The Centrality of Small Islands in Arctic Norway from the Viking Age to Recent Historic Period

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The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology

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The Centrality of Small Islands in Arctic Norway From the Viking Age to Recent Historic Period

Stephen Wickler

To cite this article: Stephen Wickler (2016) The Centrality of Small Islands in Arctic Norway From the Viking Age to Recent Historic Period, The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology, 11:2, 171-194, DOI: 10.1080/15564894.2015.1134728

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Published online: 26 Jan 2016.

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Download by: [UiT Norges arktiske universitet] Date: 04 November 2016, At: 07:25 The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology, 11:171–194, 2016 Copyright © 2016 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1556-4894 print / 1556-1828 online DOI: 10.1080/15564894.2015.1134728

The Centrality of Small Islands in Arctic Norway From the Viking Age to Recent Historic Period

Stephen Wickler Department of Cultural Sciences, Tromsø University Museum, University of Tromsø, Tromsø, Norway

ABSTRACT

The definition of island marginality in northern Norway was radically altered by the advent of motorized fishing vessels in the early twentieth century. Prior to this development, small offshore islands were of central importance for marine related activity due to their proximity to fishing grounds. This article presents four settlements on small and “marginal” islands in Arctic Norway from 68◦19’ to 71◦05’Nlatitude as cases that illustrate the centrality of such locations in a maritime context since the Viking Age (AD 800–1050). Although the islands are situated in exposed locations that appear inhospitable and barren, they

were the focus of ﬁshing activity spanning nearly a millennium from the medieval period (AD 1050–1540) through the nineteenth century. Settlement mounds are a distinctive northern Norwegian coastal site type where favorable conditions have resulted in the accumulation of substantial cultural deposits from long-term use and occupation of spe- ciﬁc locations. Results of recent mound site excavations from each of the four island settlements are reviewed in relation to the insights they provide into small island contexts linked to larger networks of maritime interaction.

Keywords ﬁshing settlement, medieval period, northern Norway, settlement mounds, small island archaeology

Life in northern Norway has been depen- communities since the Mesolithic when oc- dent on the sea and marine resources since cupation of offshore islands reﬂected the initial settlement following the retreating maritime orientation of hunter-gatherer set- ice at least 11,500 years ago. Small islands tlement (Bjerck 2009, 2014). Although set- have played a signiﬁcant role for maritime tlement along the coast, including coastal

Received 12 October 2015; accepted 15 December 2015. Address correspondence to Stephen Wickler, Department of Cultural Sciences, Tromsø University Mu- seum, University of Tromsø, Tromsø N-9037, Norway. E-mail: [email protected] Color versions of one or more of the ﬁgures in the article can be found online at http://www.tandfonline.com/uica.

171 Stephen Wickler

islands, in northern Norway has been the ity and the fluidity of boundaries, and net- subjectofextensivearchaeologicalinterest,I works of maritime interaction. As Rainbird would argue that archaeologists have under- (2007:163–70) has convincingly argued, by communicated the importance of small is- turning our attention from an archaeology lands as central nodes in coastal communi- of islands towards an archaeology of the sea, cation, contact, and exchange binding the wefreeourselvesfromtheconfinesofislands inhabitants of northern Norway to one an- as bounded entities to embrace connectivity other since the Stone Age. This is paralleled between maritime communities in which is- bythecontemporarysituationinwhichsmall lands are an essential component. Scholars of islands that were formerly socio-economic the Norwegian past have yet to articulate an midpoints have been transformed into de- archaeology of the sea or islands, due in part populated remote entities on the margins of to the fact that the abundance of islands and society over the past century. importance of the sea are taken for granted. The subject of fishing settlement in Fostering maritime perspectives is also hin- northern Norway, in which small islands dered by the continuing tendency to view play a key role, has been a topic of debate the sea and its islands differently from the over many years with alternative explana- (main)land. tory models presented by archaeologists. A My objective in this article is to present fundamental issue being debated is the de- specific cases that contribute to document- gree to which fishing was dependent upon ing the assertion that diminutive islands in agriculture as a prerequisite for the existence northern Norway were neither isolated nor and growth of fishing settlements where ac- detached from society, but functioned as es- cesstograinwasofcentralimportance.Some sential nodes in networks of maritime in- scholars contend that permanent settlement teraction in a sea of islands at the intrare- in areas lacking agricultural potential was not gional, interregional, and transnational level. feasible until stable access to imported grain While I do not intend to argue that small was established by the Hanseatic merchants islands have a more privileged role relative beginning in the thirteenth century (Ned- to larger islands, they do have the poten- kvitne 1983; Nielssen 1993). On the other tial to reveal more direct linkages to fish- hand, there is also a long tradition supporting ing and marine resources in general. Con- an alternative model in which the central im- nections to small islands were also central portance of fishing for settlement since the components in the web of relationships be- Stone Age is emphasized (Gjessing 1941) and tween outward-looking, dynamic maritime maritime resources viewed as both essen- communities exposed to impulses and influ- tial and sufficient for settlement (Bertelsen ences from the burgeoning urban centers of 2011). Even in the region of northern Nor- Europe during the period being addressed way to the south of the limit for grain produc- here. The maritime communities of north- tion in the vicinity of Tromsø, the focus has ern Norway also possessed a highly devel- been on a mixed fisher-farmer (fiskerbonde) oped nautical technology within the Nordic economy where agriculture is secondary to clinker boat and ship-building tradition cou- marine resources. The romantic icon of the pled with seamanship skills developed since small farmer in the Norwegian nationalistic the Early Iron Age in which the sea was narrative has also contributed to a neglect of viewed as a highway rather than a barrier coastal maritime culture (kystkultur)(Hund- (Wickler 2004). stad 2014). The following section provides a short The expanding interest in the archae- overview of the history of settlement mound ology of islands and the sea (Barrett 2012; archaeology in northern Norway. Settlement Boomert and Bright 2007; Fitzpatrick 2004; mounds are a distinctive northern Norwe- Rainbird 2007; Van de Noort 2011) has led to gian coastal site type that provide the prin- a fruitful ongoing dialogue addressing issues cipal source of documentation for the four surrounding “islandscapes” and “seascapes” small island case studies I will be examining. such as isolation and connectedness, insular- The presence of substantial well-preserved

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cultural deposits in mound sites represent- undertaken in the 1960s (Munch 1966). The ing continuous activity over long periods is Helgøy Project (1975–1980), which con- a valuable asset in mapping the history of ducted multidisciplinary research focusing maritime use and settlement at each of the on “eco-ethno” processes since AD 1 within settlement locations. Following the settle- a region of northern Troms comprised of ment mound overview, excavation results seven large islands, was a milestone for from each case location are reviewed and settlement mound documentation. Sixteen assessed as distinctive site histories illustrat- mounds, most less than 2,000 m2,were ing the diversity of maritime activity found recorded and excavation undertaken in all on small islands. butoneincluding27testunits,mostlessthan 2.5 m2, but also three larger areal excavations up to 4 × 4 m. Although an overview of the SETTLEMENT MOUND ARCHAEOLOGY excavation results, including basal radiocarbon dates from 13 mounds, is presented by The accumulation of domestic refuse, turf Holm-Olsen (1981), and Bratrein (1989) pro- and other structural remains, dung from do- vides additional site information, a detailed mestic livestock, and other material associ- reportofthemoundexcavationshasyettobe ated with long-term use and occupation of published. The mound sites are interpreted specific locations has resulted in the forma- as representing settlement initiated around tion of a site type commonly referred to as a AD 1350 with a gradual increase in number “farm mound” (gardshaug)˚ in the archaeo- until the seventeenth century. Only two of logical literature. The combination of turf as the mounds are located on small offshore is- the dominant construction material, a cold lands, and these remain undated. climate conducive to slow decomposition, The Helgøy Project was also noteworthy and topography that offers few alternatives for its aim to “develop methods for distinguishing Sami from Norwegian settlements” for settlement locations have all contributed to an abundance of settlement mounds along in a multiethnic settlement area (Mathiesen the coast of northern Norway. Although a to- et al. 1981:81). It was argued that a new tal of approximately 900 settlement mound group of people moved into the Helgøy re- sites are recorded in the national site reg- gion around AD 1300 and that these new ister (Figure 1), it is estimated that 1,500– settlements are represented by the “Norwe- 2,000 mounds exist in northern Norway (see gian” settlement mounds. In contrast, turf “farm mound” overviews by Bertelsen and houseremainsinterpretedastraditionalSami Lamb 1993; Urbanczyk´ 1992:105–120). Set- dwellings (gamme) are found in different lo- tlement mound sites vary significantly in size cations suggesting settlement by two sep- with cultural deposits up to seven meters in arate ethnic groups in distinct ecological thickness and dimensions of several hundred zones (Søbstad 1981). The project results fur- meters, although mounds with an area of ther suggested that the two groups coexisted 2000–3000 m2 and 1–2 m thick deposits are as separate entities for some 500 years until more common (Bertelsen 1979:3) and many externalforcesforcedtheSamitoemigrateor are significantly smaller. The main period of assimilate in the eighteenth and nineteenth mound formation extends from the eleventh centuries. More recent research has rejected century through to the recent historic period the model of rigid territorial boundaries be- and occupied structures are still common on tween Sami and Norse settlement areas dur- mound sites. Although some mounds have ingthemedievalperiodandlaterpre-modern been dated to the Early Iron Age (Jørgensen era (Hansen and Olsen 2014). 1984), these are distinct from the later sites Early mound investigations focused on that will be addressed here. larger sites associated with farmsteads and It was not until the 1950s that settle- a review of farm mound research by Ber- ment mounds were formally recognized as telsen (1979) linked mounds with agricul- an archaeological feature (Simonsen 1954) tural activity and medieval farms. In a later and the first modern mound excavation was review, Bertelsen continued to use the term

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 173 Stephen Wickler

Figure 1. Map showing the distribution of settlement mound sites in Norway (Norwegian National Site Register, accessed September 2015).

“farm mound,” although farm is defined as maritime-based coastal and island settlement including “a permanent coastal settlement and masks the inherent variability between where the main economic activities are live- settlement mound sites. stock breeding, fishing and seal hunting” By the beginning of the 1990s, about a (Bertelsen and Lamb 1993:545). However, dozen more substantial settlement mound more recent articles advocate use of the term excavations had taken place, although none “settlement mound” since mounds reflect of these covered more than a small area of a variety of settlement types in addition to each mound. About 30 small-scale excava- farms (Bertelsen 2011; Mook and Bertelsen tions had also been carried out and data 2007). The focus on associating farming with existed on the character of deposits from mound formation reflects the general em- more than 50 mounds (Bertelsen and Lamb phasis on agricultural settlement mentioned 1993:544–545; Simonsen 2002). Andreassen earlier that underplays the importance of and Bratrein (2011) undertook a research

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project that documented “farm mounds” The presence of both Sami and multiethnic associated with specialized fishing villages mound sites in northern Norway is to be ex- (fiskevær) in western Finnmark in the 1980s pected, but the question of how ethnic iden- and 1990s. Basal radiocarbon dates from tity is expressed through material culture re- their limited test pit excavations in nine of mains highly problematic. For example, tra- the 15 investigated mound sites document ditional Sami antler spoons are widespread initial mound formation from the thirteenth in medieval and post-reformation settlement to fifteenth centuries equated with the ad- mound deposits with at least 15 spoons iden- vent of extensive Norwegian fishing settle- tified from dated contexts, but these arti- ment along the outer coast. As with the facts were commonly used by both Sami and Helgøy Project, nearly all of the documented Norse groups (Skandfer 1996). The distri- mound sites are on larger islands. bution of antler spoons does suggest an es- From 1990 to 2010, an estimated 37 tablished coexistence between the two eth- settlement mound investigations involving nic groups up until about AD 1700 when monitoring and excavation were undertaken their use declines significantly (Skandfer within a heritage management framework. 1996:106). Only one of these, a 56 m2 excavation of cultural deposits up to 1.5 m thick in a Maritime Mound Histories 119 × 80 m settlement mound at Bergsod- den in Harstad in 2009 (Olsen 2012), can be The establishment of a significant num- characterized as extensive. At least 10 struc- ber of mound sites can be associated with tures were documented at Bergsodden and intensification of fishing activity, particu- 150 liters of bone midden analyzed from cul- larly the winter cod fishery, focused on tural deposits extending from the late thir- the production of dried cod (stockfish) that teenth century through to the recent historic was controlled by chieftains within a redis- period. The remains of a Bronze Age cooking tributive economy during the Viking Age pit and stray finds from the Stone Age doc- (Perdikaris and McGovern 2009; Wickler ument pre-medieval activity underlying the 2013). However, the scope and capacity for mound. A notable increase in the number long-distance transport of fish products such of settlement mound investigations related as stockfish was limited during this period to heritage management has occurred since given the restricted nature of existing ex- 2010, with nine in 2011 alone, but nearly all change networks and inadequate produc- have been restricted to monitoring of mecha- tion of larger merchant vessels (Nedkvitne nized digging activity providing limited new 1985). The dramatic social transformation knowledge of mound histories. that accompanied the introduction of Chris- Although settlement mounds have been tianity and control of resources by the crown predominantly interpreted, both explicitly in the early medieval period is reflected in and implicitly, as reflecting Norse activity, fishery production. The commercialization Sami mound sites have also been docu- of cod fisheries that took place in the thir- mented. Andersen (1992) has claimed that teenth century was spurred by European ur- the development of coastal Sami farmsteads banization and the demand for stockfish gen- in the Ofoten region of Nordland can be erated by Catholic Lenten fare requirements traced through the formation of settlement (Nielssen 2014; Urbanczyk´ 1992). The rise mounds. Mound formation commences in of the Hansa and control of trade by the Ger- the High Middle Ages in outer Ofoten but man Hanseatic merchants based in Bergen by mound sites originating in the Late Middle the fourteenth century also had a dramatic Ages are concentrated in the inner fjord impact on stockfish export and, indirectly, areas. The development of mound sites is settlement mound site development. attributed to a stabilization of settlement Coastal and offshore island settlement due to increased emphasis on agriculture, mound sites are commonly associated with livestock breeding, and fishing in addition fishing activity combined with a limited to trade access (Andersen 1992:158–161). amount of livestock breeding to supply

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 175 Stephen Wickler

meat, wool, and dairy products. Mound sites remains, a settlement mound, and a late his- are also a hallmark of fishing settlement toric fishing station site (Figure 3). As the re- (fiskevær) expansion northward on islands sults of this project have been recently pub- along the outer coast of northern Norway lished in detail (Wickler and Narmo 2014), representing Norse colonization of Sami set- the presentation here will be limited to a gen- tlement areas in northern Troms and Finn- eral overview. mark. In order to illustrate the significance Fishing-related house structures re- and diversity of maritime-oriented mound vealed initial temporary and intermittent oc- sites in northern Norway, four “small is- cupation during the Merovingian Period (cal land” settlement mound histories will be AD 670–715) with expanded use by the early presented in a geographical sequence from Viking Age (cal AD 770–880) and probable south to north (Figure 2; Table 1). permanent occupation later in the Viking This northward progression reflects an Age. The location of structures was main- attendant diminished importance in the role tained for many centuries due to optimal of agriculture and livestock breeding relative placement in the maritime landscape with to fishing activity. Starting with the island convenient access to a sheltered natural har- of Borgvær in the core Norse settlement re- borandadvantageousboatlandinglocations. gion of the Lofoten Islands, we travel north- Initial occupation of the settlement mound ward to a small fisher-farmer settlement on tookplaceduringthetransitionfromtheIron Halvardsøy along the outer coast of Senja in Age to medieval period and was followed by central Troms and a seasonal fishing base on continuous permanent settlement up until Grimsholmen in northern Troms. The final the middle of the fifteenth century. Occupa- stop is a long-term marine exploitation site at tion was reestablished in the sixteenth cen- Finnes on Ingøy in western Finnmark, close tury and continued into the seventeenth cen- to Norway’s northernmost point. tury. Settlement mound development can be linked to intensified fishing activity and commercialization of winter cod fishing in the twelfth century. Intensive fishing activity in BORGVÆR: A MILLENNIUM OF the recent historic period is reflected by the FISHING SETTLEMENT IN THE LOFOTEN occupation of multiple site locations with ISLANDS the establishment of a trading station and large fishing station (fiskevær) settlement in Borgvær is a small, low-lying island located the late 1700s. 2.5 km from the outer shoreline of the large Settlement on Borgvær sheds light on island Vestv˚agøy and c. 8.5 km from the Iron the origins and development of the com- Age chieftain center at Borg (Munch et al. mercialized North Atlantic cod trade in Lo- 2003) in the Lofoten Islands. Borgvær was foten. A widespread trade in dried cod had owned by the Church through the ecclesias- developed by the twelfth century, account- tical leader at Borg and fishing from Borgvær ing for ca. 80 percent of Norwegian exports provided a source of income for the parish in the High Middle Ages (Nedkvitne 1976). priest at Borg during the High Middle Ages Lofoten has long been a center for stockfish (AD 1200–1400) (Nielssen 1977, 2009). A production, which played a decisive role in similar relationship to the Borg chieftain was the growth of large fishing stations and vil- probable in the Viking Age (Nielssen 2009:1, lages (Nielssen 2011). Parallels to the fishing- 2011:293). Borgvær was already a significant related settlement structures at Borgvær ap- fishing base in the Late Iron Age due to its at- pearelsewhereinLofotensuchasNusfjordin tractive position in close proximity to fishing Flakstad where similar structures have been grounds that provided an abundant and sta- dated from the Migration Period to Viking ble source of fish throughout the year. The Age. potential of Borgvær as a model for long-term Borgvær reflects the origins and devel- occupation predicated on marine resources opment of settlement mound occupation in was explored through excavation of house the core Norse region of Lofoten that can be

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Figure 2. Map showing archaeological site locations mentioned in the text (drafted by J. Arntzen).

Table 1. Overview of excavated sites.

Deposit Island size Site dimensions Excavated thickness Site location (km2) (m2) area (m2) (m) Site chronology

Borgvær mound 1.8 70 × 40 (2800) 1 2 AD 1000–1600 Halvardsøy .6 23 × 18 (414) 1 1 AD 1400–1900 mound Grimsholmen 1.6 75 × 60 (4500) 3 1 AD 1200–1900 mound Finnes, Ingøy 18.6 50 × 35 (1750) 5 1 (truncated) 400–200 BC (phase 1) AD 1200–1400 (phase 2)

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 177 Stephen Wickler

Figure 3. Map showing site locations on Borgvær (dafted by A. Icagic). linked directly to stockfish production and vesselsintheearly1900seliminatedtheneed trade (Wickler and Narmo 2014). The set- to row out to fish, the islands were rapidly de- tlement mound histories that follow reflect populated and houses moved to Senja, thus varied expressions of small island use and oc- transforming former focal points of maritime cupation within the maritime sphere. They activity into abandoned landscapes on the also include locations where Norse coloniza- social periphery. Two families lived on the tion took place within traditional Sami areas island in 1666 and it was a summer fishing during the medieval period. station (rorvær) in the late 1800s also used to a more limited extent in the winter season. As part of an archaeological survey of small islands along the outer coast of Senja HALVARDSØY: A SMALL FISHER-FARMER (Troms fylkeskommune 2010, 2011), a test SETTLEMENT IN CENTRAL TROMS excavation was conducted in a previously undocumented small settlement mound at Halvardsøy is one of numerous small islands a farmstead documented in the 1600s on scattered along the outer coastline of Senja, Halvardsøy (Wickler 2011). A 1.3 × .7 m ex- Norway’s second largest island, and lies in cavation unit placed near the mound margin Selfjord ca. 2.5 km from the coast of south- (Figure 4) revealed a 1 m thick cultural de- western Senja. A number of these islands had posit with a basal radiocarbon date of cal AD large fishing stations in the 1800s due to their 1390–1430 at two sigma (540 + /− 26 BP, advantageous proximity to fishing grounds. Wk-32841). Occupation evidence extended When the introduction of motorized fishing up until the late 1800s with multiple con-

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Figure 4. View of the Halvardsøy settlement mound looking east with excavation location indicated

(photo by S. Wickler).

Figure 5. Test unit proﬁle from Halvardsøy (drafted by S. Wickler and A. Icagic).

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 179 Stephen Wickler

struction phases, including a wooden plank sources from 1610 and onward provide in- house floor with flagstones and hearth inter- sights into life on the island which was used sected by an overlying stone wall (Figure 5). asafishingstation(rorvær) by visiting fish- A dense concentration of bone midden con- ermen from a widespread area during the sisting almost exclusively of fish mixed with spring and summer fishing season (Bratrein a limited quantity of cattle and sheep/goat 2014). An extensive summer trade with Po- was present above the house floor. The mor merchants from the White Sea region volume of fishbone in one 15 cm thick level took place from 1841 until the Russian rev- exceeded 12 liters. The artifact assemblage olution in 1918 in which flour, grain, rope, consisted of common domestic items and other goods were traded for fresh fish including ceramics, boat nails, strike-a-light that was salted and brought back to Russia. flints, clay pipe fragments, a bone-handled Two families of smallholders settled perma- knife, iron implements, and a whetstone. nentlyontheislandfrom1846to1919where The excavation results suggest that the they lived by fishing and raising a few sheep settlement mound was associated with a and goats. Use of the island as a seasonal fish- small-scale fisher-farmer farmstead focused ing base ended around 1910 with the advent on fishing with a limited amount of live- of motorized fishing vessels. stock. The basal mound date coincides with The remains of at least 27 turf structures, Norse fishing-related colonization of islands predominantly from the final phase of occu- alongtheoutercoastofTromsandFinnmark. pation in late 1800s, are visible on the sur- Given the absence of evidence for earlier ar- face of the site. The settlement mound was chaeological sites, the mound may represent first investigated archaeologically by histo- initial permanent settlement on the island. rian H˚avard Bratrein (1985) who excavated This is the only excavated site from the is- a1 × .9 m test unit adjacent to a cabin at lands along the outer coast of Senja and the the center of the mound (Figure 7). Cultural overallislandsettlementchronologyremains deposits extended to a depth of 1 m with a poorly documented. basal radiocarbon date of cal AD 1260–1400 at 2 σ (Table 2). The mound stratigraphy was interpreted as an accumulation of remains from turf huts (rorbugammer)withalim- GRIMSHOLMEN: 700 YEARS OF ited amount of domestic refuse and wooden SEASONAL FISHING IN NORTHERN floor at a depth of 50 cm. TROMS Additional excavation was undertaken byTromsøUniversityMuseumin2014asmit- igation for planned expansion of the cabin Grimsholmenisasmall,windswept,offshore 2 island facing the open ocean with difficult on the mound (Lind 2012). A 1 m unit ex- landing conditions generally restricting use cavated next to the cabin revealed a strati- to the more hospitable summer season. It lies graphic sequence similar to Bratrein’s unit. 3.5 km north of Burøy Island and 5 km east of The meter-thick cultural deposits have basal the northern end of the large island Vannøya dates from the late thirteenth to early four- and requires two hours of rowing to reach in teenth century with occupation continuing favorable conditions. A settlement mound is up until the late 1800s when the settlement located near the southern end of the island mound reached its largest areal extent. A se- (Figure 6). It lies directly above the most de- ries of eight radiocarbon dates record oc- pendable landing location on a narrow isth- cupation up until the seventeenth century mus with a shoreline that is lower lying and below a depth of 30 cm. A wooden floor more protected than the surrounding rugged with associated hearth dating to the late fif- landscape. teenth century was documented at a depth Grimsholmen was located in a coastal of 40–50 cm and a second wooden floor Sami settlement area not far from the north- from the fourteenth century at 80 cm. A ern boundary for Norse settlement in the me- foundation wall with rocks up to 35 cm dieval period (Bratrein 1989:216). Written in diameter had been constructed between

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Figure 6. Overview of the settlement mound site on Grimsholmen looking south (photo by S. Wick-

ler).

Figure 7. Plan view drawing of the Grimsholmen excavation area (drafted by S. Wickler and R. Mikalsen).

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 181

182 Table 2. Radiocarbon dates from Grimsholmen and Finnes.

Sample size Conventional 12C/13C Calibrated 14C age (AD unless Location and context Lab. no. (gm) Material∗ age (BP) ratio noted) (1 σ /2σ )∗∗

Grimsholmen mound site 1985 unit c. 100 cmbs T-6447 — Charcoal 670 ± 50 — 1280–1320/1260–1400 1m2 unit 30–40 cmbs Beta- 0.6 Birch (bark) 300 ± 30 −28.2 1520–1580/1490–1600 395853 40–50 cmbs Beta- 0.9 Birch (bark/twig) 320 ± 30 −29.5 1520–1590/1480–1650 395854 45 cmbs Beta- 0.9 Birch (bark/twig) 350 ± 30 −28.2 1570–1630/1540–1640 395855 50–60 cmbs Beta- 0.6 Birch (bark/twig) 300 ± 30 −27.2 1520–1580/1490–1600 395856 60–70 cmbs Beta- 0.3 Birch (twig) 560 ± 30 −26.6 1320–1350/1310–1360 395857 70–80 cmbs Beta- 0.9 Birch (twig) 660 ± 30 −27.0 1290–1310/1280–1320 395858 80–90 cmbs Beta- 1.3 Birch (unburnt 580 ± 30 −30.8 1320–1350/1300–1370 395859 bark) 80–90 cmbs Beta- 0.1 Birch (unburnt 590 ± 30 −28.1 1310–1360/1300–1370 407517 twig) 1 × 2 m trench Layer 7 (south proﬁle), Beta- 0.2 Birch (twig) 350 ± 30 −29.0 1570–1630/1540–1640 42–50 cmbs 395860 Layer 7 (lower wall), Beta- 2.4 Birch 670 ± 30 −26.2 1280–1310/1270–1320 50–60 cmbs 395861

Layer 7 (below wall), Beta- 0.2 Birch (bark/twig) 810 ± 30 −29.9 1220–1260/1170–1270 60–65 cmbs 395862 Layer 6/8 interface, Beta- 1.1 Birch 1150 ± 30 −26.9 920–970/780–970 62 cmbs 395863 Finnes site Excavation trench Layer7,nwcorner, Wk- .22 Heather/birch 2275 ± 30 −28.6 400–360 BC / 400–350 BC 50–55 cmbs 32845 Layer 7, below rock Wk- .23 Birch/birch twigs 2243 ± 29 −27.5 290–230 BC / 320–210 BC wall, c. 55 cmbs 32843 lower Layer 7, c. Wk- .22 Heather/birch 2237 ± 29 −26.3 300–230 BC / 320–210 BC 60 cmbs 32844 bark Layer 6, 95–100 cmbs Wk- .15 Birch 675 ± 27 −26.6 1280–1300 / 1270–1320 32846 Layer5,swcorner, Wk- .37 Birch 669 ± 28 −26.8 1280–1300 / 1280–1320 40–45 cmbs 32847 Layer5,swcorner,c. Wk- .23 Birch 667 ± 27 −26.7 1280–1300 / 1280–1320 45 cmbs 32848 Layer3,c.35cmbs Wk- .35 Birch 616 ± 27 −28.2 2300–1330 / 1290–1400 32842 Test unit (.8 × .5 m) Layer3,40cmbs Wk- 2.1 Birch 802 ± 26 −27.1 1220–1260 / 1190–1270 30431

∗AMS except for 1985 date. Charcoal except Beta-395859 and Beta-407517. ∗∗Bronk Ramsey 2009; Reimer et al. 2013. Calibrated with OxCal 4.2.4. 183 Stephen Wickler

Figure 8. Grimsholmen excavation trench south and west profiles (drafted by S. Wickler and R. Mikalsen). the two floor levels. Sediment samples from fill layer with beach gravel and rocks up to each of the test unit strata were collected for 25 cm in diameter (Layer 6 and 5) below the micro-morphological and geochemical anal- nineteenth-century deposits (Layer 1-3). The ysis as part of ongoing research for the “InSit- upper fill stratum extends above the rock uFarms” project focusing on the documen- wall and is post-medieval. The culturally ster- tation and monitoring of preservation condi- ile basal stratum in the trench (Layer 8) con- tions in selected northern Norwegian “farm sists of water-rounded rocks representing a mounds”. A2 × 1 m trench excavated three me- 2

ters north of the 1 m unit documented what is interpreted as the northern margin of the medieval mound. The mound boundary is delineated by a structural wall ca. 30 cm high with rocks up to 35 cm in diameter that extended into the south trench profile (Figure 8). A radiocarbon date of cal AD 1170–1270 from a charcoal concentration at the base of the wall with a soapstone fishing line sinker fragment (Figure 9) suggests initial mound-related occupation by the thirteenth century. A date of cal AD 1270–1320 was obtained from compact peaty turf in the lower wall (Layer 7). A third date of cal AD 1540–1640 from a charcoal concentration in the south face profile adjacent to the upper wall documents early post-medieval occupation. The overlying strata consist of a culturally sterile beach gravel fill (Layer 5), peaty turf with minimal cultural material (Layer 3/4), and loose silty turf with nineteenth- century finds (Layer 1) and fishbone concentrations (Layer 2). The strata in the trench to the north of the structural wall have minimal cultural ma- Figure 9. Soapstone fishing line sinker from terial and consist of a lower compact peaty Grimsholmen (photo by A. Icagic). turf in the west (Layer 7) and a massive

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Figure 10. Tanned cowhide offcut with intact eye area from the sixteenth-century cultural deposit (1 m2 test unit, 45–50 cm bs) on Grimsholmen (photo by A. Icagic). raisedcobblebeachdeposit.Asmallcharcoal from roof construction. House foundations concentration at the upper interface of this had stacked rock walls with multiple re- stratum under the fill layer in the northeast building phases. The artifact assemblage ap- corner of the trench produced a Viking Age pears to reflect male-oriented activity with date of cal AD 780–970. Although lacking as- strike-a-light flints, fragments of iron objects sociated cultural remains, the date confirms dominated by boat nails, a soapstone fish- use of the island prior to medieval mound ing sinker, shoe remains, and offcuts from development. leather clothing manufacture using tanned Bone midden in the mound is restricted hides brought to the island (Figure 10). No to the most recent period where there are domestic objects suggestive of female activ- dense concentrations of fish bone and a ities such as bakestones and spindle whorls majority of the mound deposit consists of commonly occurring in settlement mound turfstructuralremainsmixedwithbirchbark deposits were recovered. The medieval de-

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 185 Stephen Wickler

posit had very few ceramic sherds and only The 2011 excavation included a series small fragments of textile and glass. In sum, of .5 m2 test units to provide a site profile the Grimsholmen settlement mound reflects and document the extent of disturbance, and a restricted range of activities undertaken in a3.6 × 1.3 m trench placed within the connection with seasonal occupation for the floor area of a turf structure from the final specific purpose of fishing maintained over phase of occupation, a nineteenth-century a period of approximately 700 years. fishing station (Figure 11 and Figure 12). Although the earlier unauthorized excavation had removed the uppermost cultural FINNES, INGØY: A MULTIPLE-PHASE deposits, a majority of the medieval deposit MARINE EXPLOITATION SITE IN and the earlier occupation strata were largely WESTERN FINNMARK undisturbed. Deposits containing cultural remains extended to a depth of one meter with Ingøy is an island of moderate size located two temporally distinct occupation phases to the northeast of Sørøya, Norway’s fourth (Figure 13). largest island and the largest lacking road ac- The site was initially used as a temporary cess to the mainland, along the outermost marine hunting and fishing base with multi- coast of western Finnmark. The exposed ple episodes of activity in the Early Metal Pe- northern coast of Ingøy lies in close prox- riod from ca. 400 to 200 BC based on three imity to rich fishing grounds and is skirted by radiocarbon dates (Table 2). This phase is numerous small islands and skerries that pro- representedbyalayerofsiltyshellsandup vide shelter from the open ocean. The Finnes to 10 cm thick (Layer 7) that was restricted site is located along the northwest coast of to the northern portion of the trench. Due Ingøy on the leeward side of a point of land to excellent preservation conditions, a num- with access to a shallow inlet providing a ber of complete bone fishhooks and a har- natural landing place. Finnes is a common poon point as well as unfinished fishhooks place name in northern Norway and trans- and other bone manufacturing waste were lates to Sami (finn)point(nes). Ingøy lies recovered from this layer. The finds are strik- within a core Sami settlement area with min- ingly similar to fishing gear from the island of imal Norse presence until the High Middle Kjelmøy in Sør-Varanger, eastern Finnmark, Ageswhenfishingsettlementsspreadrapidly that gives its name to the Kjelmøy archae- along the outer coast. ological phase (900–1 BC) (Olsen 1994). A Although Ingøy does not have the rich faunal assemblage was also present in diminutivesizeoftheotherislandspresented this stratum, including well-preserved bones here, the position of Finnes along the ex- of seals, seabirds, and fish. treme outer coast and its focus on marine There was a hiatus in site use until the exploitation resembles the situation for the medieval period when occupation recom- smaller islands. The site was first recorded menced with activity during the late thir- in 2010 when unauthorized digging begun teenth to early fourteenth century confirmed in 2008 by an amateur local historian was by three radiocarbon dates with a collective brought to the attention of an archaeolo- age range of cal AD 1270–1320. An additional gist. Inspection of finds from the “excava- radiocarbon date of cal AD 1190–1270 sug- tion” indicated that the site had a multiple- gests that initial medieval occupation may phase occupation likely extending back to have taken place up to a century earlier. This the Early Metal Period (1800–1 BC). Follow- date was obtained from the base of the cul- ing a site inspection and damage assessment tural deposit in a .8 × .5 test unit under the (Vollan et al. 2010), the Directorate for Cul- wall of the late historic turf structure one me- tural Heritage financed a project by Tromsø ter from the northwest corner of the trench. University Museum in 2011 to document the There was a continued focus on ma- stratigraphic sequence in the previously ex- rine exploitation in the initial medieval cavated area and secure the site from further phase with abundant bone midden com- damage. prised of similar species of seal, bird, and

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Figure 11. Overview of the Finnes site looking to the southwest (photo by S. Wickler).

fish as those being exploited during the Early with shell sand and small waterworn stones Metal Period and an absence of terrestrial while the upper fill (Layer 4A) consists pri- fauna. Seal bones are dominated by the marily of complete and broken shells from common seal (Phoca vitulina)withafew the northern horse mussel (Modiolus modi- bones of gray seal (Halichoerus grypus). The olus) which is traditionally used for bait and most numerous seabird species, in descend- can also be eaten. Concentrations of bone ing order of importance, are the common midden were scattered throughout the fill shag (Phalacrocorax aristotelis), kittiwake deposit. The remains of a substantial north- (Rissa triactyla), and northern fulmar (Ful- south oriented 2.5 × .5 m stacked rock foun- maris glacialis). A majority of the fish bone dation wall with bakestone fragments but is from Atlantic cod (Gadus morhua), al- few other artifacts was situated within the though a significant amount of Atlantic hal- upper fill layer. ibut (Hippoglossus hippoglossus) and lesser A second phase of medieval occupation quantities of tusk (Brosme brosme) and ling suggestive of incipient settlement mound (Molva molva) are present. development (Layer 3) overlies the fill de- The basal strata from this phase is a com- posit and has a single radiocarbon date of pact silt in the southern half of the trench cal AD 1290–1400. The deposit had been with charcoal and bone but few artifacts severely truncated by the unauthorized exca- (Layer 6). A substantial fill layer with bone vation in addition to disturbance from recent midden and a few artifacts had been de- historic fishing station activity. This phase posited above this stratum and extended is interpreted as representing more inten- across the entire trench. The lower fill (Layer sive occupation with finds such as strike-a- 4B) is a mixture of shell fragments mixed light flint, a soapstone spindle whorl, stone

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 187 Stephen Wickler

Figure 12. Site plan drawing from Finnes (drafted by C. Valen). gaming piece, and bakestone fragments. A ingfrom25to50cmusedtobakebread double-sided antler (most likely from rein- over the hearth during the medieval and deer) comb with single side plates fitted with post-reformation period. The presence of in- bronze rivets was also recovered from this cised grooves on the side where the bread layer (Figure 14). Four similar antler combs was baked is a distinguishing feature. The fromtheearlierunauthorizedexcavationcan Finnes bakestones are made of green schist be attributed to the same occupation phase. for which known quarry sites are restricted These include combs classified as Type D3 to three locations; Øye in Sør-Trøndelag, and D6 (Wiberg 1977) and Type 13 (Ashby Rennesøy in Rogaland, and Ølve-Hatlestrand 2011) in existing typologies. Double-sided in Sunnhordland, the latter representing the combs first become common in the thir- largestandmostimportantlocationwithpro- teenth century and similar combs dating to duction dating back to c. 1030–1100 (Baug the fourteenth century have been excavated 2015:36). at Bryggen in Bergen (Gitte Hansen, personal The final phase of medieval occupation communication). It is most plausible that the at Finnes may be contemporaneous with Finnes combs were produced in Bergen or the large (180 × 150 m) fishing settlement elsewhere in southern Norway and imported mound at Inga on the north coast of Ingøy, a in exchange for fish. straight-line distance of 1.7 km from Finnes. The bakestone fragments found in the Although the earliest dates from limited test rock wall fill are also imports potentially excavation at Inga are from the fifteenth cen- linked to the stockfish trade. Bakestones are tury, the excavators note that initial mound roundedtoovalinshapewithdiametersrang- occupation is likely to be older (Andreassen

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Figure 13. Excavation trench east proﬁle face at Finnes (drafted by S. Wickler and A. Icagic).

Figure 14. Double-sided antler comb from the fourteenth-century deposit at Finnes (photo by A. Icagic).

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 189 Stephen Wickler

and Bratrein 2011:343). Inga was one of the conceptual sea of islands. The formation largest fishing settlements (storvær) in Finn- of settlement mounds from the late Viking mark by the sixteenth century and there Age through the medieval period provides were 102 taxpayers in Ingøy parish out of a us with a valuable resource that signifi- total of 438 in Finnmark in 1520 (Andreassen cantly enhances the archaeological visibility 2003:141–142). The late historic fishing sta- of fishing and related maritime activity from tion site at Finnes covers an area of c. 50 comparable contexts. As the evidence × 35 m and is larger than the medieval presented here demonstrates, settlement mound site, which may have been an out- mounds on even extremely small exposed lying base linked to the central fishing settle- offshore islands can provide well-preserved ment mound at Inga. continuous records of long-term maritime- There is a multi-room house site with oriented activity extending into the recent five to six rooms on the islet of Avløysninga historic period. The selected examples of separated from the mound site at Inga by small island occupation draw attention to a narrow tidal channel. Although a radio- the unique site histories of each location and carbon date of cal AD 1470–1660 was re- interisland diversity reflected through spe- covered from a presumed hearth, the site cific strategies within a maritime framework. chronology remains uncertain (Andreassen Each island settlement portrays different as- and Bratrein 2011:343–344). The remains of pects of life intimately entwined with the two large boathouses and a Sami circular turf sea. house are also located on the islet. Multi- Borgvær reveals how the intensification room houses begin to emerge c. 1200 with of cod fishing beginning in the Viking Age fol- a main phase up until the mid-fifteenth cen- lowed by medieval cod fishery commercial- tury. These sites are mainly distributed along ization and expansion of the stockfish trade the coast of Finnmark and interpreted as hy- can be traced through the archaeological brid multiethnic entities with Norse, Sami, record. The trajectory of fishing settlement and Novgorodian/Karelian connections for on Borgvær is also reflected through shifting the purpose of trade, barter, and interaction site types beginning with temporary use of (Olsen et al. 2011). It is noteworthy that both shelters in the Merovingian Period to more antler double-sided combs of the type found intensive occupation of house structures in at Finnes and fragments of green schist bake- the Viking Age and a settlement mound in the stones were found in the multi-room house medieval period. The final phase represents site excavations at Kongshavn and Skonsvika expandedfishingsettlementwithalargefish- thatare partof a multiroom-house site cluster ing station. at the northwest tip of the Varanger Penin- Halvardsøy provides a vignette of a sula (Henriksen et al. 2011). The presence of late medieval small fisher-farmer settlement antler combs and bakestones in these struc- along the outer coast of central Troms that turesisevaluatedaspointingtowardsaNorse is characteristic of Norwegian fishing set- origin. tlement expansion in this region. Grimshol- men reflects a highly specialized seasonal island site in northern Troms focused on fishing during the spring and summer. This SMALL ISLANDS AS MULTIFOCAL stands in contrast to the emphasis on win- REFLECTIONS OF MARITIME ACTIVITY ter cod fishing that is most prevalent for settlements during the period when the island The cases presented in this article help was in use from the thirteenth to twentieth to illustrate the importance and central- century. ity of diminutive islands for maximizing The Finnes site in the far north of west- access to marine resources within a mar- ern Finnmark has a distinctive history with itime cultural sphere where connectedness early marine exploitation during the Early between maritime communities was a ne- Metal Period followed after a considerable cessity for survival within a physical and hiatus by medieval settlement retaining a ma-

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rine resource focus. Transformation of set- the presence of bakestone fragments in the tlement during the medieval period is also earliest medieval phase may suggest a mixed apparent with more intensive use leading to ethnic context. The later medieval phase incipientsettlementmoundformationbythe with incipient mound development is more fourteenthcenturypotentiallylinkedtocom- consistent with a Norwegian fishing commu- mercialized fishing and the stockfish trade. nity identity in which domestic items such Increased interaction with other fishing as a soapstone spindle whorl, stone gam- settlement mound sites during this period ing piece, antler combs, and bakestone frag- is also likely. ments occur. The cases presented reveal the breadth Thecumulativeevidencefromthefour and potential complexity of settlement islands presented here illustrates the mar- mound occupation that highlights the inade- itime connectedness of islands in Arctic Nor- quacy of the “farm mound” label still embed- way since the late Viking Age and signifi- ded in the archaeological literature. There is cance of small islands in these linkages. Al- also a general gradient in mound site charac- though this selection represents a limited teristics when moving from south to north sample of potential small island sites, a ma- along the coast in terms of the importance of jority of which have yet to be investigated agriculture relative to marine resources. archaeologically, it does reflect some of the Borgvær exemplifies the core Norse Lo- interregional diversity that exists in north- foten region as a center for early medieval ern Norway and dramatic changes that mar- intensificationofcodfishingandfisherycom- itime communities experienced as a result of mercialization while Norse fishery coloniza- fishing settlement expansion driven by com- tion of outer coastal islands in central and mercialization and expanding trade. Excava- northern Troms beginning in the thirteenth tion results also confirm the importance of century took place within an area occupied settlement mound evidence in tracing long- by the Sami. The fisher-farmer settlement termmaritimeinterrelationshipswhereeven on Halvardsøy and long-term seasonal fish- the smallest islands, rather than representing ing activity on Grimsholmen in Troms reflect isolated marginal entities, can shed light on the Norwegian fishing expansion process, al- far-reaching maritime networks. A key con- though the possibility of Sami involvement cern for the future of maritime archaeology in fishing activity, particularly on Grimshol- in northern Norway, and coastal Norway as men, cannot be ruled out. a whole, is the necessity of viewing both is- The establishment of Norwegian fish- lands and the coastal mainland from the sea. ing communities in the core Sami settlement The need for a sea-grounded perspective is area along the outer coast of Finnmark took accentuated by the increasing detachment place by the thirteenth century. This fish- from the sea that Norwegian society has ex- ery colonization movement was motivated perienced over the past century. in part by political and ecclesiastic ambitions with the establishment of churches going hand in hand with fishing settlements (Lind 2003). The initial occupation phase at the ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Finnes site from 400 to 200 BC took place duringtheperiodwhenithasbeensuggested First, and foremost, I wish to acknowledge that a Sami ethnic identity was beginning the major contribution made by Keth Lind, to take form, although this was apparently settlement mound specialist and my co- limited to the northeastern coastal region of director and collaborator on the Finnes Finnmark (Hansen and Olsen 2014:31). Me- and Grimsholmen excavations. Other par- dieval occupation at Finnes took place when ticipants in the 2011 Finnes excavation in- Norwegian fishing settlements were being cluded Prof. Hans Peter Blankholm (Uni- established although the continued empha- versity of Tromsø) and Christian Roll Valen sis on broadly based marine exploitation and (Tromsø Museum). I am also indebted to absence of domestic animals combined with my colleagues from Troms County who led

JOURNAL OF ISLAND & COASTAL ARCHAEOLOGY 191 Stephen Wickler

the Andfjord survey and to the captain and makt og periferier (L. I. Hansen, R. Holt, and S. crew of Norwegian Coast Guard vessel KV Imsen, eds.):78–88. Speculum Boreale nr. 16. Heimdal for logistical support. My thanks Stamsund: Orkana Akademisk. also to Scott Fitzpatrick for inviting me to Bertelsen, R. and R. G. Lamb. 1993. Settlement participate in the stimulating “Diminutive mounds in the North Atlantic. In The Viking Realm” SAA session that motivated me to Age in Caithness, Orkney and the North At- lantic. Selected Papers from the Proceedings delve more deeply into the importance of of the Eleventh Viking Congress, Thurso and small islands in northern Norway. Com- Kirkwall, 22 August–1 September 1989 (C. ments from three anonymous reviewers led E. Batey, J. Jesch, and C. D. Morris, eds.): to significant improvements in the text. 544–554. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Bjerck, H. B. 2009. Colonizing seascapes: Com- parative perspectives on the development of REFERENCES maritime relations in Scandinavia and Patago- nia. Arctic Anthropology 46(1-2):118–131. Andersen, O. 1992. Ofuohtagat: Samer og nord- Bjerck, H. B. 2014 Utvikling av sjøfangsten menn i Ofoten. Master’s Thesis. Bergen: Uni- og steinalderens fangstsamfunn (9500-6500 versity of Bergen. f.Kr.). In Fangstmenn, fiskerbønder og vær- Andreassen, R. L. 2003. Fra fangstboplass til folk frem til 1720. Norges fiskeri- og kys- storvær. Utsyn fra Ingøy gjennom jernalder og thistorie, Vol. 1 (N. Kolle ed.):67–91. Bergen: middelalder. In Karlsøy og Verden Utenfor. Fagbokforlaget. Kulturhistoriske perspektiver pa˚ nordnorske Boomert, A. and A. Bright 2007. Island archaeol- steder(M.A.Hauan,E.Niemi,H.A.Wold,andK. ogy: In search of a new horizon. Island Studies Zachariassen, eds.):134–147. Tromsø: Tromsø Journal 2:3–26. Museums Skrifter XXX. Bratrein, H. D. 1985. Rapport fra arkeologisk be- Andreassen, R. L. and H. D. Bratrein. 2011. Finn- faring 15-16.07.85, Grimsholmen, Burøysund, mark between the east and west. In Hybrid Karlsøy kommune. Unpublished field report.

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