Security Council Distr.: General 3 December 2010
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Elections in Niger: Casting Ballots Or Casting Doubts?
Elections in Niger: casting ballots or casting doubts? Given its centrality to the Sahel region, the international community needs Niger to remain a bulwark of stability. While recent data collected throughout the country shows an increase in motivation to participate in this month's election, doubts about the electoral process and concerns for longstanding development issues mar the enthusiasm. Birnin Gaouré, Dosso, December 2020 By Johannes Claes and Rida Lyammouri with Navanti staff Published in collaboration with Niger could see its first democratic transition since independence as the country heads to the polls for the presidential election on 27 December.1 Current President Mahamadou Issoufou has indicated he will respect his constitutionally mandated two-term limit of 10 years, passing the flag to his protégé, Mohamed Bazoum. Political instability looms, however, as Issoufou and Bazoum’s Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism (PNDS) and a coalition of opposition parties fail to agree on the rules of the game. Political inclusion and enhanced trust in the institutions governing Niger’s electoral process are key if the risk of political crisis is to be avoided. Niger’s central role in Western policymakers’ security and political agendas in the Sahel — coupled with its history of four successful coups in 1976, 1994, 1999, and 2010 — serve to caution Western governments that preserving stability through political inclusion should take top priority over clinging to a political candidate that best represents foreign interests.2 During a turbulent electoral year in the region, Western governments must focus on the long-term goals of stabilizing and legitimizing Niger’s political system as a means of ensuring an ally in security and migration matters — not the other way around. -
LET4CAP Law Enforcement Training for Capacity Building NIGER
Co-funded by the Internal Security Fund of the European Union LAW ENFORCEMENT TRAINING FOR CAPACITY BUILDING LET4CAP Law Enforcement Training for Capacity Building NIGER Downloadable Country Booklet DL. 2.5 (Ve 1.2) Dissemination level: PU Let4Cap Grant Contract no.: HOME/ 2015/ISFP/AG/LETX/8753 Start date: 01/11/2016 Duration: 33 months Dissemination Level PU: Public X PP: Restricted to other programme participants (including the Commission) RE: Restricted to a group specified by the consortium (including the Commission) Revision history Rev. Date Author Notes 1.0 20/03/2018 SSSA Overall structure and first draft 1.1 06/05/2018 SSSA Second version after internal feedback among SSSA staff 1.2 09/05/2018 SSSA Final version version before feedback from partners LET4CAP_WorkpackageNumber 2 Deliverable_2.5 VER1.2 WorkpackageNumber 2 Deliverable Deliverable 2.5 Downloadable country booklets VER V. 1 . 2 2 NIGER Country Information Package 3 This Country Information Package has been prepared by Eric REPETTO and Claudia KNERING, under the scientific supervision of Professor Andrea de GUTTRY and Dr. Annalisa CRETA. Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna, Pisa, Italy www.santannapisa.it LET4CAP, co-funded by the Internal Security Fund of the European Union, aims to contribute to more consistent and efficient assistance in law enforcement capacity building to third countries. The Project consists in the design and provision of training interventions drawn on the experience of the partners and fine-tuned after a piloting and consolidation phase. © 2018 by LET4CAP All rights reserved. 4 Table of contents 1. Country Profile 1.1Country in Brief 1.2Modern and Contemporary History of Niger 1.3 Geography 1.4Territorial and Administrative Units 1.5 Population 1.6Ethnic Groups, Languages, Religion 1.7Health 1.8Education and Literacy 1.9Country Economy 2. -
Niger: Another Weak Link in the Sahel?
Niger: Another Weak Link in the Sahel? Africa Report N°208 | 19 September 2013 Translation from French International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Scramble for Power: Between Civilian and Military Rule (1960-2010) ................... 3 A. Old Imbalances: The Colonial State’s Weaknesses and Violence ............................. 3 B. The Failure of the First Republic (1960-1974) .......................................................... 4 C. The “Military Politicians” (1974-1990) ...................................................................... 6 D. A Fragile and Uncertain Democratisation (1990-2000) ........................................... 8 1. Short-lived regimes: The Second, Third and Fourth Republics .......................... 8 2. The armed rebellions of the 1990s ....................................................................... 9 E. The Tandja Decade (1999-2010) ............................................................................... 11 1. The “second Tuareg rebellion” ............................................................................. 11 2. The abuses of tazartché ....................................................................................... -
Coup D'état in Africa
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 2 | Winter 2011 Debunking the Myth of the “Good” Coup d’État in Africa ANDREW C. MILLER Abstract: In response to the recent coup in Niger, which ousted the country’s president- turned-strongman Mamadou Tandja, the capital erupted in pro-coup demonstrations. Many commentators and foreign governments also showed tacit support for the junta. What is the likelihood that this coup and the other coup regimes in Africa will lead to the institutionalization of durable and stable democracies? Based on historical analysis of past African coups that brought brief democratic transitions, this article argues that it is unlikely. For the four African coups that briefly put in place democratic institutions— Sierra Leone (1968), Ghana (1978), Sudan (1985), and Niger (1999)—the juntas and proceeding civilian governments failed to address core political and economic issues, lacked durability, and did not engender long-term political stability. To further debunk the myth of the so-called ‚good‛ coup d’état in Africa, this article also demonstrates that coup regimes, which consolidate governing authority in failed states, attempt to institutionalize autocracies. Introduction The story of deposed Nigerien President Mamadou Tandja is an all too familiar one in Africa. Although elected in generally free and fair elections, Tandja attempted to tighten his grip on the presidency in a blatant violation of Niger’s constitution.1 In August 2009, after ten years in power, he pushed through a new constitution by referendum -
Suprême Pour La Restauration De La Démocratie – CSRD) Led By
NIGER OBSERVATORY FOR thE PROTEctiON OF humAN Rights DEFENDERS ANNUAL REPORT 2011 During the transition period that followed the coup d’état in February 2010, a new legal and institutional framework more favourable for the respect of human rights appeared, civil society was given a new lease of life and no obstruction or intimida- tion was observed. However, three defenders continued to be subjected to judicial harassment for having denounced corruption or the constitutional reform in 2009. Political context On February 18, 2010, the defence and security forces of Niger, combined within the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy (Conseil suprême pour la restauration de la démocratie – CSRD) led by Lieutenant General Salou Djibo, overthrew President Mamadou Tandja who since 2009, had established a particularly repressive climate against people, including political opponents and the civil society who had denounced his anti-constitutional manoeuvring to ensure his stay in power. Mr. Tandja was placed in extra-judicial detention before being transferred to the civil prison in Kollo on January 16, 2011, in spite of the ruling on November 8, 2010, of the Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), confirming the1 arbitrary nature of the arrest and detention, and calling for his release . Unexpectedly, the military junta2 subsequently succeeded with the adoption of a new Constitution , creating new institutions and organis- ing general elections that permitted the return of a civil regime. In fact, the two-round presidential elections, which took place on January 31 and March 12, 2011, resulted in the victory of the “historic” opposition leader of the Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism (Parti nigérien pour 1 / Charged with “misappropriation of public funds” and “violation of the Constitution”, Mr. -
Confronting Complex Political Crises in West Africa
d’Ivoire. How has it sought to implement the norms, REGIONAL NORMS ON DEMOCRACY activate mechanisms and establish structures to AND GOOD GOVERNANCE advance good governance, democracy and peace? Although ECOWAS has sometimes appeared to be Since the independence of the majority of West African overwhelmed by the numerous crises it has had to face countries in the early 1960s, the region has experienced in the region, and despite its own structural problems, numerous coups d’état, with military coups the rule in its approaches to the situations in Niger and Côte rather than the exception.3 In the post-Cold War era d’Ivoire it has engaged in initiatives that demonstrate major civil wars with devastating impact have also oc- a commitment to confl ict management and the promo- curred in four countries in the region, namely in Liberia tion of democracy. (1989−96 and 1999−2003), Sierra Leone (1991−2002), This paper argues that while ECOWAS policies on Guinea Bissau (1998) and Côte d’Ivoire (2002−2007 and issues of peace and security are works in progress, the 2010−2011). fact remains that there is a gap between the policies In the decade following its creation ECOWAS did and their implementation by member states. This can not position itself as an organisation promoting good be attributed to both an absence of political will by governance. Its main objective until the 1990s was some leaders and the weak enforcement capability of economic integration. Since then, however, there have ECOWAS. However, in the cases studied, our contention been many efforts at both the continental and regional is that there was in fact a change. -
«Turning the Page» Hopes for Media Freedom in Niger and Guinea
«TURNING THE PAGE» HOPES FOR MEDIA FREEDOM IN NIGER AND GUINEA AFP PHOTO / SIA KAMBOU © COPYRIGHT: RSF HOPES FOR MEDIA FREEDOM IN NIGER AND GUINEA ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 3 Investigation by Ambroise Pierre, Africa Desk. With research coordinator Gilles Lordet in Guinea and Jean-Louis Saporito, a journalist and Reporters Without Borders board member, in Niger. n Guinea, the National Transition Council (CNT) led by Reporters Without Borders, which visited Guinea from 22 Gen. Sékouba Konaté held the first free and transpa- to 27 May and Niger from 26 to 30 June, found that the rent election in the country’s history in 2010. It was democratic transition in both countries was accompanied won by long-time opposition leader, Alpha Condé. In by a marked increase in media freedom and strong hopes INiger, a military coup on 18 February 2010 ended Presi- of an improvement in the situation of the media and jour- dent Mamadou Tandja’s attempts to stay in office beyond nalists. It was these hopes that Reporters Without Borders the end of his term and opened the way for a transition wanted to evaluate. under the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Demo- cracy (CSRD). It resulted in Mahamadou Issoufou’s election in early 2011. In Conakry, the Reporters Without Borders delegation was justice minister Marou Amadou, Gen. Salou Djibo, who hea- received by officials from the ministry of communication ded the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy and ministry of territorial administration and decentraliza- (CSRD) and was president during the transition, and several tion, by justice minister Christian Sow and by government Niamey-based foreign diplomats. -
On an Otherwise Typical Day, the President of Niger's Largest
Excerpt from Alice J. Kang. 2015. Bargaining for Women’s Rights: Activism in an Aspiring Muslim Democracy. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. © Copyright. University of Minnesota Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. INTRODUCTION Women’s Rights in an African Muslim Democracy On an otherwise typical day, the president of Niger’s largest umbrella women’s association, the Coordination des Organisations Non Gouverne- mentales et Associations Féminines Nigériennes (CONGAFEN, Coordinating Body of Women’s NGOs and Associations of Niger), was at work when two plainclothes police ofcers came to her ofce.1 Te policemen asked to see her. Tinking that she was going to be arrested, her colleagues in the Ofce on the Advancement of Women in the Ministry of Social Development vacated the room, leaving the women’s leader and two friends behind. Te police of- cers, however, had not come to take the president of CONGAFEN into cus- tody. Instead, they had come to deliver a message. Representatives of Niger’s national women’s associations were being summoned to meet with the coun- try’s new leader at the presidential palace the following afternoon.2 Days before, on April 9, 1999, the state radio’s regularly scheduled program was interrupted with military marches—a musical signal that a coup d’état had taken place. Te prime minister announced that in an “unfortunate acci- dent,” President Ibrahim Baré Maïnassara had been shot and killed as he was about to board a helicopter.3 Commandant Daouda Malam Wanké, the osten- sible head of Baré’s personal security, became Niger’s new head of state and set up a transitional government.4 Wanké promised the Nigérien people and concerned foreign countries that he would stay in power temporarily and soon organize free and fair elections.5 When the police ofcers left her ofce, the president of CONGAFEN started thinking about her fast approaching meeting with the country’s new leader. -
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march 2019 Niger: sustainable stability or precarious balance ? CHRISTIAN CONNAN - HUGO SADA WWW . FRSTRATEGIE . ORG SOMMAIRE INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 5 1 – PROGRESSIVE STABILIZATION ................................................................................. 5 1.1 – A slow walk towards democracy ................................................................ 5 1.2 – The Tuareg Issue: the appeasement .......................................................... 6 1.3 – Political Consensus ..................................................................................... 7 2 – PRESIDENT ISSOUFOU’S HONORABLE RECORD ......................................................... 8 2.1 – An unfavorable regional environment ........................................................ 8 2.1.1 – A region particularly marked by poverty and instability .............................. 8 2.1.2 – “Imported” terrorism ................................................................................... 8 2.1.3 – The refugee burden ................................................................................... 9 2.2 – The action of President Issoufou and his government ............................. 9 2.2.1 – Efforts to enforce public policies ................................................................ 9 2.2.2 – Increased efficiency of security forces ....................................................... 9 2.2.3 – Economic and social policy ..................................................................... -
33 Hahonou Tillabéri
1 LASDEL Laboratoire d’études et recherches sur les dynamiques sociales et le développement local _________ BP 12901, Niamey, Niger – tél. (227) 72 37 80 BP 1383, Parakou, Bénin – tél. (229) 61 16 58 Observatoire de la décentralisation au Niger (enquête de référence 2003) Les pouvoirs locaux dans la commune de Tillabéri Eric Komlavi Hahonou enquêteurs : Salou Ali, Younoussi Issa février 05 Etudes et Travaux n° 33 Financement FICOD (KfW) 2 Sommaire Sigles et acronymes 4 1. Introduction 5 Groupes stratégiques 5 Le déroulement des enquêtes 6 La documentation existante 6 Présentation 6 2. Présentation de la commune de Tillabéri 8 Situation géographique et organisation administrative 8 Caractéristiques socio-économiques de la zone 9 Histoire du peuplement 10 Rappel sur l’histoire du pouvoir administratif local 13 3. Les acteurs de la commune urbaine de Tillabéri 15 3.1. L’administrateur délégué 15 3.2. Personnel de la commune 17 3.3. Le COTECOM 18 3.4. Les services municipaux 20 3.5. Fiscalité locale 21 4. La chefferie coutumière 27 4.1. Chefferie de canton 27 4.2. Chefferies de village 28 4.3. Chefferies de quartier 28 5. Les pouvoirs magico-religieux 30 6. Les organisations de la « société civile » 34 6.1. Les structures coopératives 34 6.2. Coopération décentralisée et structuration du milieu 37 6.3. Les autres associations 38 6.4. L’associatif informel 39 7. Les partis politiques 40 7.1. Aperçu de l’histoire politique locale récente 40 7.2. L’expérience des élections municipales de février 1999 41 8. Le pouvoir économique 48 3 9. -
Jeremy Corbyn's
Politics and Governance Open Access Journal | ISSN: 2183-2463 Volume 4, Issue 2 (2016) New Approaches to Political Leadership Editor Mark Bennister Politics and Governance, 2016, Volume 4, Issue 2 Thematic Issue: New Approaches to Political Leadership Published by Cogitatio Press Rua Fialho de Almeida 14, 2º Esq., 1070-129 Lisbon Portugal Guest Editor Mark Bennister, Canterbury Christ Church University, UK Editors-in-Chief Amelia Hadfield, Canterbury Christ Church University, UK Andrej J. Zwitter, University of Groningen, The Netherlands Managing Editor António Vieira, Cogitatio Press, Portugal Available online at: www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance This issue is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC BY). Articles may be reproduced provided that credit is given to the original and Politics and Governance is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. Table of Contents Editorial: New Approaches to Political Leadership Mark Bennister 1-4 The (Unintended) Consequences of New Labour: Party Leadership vs Party Management in the British Labour Party Emmanuelle Avril 5-14 Assessing the Performance of UK Opposition Leaders: Jeremy Corbyn’s ‘Straight Talking, Honest Politics’ Patrick Diamond 15-24 Deliberative Political Leaders: The Role of Policy Input in Political Leadership Jennifer Lees-Marshment 25-35 Explaining Japan’s Revolving Door Premiership: Applying the Leadership Capital Index Tina Burrett 36-53 Responsive to the People? Comparing the European Cognitive Maps of Dutch Political -
Petro-Democracy: Oil, Power and Politics in Niger Jannik Schritt Ediss
Petro-Democracy: Oil, Power and Politics in Niger Jannik Schritt eDiss. Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Göttingen 2018 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................ 5 1.1. Oil-age Niger .................................................................................................................... 8 1.2. The focus of the thesis and the research questions ......................................................... 10 1.3. Rentier states and the resource curse .............................................................................. 12 1.4. Oil and anthropology ...................................................................................................... 17 1.5. Resource assemblages .................................................................................................... 19 1.6. Making oil political ........................................................................................................ 23 1.7. The argument of the thesis and an overview of the chapters .......................................... 26 2. Crude Celebrations: Extending the oil refinery’s opening .................................. 31 2.1 The day of the inauguration ............................................................................................ 31 2.2. The extended case method in contemporary social theory ............................................. 44 3. Crude Beginnings: The scramble for Africa and the emergence of Niger’s uranium-political