พระศออนั รุ่งเรืองงามประเสริฐ คือพระไตรลักษณญาณ has Knowledge of the Three Characteristics of Ex- tilakkhaṇañāṇa36-pavaravilasitagīva has braḥ trailakṣaṇañāṇ(a) as the sublime braḥ śö;38 istence, as its sublime neck;

28 It is found in DA, BD3, and GBD. 29 It is found in DA; BD3 & GBD °dāḍhā 30 It is found in DA & BD3; GBD °ñaṇa 31 It is found in DA & BD3; GBD °(jivhā omitted) 32 It is found in DA; BD3 apaṭi°; GBD omitted 33 “ตรัสรู้” consists of “ตรัส” (V. = to say, Adj =clear, bright) and “รู้” (V. = to know), and therefore the Thai term “ตรัสรู้” means รู้แจ้ง in this text. I translate a Thai term “ตรัสรู้” to mean “awakening” in English. 34 DA °gamana°; BD3 °gamanu°; GBD omitted 35 BD3 pavarakaṇdaṃ; GBD (pavara-omitted)°

virājitaṃ 37 (18)จตุเวสารัช์ชญาณปวรพาหุท๎วยัง มีพระพาหาท้งั สองอนั ประเสริฐ คือพระจตุเวสารัชชญาณ has Knowledge of the Four Folds of Intrepidity, as catuvesārajjañāṇa-pavarabāhudvayaṃ39 has braḥ catuvesārajjañāṇ(a) as the two sublime braḥ the two sublime upper arms; bāhā; (19)ทสานุส์สติญาณปวรวัตตังคุลิโสภา มีนิ้วพระหตั ถอ์ นั กลมงามประเสริฐ คือพระปัญญา อันตรัสรู้พระอนุสสติกรรมฐาน has Knowledge of the Ten Recollections, as the dasānussatiñāṇa40- ๑๐ ประการ gracefully rounded fingers; 41 pavaravattaṅgulisobhā has braḥ paññā that awakens to the ten braḥ anus- satikarmaṭhān(a), as the gracefully rounded fingers of braḥ hatth(a); (20)สัต์ตสัม์โพช์ฌังคปวรปีณอุรตล มีพ้ืนที่พระอุระอนั เตม็ งามประเสริฐ คือพระญาณอันตรัสรู้พระสัตตโพชฌงค์ has Knowledge of the Seven Awakening Ele- sattasambojjhaṅga42- has braḥ ñāṇ(a) that awakens to braḥ sattabojjhoṅg(a), ments, as its sublime fully chest; pavarapīṇauratalaṃ43 as the space of the sublime fully braḥ ura;

(21)อาสยานุสยญาณปวรถนยุคล มีคูแ่ ห่งพระถนั อนั ประเสริฐ คือปัญญา อนั รู้อชั ฌาสยั แห่งสตั วท์ ้งั ปวง has Knowledge of the instinctive disposition in all āsayānusayañāṇa-pavarathanayugalaṃ44 has paññā that knows ajjhāsay(a) of all beings, as a pair beings, as a pair of sublime breasts; of the sublime braḥ than(a); (22)ทสพลญาณปวรมัช์ฌิมังค มีทา่ มกลางพระองคอ์ นั ประเสริฐ คือพระทศพลญาณ has Knowledge of Ten Buddha‟s Powers as the dasabalañāṇa-pavaramajjhimaṅgaṃ45 has dasabalañāṇa as the sublime middle of braḥ aṅ(g); sublime middle trunk of the body; (23)ปฏิจ์จสมุป์ปาทญาณปวรนาภี มีพระนาภีอันประเสริฐ คือพระปัญญาอันตรัสรู้พระปฏิจจสมุปปาทธรรม has Knowledge of the Truth of Dependent Origi- nation, as its sublime navel;

36 It is found in DA &BD3; GBD °ñaṇa. 38 A Thai term “ลาพระศอ ” means neck in English. 37 BD3 °(gīva omitted)° 39 It is found in DA, BD3, and GBD. 40 It is found in DA & BD3; GBD dassā°. 41 DA°vaṭṭaṅgu°; BD3°vattaṅga°; GBD °aṭṭhaṃgu° 42 It is found in GBD; DA &BD3 °(sam omitted)° 43 BD3.pavarapilauratalaṃ ; GBD-pavarapīnauragatalaṃ 44 It is found in DA; BD3& GBD °yuggalaṃ 45 It is found in DA, BD3, and GBD.

paṭiccasamuppādañāṇa-pavaranābhī46 has braḥ paññā that awakens to the braḥ paṭiccasam- uppādadharma, as the sublime braḥ nābhī; (24)ปัญ์จิน์ท๎ริยปัญ์จพลปวรชฆน มีป้ันพระองค ์ คือพระชฆนะประเทศสะเอวอันประเสริฐ คือพระปัญญาอันตรัสรู้พระ has Knowledge of the Five Controlling Faculties pañcindriyapañcapala-pavarajaghanaṃ47 สัทธาทิอินทรีย์ ๕ และพระสัทธาทิพละ ๕ and the Five Powers, as its sublime waist; has braḥ paññā that awakens to five braḥ saddhādi- indrīy(a) and five braḥ saddhādi-bala, as the bottom of braḥ aṅg(a) which is braḥ jaghana pradeś(a); (25)จตุสัมมัป์ปธานปวรอูรุท๎วย มีคูแ่ ห่งพระเพลาอนั ประเสริฐ คือพระญาณอันประพฤติเป็นไปในสัมมัปปธานวิริยะ ๔ has Knowledge of the Four Great Efforts, as a pair catusammappadhāna48- ประการ of sublime thighs; 49 pavaraūrudvayaṃ has braḥ ñāṇ(a) in the practice sammappadhānaviriya [consisting of] four aspects, as a pair of sublime braḥ plau; (26)ทสกุสลกมั ม์ ปถปวรชงั ฆทวย๎ มีคูแ่ ห่งพระชงฆอ์ นั ประเสริฐ คือพระปัญญา อนั ตรัสรู้ในคลองแห่งทศกุศลกรรมบถ has Knowledge of the paths of the Ten Whole- dasakusalakammapatha- has braḥ paññā which awakens to the paths of kusala- some Actions , as a pair of sublime legs; pavarajaṅghadvayaṃ50 karmapath(a), as a pair of the sublime braḥ jaṅgh(a);

(27)จตุริท์ธิปาทปวรปาทท๎วย มีคูแ่ ห่งพระบาทอนั ประเสริฐ คือพระญาณอนั ประพฤติเป็นไปในพระอิทธิบาทท้งั ๔ has Knowledge of the Four Paths of Accomplish- caturiddhipāda-pavarapādadvayaṃ51 และพระธรรมกายน้นั ment, as a pair of sublime feet, and the Body of has braḥ ñāṇ(a) which is the practice in the four braḥ Dhammas also… iddhipāda, as a pair braḥ pād(a),52 and braḥ dhar- makāy(a) also…

46 It is found in GBD; DA & BD3 °bhi 47 It is found in DA & GBD; BD3°jaṅga° 48 DA °sammā°; BD3 °samuppā°; GBD °sama° 49 It is found in DA; BD3&GBD pavaraurudvayaṃ 50 It is found in DA, BD3, and GBD. 51 It is found in DA, BD3, and GBD. 52 The Thai used “บาท” instead of “ปาท.”

(28)สีลสมาธิปัญ์ญาปวรสฆาฏิ ทรงซึ่งผ้าสังฆาฏิ คือ ศีล สมาธิ แลปัญญา …wears morality, concentration and knowledge, sīlasamādhipaññā53-pavarasaṃghāṭi …wears sīla, samādhi and paññā as saṅghāti; as the outer robe;

(29)หิโรต์ตัป์ปญาณปวรป สุกุลจีวร ทรงซึ่งมหาปังสุกุลจีวร คือพระปัญญา อันประพฤติเป็นไปพร้อมด้วยหิริ แล wears Knowledge of the Moral Shame and Moral hirottappañaṇa54- โอตตัปปะ Fear, as the great upper robe of discarded cloth; 55 pavarapaṃsukulacīvaraṃ wears braḥ paññā, which is full of hiri and ottappa, as mahāpaṃsukula;

(30)อัฏ์ฐังคิกมคั ค์ ญาณปวรอนั ตรวาสก ทรงซึ่งสบงอันประเสริฐ คือพระญาณ อันประพฤติเป็นไปในอัฏฐังคิกมรรค wears Knowledge of the Noble Eightfold Path, as aṭṭhaṅgikamaggañāṇa- wears braḥ ñāṇ(a) which is the practice in aṭṭhaṅgika- its sublime under robe; pavaraantaravāsakaṃ56 marga, as the sublime sabong;

(31)จตุสติปัฏ์ฐานปวรกายพัน์ธน ทรงซึ่งรัดประคดอันประเสริฐ คือพระญาณ อนั ประพฤติพร้อมในพระสติปัฏฐานท้งั wears Knowledge of the Four Foundations of catusatipaṭṭhāna-pavarakāyapandhanaṃ57 ๔ ประการ Mindfulness, as the sublime girdle; wears braḥ ñāṇ(a), which is the complete practice of the four braḥ satipaṭṭhān(a),as the sublime girdle.

53 DA &BD3°(paññā omitted)°; GBD sīlasamādhiñāṇa° 54 DA (ñāṇa-omitted); BD3& GBD hirotappa (ñāṇa-omitted) 55 DA °sukūlapaṭicchāda°; BD3 & GBD °sukulapaṭicchāda° 56 It is found in DA, BD3, and GBD. 57 It is found in DA & BD3; GBD °danaṃ°

(32)พุท์โธ อนั วา่ พระพทุ ธเจา้ The Buddha is more brilliant than divine beings buddho The Buddha… and men by means of the Body of Dhammas.

อติวิโรจติ รุ่งเรืองยง่ิ นกั ativirocati … is more brilliant…

เทวมนุส์สาน กวา่ เทพยดา แลมนุษยท์ ้งั หลาย devamanussānaṃ …than divine beings and men…

ธัม์มกาเยนะ ด้วยพระธรรมกาย dhammakāyena58 …by means of braḥ dhammakāy(a). (33)ยัส์สปน เมาะ ย ปน อุต์ตมังคาทิญาณ แมอ้ นั วา่ พระญาณที่จดั เป็นพระเศียร เป็นต้นอันใด (the 1st part) yassapana moḥ59 yaṃ pana ut- Braḥ ñāṇ(a), constituting that of braḥ śier , and so on… tamaṅgādiñāṇaṃ Whatever knowledge (yaṃ pana ñāṇaṃ), beginning with that of the sublime head etc. (ut- tamaṅgādi) which is omniscience, and so on and สพั พญั ํุตาทิก คือมีพระสัพพัญํุตญาณ เป็นอาทิ so forth (sabbaññutādikaṃ), which is, for all the sabbaññutādikaṃ ..is braḥ sabbaññutañāṇ(a) etc., buddhas (buddhānaṃ atthi), that which is called the "Body of the Dhammas" (dhammakāyama- ธัมมกายมต อนั พระพทุ ธองคต์ รัสเรียกวา่ พระธรรมกาย taṃ), dhammakāyamataṃ [and ] that the Buddha called braḥ dharmakay(a)…

พุท์ธานัง แห่งพระสมั มาสมั พทุ ธเจา้ ท้งั หลาย buddhānaṃ …of all buddhas

58 DA,BD3 & GBD aññesaṃ devamanussānaṃ buddho ativirocati (dhammakāyena omiited) 59 The Thai (and Khmer) word เมาะ moḥ is a special technical particle used in the composition of bilingual Pali-vernacular texts. It is used for Pali-Pali glosses, or in other words when translating a Pali word or phrase with another Pāli word or phrase. See Walker, "Unfolding Buddhism," 369-70.

อัต์ถิ มี atthi60 have;

(34)เอต อุต์ตมังคาทิญาณ อนั วา่ พระญาณที่จดั เป็นพระเศียรเป็นตน้ น้ี (The 2nd part) etaṃ uttamaṅgādiñāṇaṃ Braḥ ñāṇ(a) that constitutes braḥ śier etc., that (etaṃ) knowledge beginning with the head, etc. (uttamaṅgādiñāṇaṃ) is[called] the set of ธัม์มกายพุท์ธลักขณ เป็นพุทธญาณอันพระพุทธองค์เปรียบเทียบด้วยพุทธลักษณแล้ว แลตรัสเทศนาโดย marks of the buddhas called the "Body of the dhammakāyabuddhalakkhaṇaṃ 62 นามบญั ญตั ิชื่อวา่ ธรรมกาย Dhammas" (dhammakāyabuddhalakkhaṇaṃ)

…is buddhañāṇ(a) which the Buddha compared with which is the leader away from the world (lo- his characteristics and praised by name as dhar- kanāyakaṃ); makāy(a), โลกนายก lokanāyakaṃ61 เป็นที่นาสัตว์ออกจากโลก …that which liberates beings from the world;… (35)โยคาวจรกุลปุต์เตนะ อันโยคาวจรกุลบุตร ผมู้ ีญาณอนั แก่กลา้ (The 3rd part) yogāvacarakulaputtena …by which the yogāvacarakulaputra who has a sharp ñāṇ(a), it is to be recollected (anussaritabbaṃ) repeatedly (punappunaṃ) by one in the lineage of the yogāvacara-s (yogāvacarakulaputtena) who มีปัญญากล้า ติกข์ ญาเณนะ possesses a keen intelligence (tikkhañāṇena) and who has the sharp pañña,… tikkhañāṇena who aspires (patthantena) to the state of an omniscient buddha (sabbaññūbuddhabhāvaṃ).64 ปัต์เถน์เตนะ เมื่อปารถนา (ซ่ึงภาวะแห่งตนเป็นสพั พญั ํูพทุ ธเจา้ ) patthentena …when [they] aim to attain…

60 DA,BD3 & GBD yassa tam uttamaṅgādi ñāṇaṃ subbaññutādikaṃ dhammakāyamattaṃ buddhāṃ name 61 DA & BD3 taṃ lokanāyakaṃ imaṃ dhammakāyabuddhalakkhaṇaṃ; GBD taṃ lokanāyakaṃ dhammakāyabuddhalakkhaṇaṃ 62 “dhammakāyabuddhalakkhaṇaṃ” can be translated as this Buddha‟s characters is called “braḥ dharmakāy(a)” 64 I consulted Walker for these re-translations.

สัพพัญํูพุท์ธภาว ซ่ึงภาวะแห่งตนเป็นสพั พญั ํูพทุ ธเจา้ sabbaññūbuddhabhāvaṃ …bhāva of themselves to become an omniscient buddha…

อนุส์สริตัพ์พ พึงรฎก(พึงระลึก) anussaritabbaṃ …[they] should recall [braḥ dharmakāy(a)]…

ปุนัป์ปุน เนืองๆ punappunaṃ63 …frequently. (36)พุท์โธ อนั วา่ พระโคดมสมั มาสมั พทุ ธเจา้ The Buddha Gotama,who is twelve saak-s buddho65 The Buddha Gotama, tall;[his] swelling sublime uṇhiṣa is comparable to a great crown, which is six saak-s in size, and ท๎วาทสหัต์โถ สูง ๑๒ ศอก [braḥ uṇhiṣa] is always composed of flame-like radiance. dvādasahattho66 [who is] twelve saak-s67tall;

อุณ๎หิโส อนั วา่ พระอุณหิษอนั สูงข้ึน เปรียบประดุจมหามงกุฎ uṇhiso the high braḥ uṇhiṣa is comparable to a great crown,

ฉหัต์โถ ๖ ศอก chahattho six saaks,

อัค์คิสิขูปโม ประกอบด้วยพระรัศมีประดุจเปลวเพลิง Aggisikhūpamo Braḥ uṇhiṣa is composed of braḥ raśamī like a flame

63 DA & BD3 yogāvacarakulaputtena tikkhañāṇena sabbaññubuddhabhāvaṃ patthentena punappunaṃ anussaritabbaṃ; GBD yogāvacarakulaputtena tik- khañāāena subbaññu buddhabhāvaṃ punnappunnaṃ anussaritabbaṃ 65 It is only found in GBD. 66 It is only found in GBD. 67 Saak, ศอก is the Thai measure word for height, 1 saak = 0.5 m.

นิจ์จ เป็นนิจ nicca …always. (37)โส พุทโธ อนั วา่ พระโคดมสมั มาสมั พทุ ธเจา้ น้นั The Buddha Gotama himself has eighteen saak-s so buddho68 The Buddha Gotama himself … tall in total, including the sublime uṇhisa, that buddhas intrinsically possesses. อัฏฐารสโก สูง ๑๘ ศอก 69 aṭṭhārasako …has eighteen saak-s tall in total,

สห กบั 70 saha including…

อุณหิเสน พระอุณหิษ 71 uṇhisena …braḥ uṇhiṣa…

ภเว พึงมี 72 bhave intrinsically have (38)พุท์ธรังสิโย อนั วา่ พระพทุ ธรัศมีท้งั หลาย All radiances of the buddhas consist of six ele- buddharaṅsiyo All the radiance of the Buddhas ments gushing from [their bodies]. ฉัพ์พิธา มีประการ ๖ chabbidhā ..have six elements… นิกข์ นั ์ตา พงุ่ ออก nikkhantā …gushing from,

68 It is only found in GBD. 69 It is only found in GBD. 70 It is not found in DA, BD3 and GBD. 71 It is not found in DA, BD3 and GBD. 72 It is only found in GBD; buddho dvādasahattho chahattho aggisikhūpamo pavaggo uṇahiso niccaṃ so aṭṭhārasako bhavo ฯ พฺระธมฺมกาย ฯ

(39)เอกเมกายะ โลมายะ แตพ่ ระโลมาแตล่ ะเส้นๆ Each body hair [of buddhas] circulates in a sphere; ekamekāya lomāya each body hair… some hairs are long, and some are short or round; some emanate from their face, and some gush อาวฏา เวียนไป from their lateral part. āvaṭā …circulates…

มัณ์ฑลา เป็นปริมณฑล maṇḍalā in a sphere;

ทีฆา รัส์สา มัณ์ฑลกาปิ จะ มีช่ออนั ยาวบา้ ง ส้นั บา้ ง กลมบ้าง dīghā rassā maṇḍalakāpi ca some hairs are long, and some are short or round;

อาธาวัน์ติ จะ พงุ่ ไปเบ้ืองพระ(ภักตร) พักตร์บ้าง ādhāvanti ca some emanate from their face,

วิธาวัน์ติ จะ พงุ่ ไปขา้ งพระองคบ์ า้ ง vidhāvanti ca some emanate from their lateral part of braḥ aṅg(a). (40)พุท์ธร สิโย อนั วา่ พระพทุ ธเจา้ ท้งั หลาย All buddhas have six rays glowing from [their buddharaṃ siyo All buddhas have six rays glowing from their bodies: bodies]: [Frist], being the sublime green radiance; ฉัพ์พิธา มีประการ ๖ [Second], being the sublime yellow radiance; [Third], being the sublime white radiance; chabbidhā have six rays: [Fourth], being the sublime red-and-yellow- combined radiance; นีลา คือ พระรัศมีสีเขียว [Fifth], being the sublime brilliant radiance; nīlā being a green braḥ raśamī; [Sixth], being the sublime dark red radiance.

ปีตา คือ พระรัศมีสีเหลือง pitā being a yellow braḥ raśamī;

โอทาตา คือ พระรัศมีขาว odātā being a white braḥ raśamī;

มัญ์เชฏ์ฐา คือ พระรัศมีแดงสาลาน (เหลืองปนแดง) mañjeṭṭhā being a red-and-yellow-combined braḥ raśamī;

ปภัส์สรา คือ พระรัศมีเลื่อม พรายๆ pabhassarā being a brilliant braḥ raśamī;

โลหิตาปิ จะ วัณ์ณาภา คือ พระรัศมีมีพรรณอันแดง lohitāpi ca vaṇṇābhā being a dark red braḥ raśamī;

ปมุญ์จัน์ติ เปล่งออก pamuñcanti glowing from. (41)วินายโก อนั วา่ พระบรมนายกโลกนารถ(นาถ) This is the greatest leader of the world [known as vināyako This is the greatest leader of the world, the Buddha], who seeks the sublime morality etc.; he is more supreme than animals; he is more sub- มเหสี แสวงหาศีลาทิคุณอันประเสริฐ lime than other divine being including Indra and Braḥmā; he is more sublime than human beings; mahesī [who] seeks for the sublime śīlādiguṇ(a); he crosses the bank of [the cycle of birth and death], which is the realm of Nibbāna, by his own สพั พ์ โลกคั โ์ ค ล้า เลิศกวา่ สรรพสตั ว ์ efforts; he also brings other beings to cross [the sabbalokaggo [he] is more supreme than animals; bank of the cycle of birth and death], which is the realm of Nibbāna; he conquers the five evil ones; เทวเทโว ประเสริฐกวา่ เทพยดาอินทร์พรหม no-one is comparable to him, and there are no devadevo [he] is more sublime than other divine being; words to analogise [the virtues of the Buddha].

นรุต์ตโม ประเสริฐกวา่ มนุษย ์ naruttamo [he] is more sublime than human beings;

อุต์ติณ์โณ ขา้ มฝ่ังคือพระนิพพานดว้ ยพระองค ์ uttiṇṇo [he] crosses the bank, which is braḥ nibbān(a), by his own efforts;

โลกสัน์ตาโร ยงั สตั วโ์ ลกให้ขา้ มถึงฝ่ัง คือ พระนิพพาน lokasantāro [he also] brings other beings to cross the bank, which is braḥ nibbāna;

ชิโน ชา นะแก่ปัญจพิธมาร jino [he] conquers pañcabidhamār(a); อัป์ปฏิปุค์คโล appaṭipuggalo หาบุคคลจะเปรียบเทียบมิได้ no-one is comparable to him; นิรุป์ปโม niruppamo หาที่จะอุปมามิได้ there are no words to analogise. (42)ร สี อนั วา่ พระรัศมี The radiance of the honorable one is like an orna- raṃsī The radiance… ment adorning his body.

ตัส์สะ ภควโต แห่งพระผมู้ ีพระภาคยน์ ้นั tassa bhagavato …of the honorable one…

สัพ์พาภรณภูสิตา ประดุจเครื่องสรรพอาภรณ์ ประดับพระองค์ sabbābharaṇabhūsitā …is like an ornament adorning braḥ aṅg(a).

(43)การณ อนั วา่ อจั ฉริยะเหตุ The cause of charismatic intelligence of all divine kāraṇaṃ The cause of charismatic intelligence… beings and human beings is not the same as that of the Buddha himself, [and therefore the charismatic intelligence of all divine beings and human be- อัญ์เญส เทวมนุส์สาน แห่งเทพยดา แลมนุษยท์ ้งั หลายอื่น ings] is not comparable to that of the Buddha. aññesaṃ devamanussānaṃ …of divine beings and all manuṣaya…

มัญ์เญ การณ จะเหมือนด้วยอัจฉริยะเหตุ maññe kārañaṃ …is not the same as…

พุท์ธัส์สะ เอวะ แห่งสมเด็จพระสมั มาสมั พทุ ธเจา้ พระองคเ์ ดียว buddassa eva …that of the Buddha himself;

นะ โหติ หา บ มิได้ na hoti nothing is comparable to him

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