The Lutheran Herald the Evangelical Lutheran Diocese of North America (Eldona)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Lutheran Herald the Evangelical Lutheran Diocese of North America (Eldona) The Lutheran Herald The Evangelical Lutheran Diocese of North America (ELDoNA) March 2008 Issue—Feast of the Resurrection Lutheran [email protected] The Feast of the Resurrection by Rt. Rev. James D. Heiser Bishop, The ELDoNA Pastor, Salem Lutheran Church (Malone, TX) e confess in the words of the Nicene teaches that it is for the creation and preservation of Creed: “And the third day He rose faith that the Gospel has been written: “...these are W again according to the Scriptures...” written that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, What joy this precious news of the Resurrection the Son of God, and that believing you may have gives to all Christians! We know that it is so, for life in His name.” ( John 20:31) That which we need God’s Holy Word, given by inspiration of the Holy for faith, the Lord has given to us. Spirit through the prophets and apostles, proclaims It should not surprise us that those who it. We believe in Jesus’ resurrection from the dead ‘waffle’ on Christ being the only Way of salvation “according to the Scriptures.” The Christ appeared will begin to ‘waffle’ on the inspiration of Holy Scrip- to His disciples, showed them His hands, His feet, ture, and those who vacillate on the inerrancy of His side, ate in their presence, and He taught them, Holy Scripture, will begin to carve away at the doc- and bestowed His Holy Spirit upon them, sending trine taught in God’s Word. As men have less and them to be His apostles. less confidence in the Word, they have less faith that Anyone who would attack the inerrancy and there is any truth at all. Pilate is not the only one inspiration of Holy Scripture attacks the hope which who asks, “What is truth?” is ours through the Word of God—it really is as Stand fast on the Word of the Lord! Christ, simple as that. God’s Word is unfailingly true, and our Shepherd and Teacher, is risen from the grave, it proclaims the Truth to us, so that by the comfort and He will come again in glory to gather His which the Holy Spirit bestows through the Word, Church to eternal life—God’s Word assures us that we have hope. this is most certainly true. The Third Article of the Nicene Creed also Bishop James D. Heiser acknowledges that the Holy Ghost is the One “Who spake by the Prophets.” Thus we have two crucial affirmation in one short creed: it is God Himself who spake by the Prophets, and we believe in the Resurrection because God’s Holy Word proclaims Contents it. After St. Thomas beheld the Lord and made his Episcopal Polity page 2 confession—“My Lord and my God!”—Jesus said “Who is this ‘god’ of whom you speak?” page 6 Pastor Mueller Installed page 8 to him: “Thomas, because you have seen Me, you Redeemer Lutheran: A New Start page 12 have believed. Blessed are those who have not seen Expanding the Kingdom page 14 and yet have believed.” ( John 20:28–29) St. John Who is the One True God page 15 –1– Episcopal Polity in Historic Lutheranism Rev. John Rutowicz Pastor, St. Boniface Evangelical Lutheran Church Niles, Michigan divinely established office of the ministry; it is likely to Presented at the 2008 lead us too far astray. I assume that all here agree that an Winter Confessional Lutheran office of the ministry is established in the scriptures, and Free Conference that our confession of that is first found in articles five 31 January 2008 and fourteen of the Augustana. (If I am wrong in that In Burnsville, Minnesota assumption I’m sure you’ll let me know soon). Perhaps fewer here would agree with us in the y intention with this paper is to make a rea- ELDoNA that “Ordination is not an adiaphoron. It is part Msonable defense of Episcopal polity in the of a right understanding of a proper call.”1 We would cite Lutheran Church from a doctrinal and historical The Treatise, paragraph 65, where it says; “it is manifest that standpoint. I do not intend to convince everyone of the value ordination administered by a pastor in his own church 2 and merit of Episcopal polity. Some people will disagree is valid by divine right.” But even though we might dis- no matter what I say and that is, of course, their pre- agree about some things, I’m sure we can agree in prin- rogative. I wish them God’s blessings as they try to be ciple to a commitment to the Lutheran Confessions. faithful to their calling in Christ. My modest goal is to So, let’s focus more specifically on polity in the show that Episcopal polity is highly defensible from our Confessions, and see what the Confessions say about doctrinal sources and from our history. And while I be- episcopacy. In the Apology of the Augsburg Confession, Philip lieve it is the preferred polity for the Lutheran Church Melanchthon (with Luther’s approval) expressed a very (and I will argue from that perspective), it is by no means definite opinion with regard to episcopacy. He said, “On necessary to the existence of the church. I believe Epis- this matter [church order] we have given frequent testi- copal polity is a very important issue but it is, ultimately, mony in the assembly to our deep desire to maintain the an adiaphoron. And I make this point because I realize church polity and various ranks of the ecclesiastical hi- that in a Synodical Conference culture that most of us erarchy, although they were created by human have come from, episcopal polity is a little bit of a for- authority.....Thus the cruelty of the bishops is the rea- eign idea. I know that many may never be comfortable son for the abolition of canonical government in some enough with such a polity to join one, but that may not places, despite our earnest desire to keep it.... Further- be necessary. The ministerium of the Evangelical Luth- more, we want at this point to declare our willingness to eran Diocese of North America are united in their under- keep the ecclesiastical and canonical polity, provided that standing that polity is not divisive of fellowship. Church the bishops stop raging against our churches. This bodies may be separate organizations and yet have full willingness will be our defense, both before God and fellowship with each other. The ELDoNA can easily see among all nations, present and future, against the charge 3 itself in fellowship with church bodies that are not epis- that we have undermined the authority of the bishops.” copally ordered. So, we are here with all of you, at this When Melanchthon says that the Lutherans desire to conference, to explore what fellowship possibilities ex- keep the polity and hierarchy of the church, he is refer- ist. Let us all hope and pray for unity among those of a ring to the only polity and hierarchy which existed at confessional mind so that our great Confession may con- that time: the Catholic polity and hierarchy. tinue in this land. Melanchthon was, of course, trying to find as much ground for agreement as possible. These were not Polity in the Lutheran Confessions thoughtless comments on Melanchthon’s part. I’ll not touch all that much upon the issue of a Melanchthon spent a good deal of time considering his –2– response to the Roman theologians of the Confutation. It peace and general unity among Christians who are now should be remembered that the Roman theologians of under him and may be in the future.”5 Lutherans cer- the Confutation of the Augsburg Confession agreed with ar- tainly did not make an issue out of polity. ticle fourteen. They found nothing in the words of the But beyond the fact that polity is an adiaphoron, article to disagree with. They simply inserted their con- article fourteen of the Apology gives us a good argument cern for canonical polity, and said they agreed with ar- for preferring episcopal polity to other polities. Once ticle fourteen so long as canonical polity was upheld. It again, to be clear, article fourteen makes no law requir- should also be remembered that the Lutherans, when ing episcopal polity— but does not the “deep desire,” and considering their reply to the Confutation, were denied a the “earnest desire” of the writer of the Apology have sig- copy of it in order to frame their Apology. However, nificant weight when determining our desires on the sub- Melanchthon remembered very well the objections of ject? Not only is this the private desire of Melanchthon the Confutation because “for three months he represented or Luther (and it is), but it is also the “deep desire” ex- the Lutherans on a large committee appointed by the pressed as part of our church’s confessions. These phrases emperor to consider the possibility of a doctrinal agree- could have been removed before subscription if they ment between the two sides.”4 Melanchthon was trying caused discomfort to the Lutheran fathers. They were to eliminate any unnecessary divisions between the not removed. Of course, as events progressed in the Ger- Lutherans and Rome. In the Apology he makes it clear man lands, a continuation of the then current episco- that he has no problem with canonical polity itself (in pacy proved impossible. The vast majority of the exist- fact, he wants to maintain it), but complains that the ing German bishops remained in communion with the Roman authorities are making it impossible.
Recommended publications
  • Yngve Brilioth Svensk Medeltidsforskare Och Internationell Kyrkoledare STUDIA MISSIONALIA SVECANA LXXXV
    SIM SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF MISSION RESEARCH PUBLISHER OF THE SERIES STUDIA MISSIONALIA SVECANA & MISSIO PUBLISHER OF THE PERIODICAL SWEDISH MISSIOLOGICAL THEMES (SMT) This publication is made available online by Swedish Institute of Mission Research at Uppsala University. Uppsala University Library produces hundreds of publications yearly. They are all published online and many books are also in stock. Please, visit the web site at www.ub.uu.se/actashop Yngve Brilioth Svensk medeltidsforskare och internationell kyrkoledare STUDIA MISSIONALIA SVECANA LXXXV Carl F. Hallencreutz Yngve Brilioth Svensk medeltidsforskare och internationell kyrkoledare UTGIVENAV Katharina Hallencreutz UPPSALA 2002 Utgiven med forord av Katharina Hallencreutz Forsedd med engelsk sammanfattning av Bjorn Ryman Tryckt med bidrag fran Vilhelm Ekmans universitetsfond Kungl.Vitterhets Historie och Antivkvitetsakademien Samfundet Pro Fide et Christianismo "Yngve Brilioth i Uppsala domkyrkà', olja pa duk (245 x 171), utford 1952 av Eléna Michéew. Malningen ags av Stiftelsen for Âbo Akademi, placerad i Auditorium Teologicum. Foto: Ulrika Gragg ©Katharina Hallencreutz och Svenska lnstitutet for Missionsforskning ISSN 1404-9503 ISBN 91-85424-68-4 Cover design: Ord & Vetande, Uppsala Typesetting: Uppsala University, Editorial Office Printed in Sweden by Elanders Gotab, Stockholm 2002 Distributor: Svenska lnstitutet for Missionsforskning P.O. Box 1526,751 45 Uppsala Innehall Forkortningar . 9 Forord . 11 lnledning . 13 Tidigare Briliothforskning och min uppgift . 14 Mina forutsattningar . 17 Yngve Brilioths adressater . 18 Tillkommande material . 24 KAPITEL 1: Barndom och skolgang . 27 1 hjartat av Tjust. 27 Yngve Brilioths foraldrar. 28 Yngve Brilioths barndom och forsta skolar . 32 Fortsatt skolgang i Visby. 34 Den sextonarige Yngve Brilioths studentexamen. 36 KAPITEL 2: Student i Uppsala .
    [Show full text]
  • Expansion of the Reformation in Europe and the Rise of Pietism
    Expansion of the Reformation in Europe and the rise of Pietism •Luther's teachings became the dominant form of Protestant Christianity in Northern Europe, not only in Germany, but throughout Scandinavia. •In the later Middle Ages, the cultural ties between these two regions, which were linked by trade and similarities in language, had been strong. •Scandinavia was sparsely populated, and had only a few universities. •Many Scandinavian scholars regularly enrolled in German universities and thus became familiar with the Reformation teachings in the early sixteenth century.2 •When they returned to their homelands, they brought with them knowledge of Luther's ideas, and encouraged the monarchs of Sweden and Denmark to adopt evangelical reforms. •In 1527, the Swedish Parliament voted to break its ties with Rome, and a council held two years later prepared the way for a reform of Sweden's church. •In Denmark the pattern was similar, although the adoption of Lutheranism occurred slightly later. •At first, a national parliament meeting at Odense granted recognition to Lutherans, while protecting the rights of Catholics. 3 •Denmark's monarch, though, favored Lutheranism, as did the nobility, who stood to benefit from the crown's abolition of Catholic monasteries and the sale of their lands. •After a brief civil war, Protestantism triumphed in Denmark in 1536. •The king called one of Luther's close associates, Johann Bugenhagen, to Denmark to advise him on how to institute Lutheran reforms. •These new Evangelical Lutheran churches adopted essentially conservative reforms. 4 •By 1539 the Danish church became a national church with the king as the head and the clergy as leaders in matters of faith, much like the Church of England.
    [Show full text]
  • The Two Folk Churches in Finland
    The Two Folk Churches in Finland The 12th Finnish Lutheran-Orthodox Theological Discussions 2014 Publications of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland 29 The Church and Action The Two Folk Churches in Finland The 12th Finnish Lutheran-Orthodox Theological Discussions 2014 Publications of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland 29 The Church and Action National Church Council Department for International Relations Helsinki 2015 The Two Folk Churches in Finland The 12th Finnish Lutheran-Orthodox Theological Discussions 2014 © National Church Council Department for International Relations Publications of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland 29 The Church and Action Documents exchanged between the churches (consultations and reports) Tasknumber: 2015-00362 Editor: Tomi Karttunen Translator: Rupert Moreton Book design: Unigrafia/ Hanna Sario Layout: Emma Martikainen Photos: Kirkon kuvapankki/Arto Takala, Heikki Jääskeläinen, Emma Martikainen ISBN 978-951-789-506-4 (paperback) ISBN 978-951-789-507-1 (PDF) ISSN 2341-9393 (Print) ISSN 2341-9407 (Online) Unigrafia Helsinki 2015 CONTENTS Foreword ..................................................................................................... 5 THE TWELFTH THEOLOGICAL DISCUSSIONS BETWEEN THE EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN CHURCH OF FINLAND AND THE ORTHODOX CHURCH OF FINLAND, 2014 Communiqué. ............................................................................................. 9 A Theological and Practical Overview of the Folk Church, opening speech Bishop Arseni ............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Wittenberg Influences on the Reformation in Scandinavia by Simo Heininen, Otfried Czaika
    Wittenberg Influences on the Reformation in Scandinavia by Simo Heininen, Otfried Czaika Wittenberg was the most important source of inspiration for the Reformation in both of the Scandinavian kingdoms, the Danish kingdom and the Swedish kingdom. In both kingdoms, the authorities played a defining role in the Reformation, though it proceeded very differently in these two Early Modern states. The Reformation became securely established most quickly – both politically and in terms of church law – in the Danish core territory. Sweden, on the other hand, was de facto already a Lutheran country before 1550, though it did not become Lutheran de jure also until the last decade of the 16th century. Particularly in the peripheral parts of Scandinavia (especially Norway and Iceland), the Reformation went hand in hand with closer political integration in Scandinavia and it was therefore adopted rather reluctantly by the population. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Political Background 2. Denmark 3. Norway and Iceland 4. Sweden 5. Finland 6. Conclusion 7. Appendix 1. Sources 2. Bibliography 3. Notes Indices Citation Political Background From 1397, the kingdoms of Denmark, Norway and Sweden were united in a personal union (the so-called Kalmar Union) under Danish control (ᇄ Media Link #ab). In the early-16th century, the union was approaching its end. There were increasing tensions between Denmark and Sweden, the latter being governed by regents from the House of Sture. In November 1520, Christian II of Denmark (1481–1559) (ᇄ Media Link #ac), the last union king, was crowned for a second time in Stockholm. After the coronation festivities had been concluded, a heresy trial was staged with the help of the Archbishop of Uppsala and the accused were the supporters of the Sture party.
    [Show full text]
  • Liturgical Singing in the Lutheran Mass in Early Modern Sweden and Its Implications for Clerical Ritual Performance and Lay Literacy Mattias O
    Yale Journal of Music & Religion Volume 3 | Number 1 Article 4 2017 Liturgical Singing in the Lutheran Mass in Early Modern Sweden and its Implications for Clerical Ritual Performance and Lay Literacy Mattias O. Lundberg Uppsala Universitet Follow this and additional works at: http://elischolar.library.yale.edu/yjmr Part of the Liturgy and Worship Commons, and the Musicology Commons Recommended Citation Lundberg, Mattias O. (2017) "Liturgical Singing in the Lutheran Mass in Early Modern Sweden and its Implications for Clerical Ritual Performance and Lay Literacy," Yale Journal of Music & Religion: Vol. 3: No. 1, Article 4. DOI: https://doi.org/10.17132/2377-231X.1066 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by EliScholar – A Digital Platform for Scholarly Publishing at Yale. It has been accepted for inclusion in Yale Journal of Music & Religion by an authorized editor of EliScholar – A Digital Platform for Scholarly Publishing at Yale. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 61 Liturgical Singing in the Lutheran Mass in Early Modern Sweden and Its Implications for Clerical Ritual Performance and Lay Literacy Mattias Lundberg If ever there was a category of music in Swedish history that perfectly illustrated the relevance of the scholarly dictum “normaliter non in actis”—that whatever is normal and expected in a given context is naturally absent from its written documents—it is that of liturgical chant in the early modern Lutheran Church of Sweden. In fact, the spirit of the opposing sentence from Roman law, “quod non est in actis, non est in mundo” (whatever is absent from the documents is also absent from the world), may in itself account for the slanted historiographical view of liturgical music in Sweden that the discipline of musicology has often presented.
    [Show full text]
  • The Oxford Movement and the Early High Church Spirituality in Sweden
    International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church ISSN: 1474-225X (Print) 1747-0234 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjsc20 The Oxford Movement and the early High Church spirituality in Sweden Oloph Bexell To cite this article: Oloph Bexell (2018) The Oxford Movement and the early High Church spirituality in Sweden, International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church, 18:2-3, 277-292, DOI: 10.1080/1474225X.2018.1547538 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/1474225X.2018.1547538 © 2019 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 22 Jan 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 61 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rjsc20 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR THE STUDY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 2018, VOL. 18, NOS. 2–3, 277–292 https://doi.org/10.1080/1474225X.2018.1547538 The Oxford Movement and the early High Church spirituality in Sweden Oloph Bexell Church History, University of Uppsala, Sweden ABSTRACT KEYWORDS In the early twentieth century, Swedish priests went to England The Oxford Movement; for pastoral studies. There they met the influential leaders of the Swedish High Church; Oxford Movement and were inspired by them. They discovered a Catholicity; Charles Gore; Catholic, but not Roman Catholic, worship and High Church E.B. Pusey; John Henry Newman; John Keble; spirituality. They read Charles Gore, E.B. Pusey and others. Their German Neo-Lutheranism; great discovery was the eucharistic worship and its sacramentally Scottish Free Churches; orientated liturgy and the world-wide Catholic Church, a catho- Gunnar Rosendal; licity they recognised in the Church of Sweden.
    [Show full text]
  • Kyrkohistorisk Årsskrift
    kyrkohistorisk årsskrift skrifter utgivna av svenska kyrkohistoriska föreningen 1:113 Publications of the Swedish Society of Church History 1:113 Kyrkohistorisk årsskrift 2013 Redigerad av anders jarlert Professor i kyrkohistoria vid Lunds universitet 5 With summaries in English und eine Zusammenfassung auf Deutsch Svenska Kyrkohistoriska Föreningen member of c.i.h.e.c. (commission internationale d’histoire et d’etudes du christianisme) arbetsutskott Ordförande: Professor Oloph Bexell Vice ordförande: Professor Anders Jarlert Sekreterare: Docent Cecilia Wejryd Skattmästare: Teol. och fil.kand. Fredrik Santell Övriga ledamöter: Professor Torkel Jansson, Professor Bertil Nilsson och Teol.dr Stina Fallberg Sundmark E-post: [email protected], [email protected] Webbplats: http://www.kyrkohistoriska.se/foreningen kyrkohistorisk årsskrift Redaktör: Professor Anders Jarlert, Lund, [email protected], tel 046-222 90 37 Redaktionssekreterare: Teol.dr Lars Aldén, Växjö (recensioner), [email protected] Adress (böcker): Teologiska institutionen, Box 511, 751 20 Uppsala (recensioner): Teol.dr Lars Aldén, Österleden 66 A, 352 42 Växjö, [email protected] (artiklar): Prof. Anders Jarlert, CTR, Allhelgona Kyrkogata 8, 223 62 Lund, [email protected] Advisory Board: Professor Ingvar Dahlbacka, Åbo, Professor Dr. Heinrich Holze, Rostock, Professor Tarald Rasmussen, Oslo. Webbplats: http://www.kyrkohistoriska.se/arsskrift PlusGiro 37 05 43-1 Medlemsavgift: 275 kronor för fullt betalande, 225 kronor för registrerade studenter
    [Show full text]
  • How the Church Built the Swedish Model
    The Preferability of Consensus: How the Church Built the Swedish Model A European Case Study ANDERS BROGREN From heathendom to Christianity “A.D. 793. This year came dreadful fore-warnings over the of land the Northumbrians, terrifying the people most woefully: these were immense sheets of light rushing through the air, and whirlwinds, and fiery dragons flying across the firmament. These tremendous tokens were soon followed by a great famine: and not long after, on the sixth day before the ides of January in the same year, the harrowing inroads of heathen men made lamentable havoc in the church of God in Holy-island, by rapine and slaughter.” This entry from A.D. 793 in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle describes one of the first encounters between the Christian church and the Nordic peoples. It was not a happy one. The Vikings came as invaders from the sea. They were robbers on plundering expeditions. Soon they took power over England and Ireland. They extended their ravaging expeditions to France and even to the Mediterranean. However, the gospel was preached in the domain that was later named the Kingdom of Sweden by Ansgar (who was eventually made archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen). He was sent to Scandinavia by the emperor Louis the Pious, son of Charlemagne, around 830, and a second time around 850. Ansgar celebrated the mass amidst foreigners living in the small town of Birka, not far from today’s Stockholm. He preached the gospel and founded a small congregation. Sadly, it faded away after a few decades. Of far greater importance for the process of christianisation was the Viking emigration to the British Isles.
    [Show full text]
  • Svenskt Gudstjänstliv Årgång 90 / 2015
    Svenskt Gudstjänstliv årgång 90 / 2015 Psalm, hymn och andlig visa Hymnologiska studier förord 1 2 svenskt gudstjänstliv 2015 Svenskt Gudstjänstliv årgång 90 / 2015 Psalm, hymn och andlig visa Hymnologiska studier redaktör Stephan Borgehammar Ingvar Bengtsson · Stephan Borgehammar · Anna J. Evertsson · Ragnar Holte · Liza L Lundkvist förord 3 Laurentius Petri Sällskapet för svenskt gudstjänstliv abonnemang på årsboken svenskt gudstjänstliv Det finns två typer av abonnemang: 1 Medlemmar i Laurentius Petri Sällskapet för svenskt gudstjänstliv (LPS) erhåller årsboken som medlemsförmån samt meddelanden om sällskapets övriga verksamhet. Nya medlemmar är välkomna. Medlemsavgiften är 200 kr. För medlemmar utanför Sverige tillkommer extra distributions kostnader. Inbetalning görs till sällskapets plusgirokonto 17 13 72–6. Kassaförvaltare är kyrkokantor Ing-Mari Johansson, Box 3193, 531 03 Vinninga. Tel.: 0510-50637. E-postadress: [email protected] 2 Abonnemang på enbart årsboken kostar 180 kr för 2015. För abonnenter utanför Sverige tillkommer extra distributionskostnader. Avgiften sätts in på årsbokens plusgirokonto 42 68 84–3, Svenskt Gudstjänstliv. Ekonomiansvarig för årsboken är professor Ragnar Holte, Magnus Stenbocksgatan 3, 222 24 Lund. Tel.: 046-151408. E-postadress: [email protected] Laurentius Petri Sällskapet för svenskt gudstjänstliv (LPS) Organisationsnummer 89 47 00-7822 Ordförande: TD Anna J. Evertsson, Floravägen 31, 291 43 Kristianstad. Tel.: 044-76967 Laurentius Petri Sällskapet bildades 1941. Dess årsbok
    [Show full text]
  • “Our Swedish Moses and Saviour”: the Use of Biblical Leaders As Power Legitimization in Reformation Sweden
    Martin Berntson Chapter 8 “Our Swedish Moses and Saviour”: The Use of Biblical Leaders as Power Legitimization in Reformation Sweden The Vasa-regime that seized royal power in the kingdom of Sweden during the early sixteenth century was in urgent need of a power legitimization that could both corre- spond to well-known traditional symbols and narratives but also at the same time le- gitimize the new regime and its adherence to the Lutheran Reformation. The use of Old Testament kings and leaders such as David, Jehoshaphat, Joseph, and Moses could thereby function as typologies relating to the Jerusalem Code. However, through relating these Old Testament kings with their responsibility for the peoples’ spiritual needs and with their distinctive biblical foundation, the Jerusalem Code was trans- formed and adjusted to early modern Lutheran political culture, emphasizing the king’s responsibility for the Church and for the people’s spiritual well-being and the lack of biblical foundation for the Catholic sacramental culture (for example, mass in Latin, pilgrimage, and the use of sacramentals). It could also be argued that the fre- quent use of figures such as Moses and Joseph was a significant part of the Jerusalem Code in Sweden, signifying both the importance of humility and God’s providence in the secular government. Introduction In the kingdom of Sweden the introduction of the Reformation coincided with a na- tional political revolution. The process towards establishing a national Protestant church was to a large extent governed by the political and economic needs of King Gustav Vasa (r. 1523–60) whose regime marked Sweden’s leave-taking from the Note: This article has been presented as a paper at the Sixteenth Century Society Conference in Bruges in August 2016 and it has also been discussed at a workshop at the Norwegian School of Theology in Oslo in September 2017.
    [Show full text]
  • The End of the Medieval Diocese
    Chapter 8 The End of the Medieval Diocese In May 1554, King Gustav Vasa met with the four remaining members of the Diocese of Turku’s Cathedral Chapter: Deacon Petrus Ragvaldi, Canon Canutus Johannis, Canon and Acting Bishop Mikael Agricola, as well as rector of the Cathedral School in Turku, Paulus Juusten. Paulus Juusten described the meeting as follows: “After all other matters were discussed, His Majesty invited them [the members of the chapter] to a yard outside of Gripsholm Castle. He said that the prelates of Sweden’s cathedrals no longer needed to go to Rome to receive an episcopal appointment, because this right was held by His Majesty at home in Sweden.”1 The king’s statement of what had been his policy for some thirty years likely did not surprise his guests. They might have wondered why the king was devoting such ceremony to the proclamation of a well-established procedure. Then he made an announcement that did earn a special stage. According to Juusten’s chronicle, “the renowned lord king saw it good to divide Finland into two dioceses, namely Turku and Vyborg.”2 Gustav Vasa named Mikael Agricola the bishop, or to use the king’s title, ordinary, of the new rump Diocese of Turku. The king appointed Paulus Juusten leader of the new Diocese of Vyborg. The partition of the diocese was yet another attempt by the king to weaken the episcopacy. Moreover, the partition initiated and facilitated an intense period of royal reform of the church in a part of the kingdom that had pre- viously avoided many aspects of it.
    [Show full text]
  • Scandinavian Kingship Transformed Succession, Acquisition and Consolidation in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries
    Scandinavian Kingship Transformed Succession, Acquisition and Consolidation in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries Thomas Glærum Malo Tollefsen Submission for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Cardiff University – School of History, Archaeology, and Religion March 2020 0 Abstract This is a comparative study of Scandinavian kingship in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, based on the themes of succession, acquisition, and consolidation of power. These themes con- stitute the study’s overarching questions: How did a king become a king? How did he keep his kingdom? And finally, how did he pass it on? In order to provide answers to these question this study will consider first the Scandina- vian rules of succession, what they were, to whom they gave succession rights, as well as the order of succession. Second, the study will look at different ways in which kings acquired the kingship, such as through trial by combat and designation succession. Third, the study will look at what happens when succession rules were completely disregarded and children were being made kings, by looking at the processes involved in achieving this as well as asking who the real kingmakers of twelfth century Denmark were. Finally, the study will determine how kings consolidated their power. This study shows, that despite some Scandinavian peculiarities, kingship in Scandinavia was not fundamentally different from European kingship in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. It also shows that the practice of kingship was dependent on political circumstances making it impossible to draw general conclusions spanning centuries and vast geographical regions. We can look at principles that gave us a general framework, but individual cases were determined by circumstance.
    [Show full text]