Amnesty International Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review Tenth Session of the UPR Working Group, January 2011
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Elections in Niger: Casting Ballots Or Casting Doubts?
Elections in Niger: casting ballots or casting doubts? Given its centrality to the Sahel region, the international community needs Niger to remain a bulwark of stability. While recent data collected throughout the country shows an increase in motivation to participate in this month's election, doubts about the electoral process and concerns for longstanding development issues mar the enthusiasm. Birnin Gaouré, Dosso, December 2020 By Johannes Claes and Rida Lyammouri with Navanti staff Published in collaboration with Niger could see its first democratic transition since independence as the country heads to the polls for the presidential election on 27 December.1 Current President Mahamadou Issoufou has indicated he will respect his constitutionally mandated two-term limit of 10 years, passing the flag to his protégé, Mohamed Bazoum. Political instability looms, however, as Issoufou and Bazoum’s Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism (PNDS) and a coalition of opposition parties fail to agree on the rules of the game. Political inclusion and enhanced trust in the institutions governing Niger’s electoral process are key if the risk of political crisis is to be avoided. Niger’s central role in Western policymakers’ security and political agendas in the Sahel — coupled with its history of four successful coups in 1976, 1994, 1999, and 2010 — serve to caution Western governments that preserving stability through political inclusion should take top priority over clinging to a political candidate that best represents foreign interests.2 During a turbulent electoral year in the region, Western governments must focus on the long-term goals of stabilizing and legitimizing Niger’s political system as a means of ensuring an ally in security and migration matters — not the other way around. -
LET4CAP Law Enforcement Training for Capacity Building NIGER
Co-funded by the Internal Security Fund of the European Union LAW ENFORCEMENT TRAINING FOR CAPACITY BUILDING LET4CAP Law Enforcement Training for Capacity Building NIGER Downloadable Country Booklet DL. 2.5 (Ve 1.2) Dissemination level: PU Let4Cap Grant Contract no.: HOME/ 2015/ISFP/AG/LETX/8753 Start date: 01/11/2016 Duration: 33 months Dissemination Level PU: Public X PP: Restricted to other programme participants (including the Commission) RE: Restricted to a group specified by the consortium (including the Commission) Revision history Rev. Date Author Notes 1.0 20/03/2018 SSSA Overall structure and first draft 1.1 06/05/2018 SSSA Second version after internal feedback among SSSA staff 1.2 09/05/2018 SSSA Final version version before feedback from partners LET4CAP_WorkpackageNumber 2 Deliverable_2.5 VER1.2 WorkpackageNumber 2 Deliverable Deliverable 2.5 Downloadable country booklets VER V. 1 . 2 2 NIGER Country Information Package 3 This Country Information Package has been prepared by Eric REPETTO and Claudia KNERING, under the scientific supervision of Professor Andrea de GUTTRY and Dr. Annalisa CRETA. Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna, Pisa, Italy www.santannapisa.it LET4CAP, co-funded by the Internal Security Fund of the European Union, aims to contribute to more consistent and efficient assistance in law enforcement capacity building to third countries. The Project consists in the design and provision of training interventions drawn on the experience of the partners and fine-tuned after a piloting and consolidation phase. © 2018 by LET4CAP All rights reserved. 4 Table of contents 1. Country Profile 1.1Country in Brief 1.2Modern and Contemporary History of Niger 1.3 Geography 1.4Territorial and Administrative Units 1.5 Population 1.6Ethnic Groups, Languages, Religion 1.7Health 1.8Education and Literacy 1.9Country Economy 2. -
88 Le Tazartche Ou Autopsie D'un Coup D'etat
LE TAZARTCHE OU AUTOPSIE D’UN COUP D’ETAT CONSTITUTIONNEL PROGRAMME AU NIGER Abdoulaye SEIDOU Département de Sociologie Université Abdou Moumouni de Niamey (Niger) E-Mail: [email protected] Résumé L'article tente de décrypter le phénomène politique inédit au Niger, appelé Tazartché. Ce slogan signifie «continuité» ou «prolongation» en haoussa, la langue majoritaire. Il est utilisé par les partisans de l'ex- Président de la République, Tandja Mamadou, comme une invite à rester au pouvoir au-delà de son mandat légal. Il a muté en «coup d’Etat constitutionnel», assimilable, dans sa démarche, au bonapartisme. Quelles sont les causes de ce phénomène? Quelles en sont les péripéties? Quel en est l’épilogue? Tels sont les principaux questionnements de la problématique. L'étude, est une exploitation de divers documents (textes juridiques, journaux, émissions radiophoniques et télévisées…), d’entretiens avec des personnes (favorables ou opposées à l’entreprise) et de données d’observation. Elle analyse les discours et les actes des différents protagonistes (pouvoir, opposition politique, société civile, communauté internationale). Elle esquisse une explication des stratégies, multiples et multiformes, mises en œuvre par les différents camps pour parvenir à leurs fins. Ce travail montre que la confiscation du pouvoir d’Etat par des voies non démocratiques n’est pas l’apanage des militaires. Son intérêt scientifique réside dans l’examen du contexte (relative stabilité politique) de manifestation de l’opération et de la nature de ses initiateurs (animateurs et bénéficiaires de la démocratie). Cette contribution s’inscrit dans une approche nouvelle d’appréhension de la problématique de la lutte pour le contrôle du pouvoir d’Etat en Afrique, particulièrement au Niger. -
ECFG-Niger-2020R.Pdf
About this Guide This guide is designed to prepare you to deploy to culturally complex environments and achieve mission objectives. The fundamental information contained within will help you understand the cultural dimension of your assigned location and gain skills necessary for success. The guide consists of 2 parts: ECFG Part 1 introduces “Culture General,” the foundational knowledge you need to operate effectively in any global environment (Photos courtesy of IRIN News 2012 © Jaspreet Kindra). Niger Part 2 presents “Culture Specific” Niger, focusing on unique cultural features of Nigerien society and is designed to complement other pre- deployment training. It applies culture-general concepts to help increase your knowledge of your assigned deployment location. For further information, visit the Air Force Culture and Language Center (AFCLC) website at www.airuniversity.af.edu/AFCLC/ or contact AFCLC’s Region Team at [email protected]. Disclaimer: All text is the property of the AFCLC and may not be modified by a change in title, content, or labeling. It may be reproduced in its current format with the expressed permission of the AFCLC. All photography is provided as a courtesy of the US government, Wikimedia, and other sources as indicated. GENERAL CULTURE CULTURE PART 1 – CULTURE GENERAL What is Culture? Fundamental to all aspects of human existence, culture shapes the way humans view life and functions as a tool we use to adapt to our social and physical environments. A culture is the sum of all of the beliefs, values, behaviors, and symbols that have meaning for a society. All human beings have culture, and individuals within a culture share a general set of beliefs and values. -
Niger Page 1 of 27
2009 Human Rights Report: Niger Page 1 of 27 Home » Under Secretary for Democracy and Global Affairs » Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor » Releases » Human Rights Reports » 2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices » Africa » Niger 2009 Human Rights Report: Niger BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR 2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices March 11, 2010 Niger is a republic that restored its multiparty system in 1999 following coups in 1996 and 1999; it has a population estimated at 15.4 million. In 2004 voters elected Mamadou Tandja to a second five-year presidential term in an election that international observers deemed generally free and fair. The ruling coalition of the National Movement for the Development of Society (MNSD) and the Democratic and Social Convention (CDS), joined by four other parties, won a majority of national assembly seats. President Tandja's second--and final, due to constitutional limits--five-year term was due to expire on December 22, 2009; however, he organized a controversial referendum that established the Sixth Republic and allowed him to remain in office for three additional years and that eliminated the term-limits provision, although this provision was specifically prohibited from revision in the 1999 constitution. To consolidate the power needed to approve these changes, President Tandja dissolved the National Assembly and the Constitutional Court, modified the electoral code, restricted basic freedoms, curtailed press freedom, and granted himself emergency powers to rule by decree and executive order. In 2007 the Tuareg rebel group Nigerien Movement for Justice (MNJ) launched a series of attacks against military and strategic installations in the north. -
Amnesty International Report 2010: the State of the World's Human
AMNesty INterNAtIoNAl rePort 2010 the stAte of the world’s huMAN rIghts A-Z COUNTRY ENTRIES This document was downloaded from thereport.amnesty.org/en/download Please visit thereport.amnesty.org for the complete website and other downloads. Support Amnesty International’s work, buy your copy of the Report or other publications at shop.amnesty.org Amnesty International Report 2010 Amnesty International Report © Amnesty International 2010 Index: POL 10/001/2010 ISBN: 978-0-86210-455-9 ISSN: 0309-068X This report covers the period January to December 2009.10 The Afghan government and its international AFGHANISTAN supporters failed to institute proper human rights protection mechanisms ahead of the August ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF AFGHANISTAN elections. The elections were marred by violence and Head of state and government: Hamid Karzai allegations of widespread electoral fraud, including Death penalty: retentionist ballot box stuffing, premature closure of polling Population: 28.2 million stations, opening unauthorized polling stations and Life expectancy: 43.6 years Under-5 mortality (m/f): 233/238 per 1,000 multiple voting. Adult literacy: 28 per cent Despite a public outcry, President Karzai’s post re-election cabinet included several figures facing credible and public allegations of war crimes Afghan people continued to suffer widespread and serious human rights violations committed human rights violations and violations of international during Afghanistan’s civil war, as well as after the A humanitarian law more than seven years after the USA fall of the Taleban. and its allies ousted the Taleban. Access to health care, education and humanitarian aid deteriorated, Armed conflict particularly in the south and south-east of the country, Abuses by armed groups due to escalating armed conflict between Afghan Civilian casualties caused by the Taleban and other and international forces and the Taleban and other insurgent groups increased. -
Amnesty International
5 July 2010 Public amnesty international Niger Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review Tenth session of the UPR Working Group of the Human Rights Council January 2011 AI Index: AFR 43/001/2010 Amnesty International Niger: Amnesty International Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review 2 Executive summary In this submission, Amnesty International provides information under sections B, C and D, as stipulated in the General Guidelines for the Preparation of Information under the Universal Periodic Review: 1 • Under section B, Amnesty International notes rights protected in Niger’s Constitution and treaties to which Niger is a party. • Section C highlights Amnesty International’s concerns in relation to serious human rights violations committed by government security forces and armed groups, notably a Tuareg armed opposition group. • In section D, Amnesty International makes a number of recommendations for action by the government to address the areas of concern. 1 Contained in Human Rights Council Decision 6/102, Follow-up to Human Rights Council resolution 5/1, section I adopted 27 September 2007. Amnesty International AI Index: 43/001/2010 Niger: Amnesty International Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review 3 Niger Amnesty International submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review Tenth session of the UPR Working Group, January 2011 B. Normative and institutional framework of the State In the last couple of years, Niger’s Constitution and key institutions have been severely undermined by the authorities. In May 2009, former President Mamadou Tandja dissolved Parliament after the Constitutional Court rejected his attempts to amend the Constitution by referendum to allow him a third term. -
Niger: Another Weak Link in the Sahel?
Niger: Another Weak Link in the Sahel? Africa Report N°208 | 19 September 2013 Translation from French International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Scramble for Power: Between Civilian and Military Rule (1960-2010) ................... 3 A. Old Imbalances: The Colonial State’s Weaknesses and Violence ............................. 3 B. The Failure of the First Republic (1960-1974) .......................................................... 4 C. The “Military Politicians” (1974-1990) ...................................................................... 6 D. A Fragile and Uncertain Democratisation (1990-2000) ........................................... 8 1. Short-lived regimes: The Second, Third and Fourth Republics .......................... 8 2. The armed rebellions of the 1990s ....................................................................... 9 E. The Tandja Decade (1999-2010) ............................................................................... 11 1. The “second Tuareg rebellion” ............................................................................. 11 2. The abuses of tazartché ....................................................................................... -
Coup D'état in Africa
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 12, Issue 2 | Winter 2011 Debunking the Myth of the “Good” Coup d’État in Africa ANDREW C. MILLER Abstract: In response to the recent coup in Niger, which ousted the country’s president- turned-strongman Mamadou Tandja, the capital erupted in pro-coup demonstrations. Many commentators and foreign governments also showed tacit support for the junta. What is the likelihood that this coup and the other coup regimes in Africa will lead to the institutionalization of durable and stable democracies? Based on historical analysis of past African coups that brought brief democratic transitions, this article argues that it is unlikely. For the four African coups that briefly put in place democratic institutions— Sierra Leone (1968), Ghana (1978), Sudan (1985), and Niger (1999)—the juntas and proceeding civilian governments failed to address core political and economic issues, lacked durability, and did not engender long-term political stability. To further debunk the myth of the so-called ‚good‛ coup d’état in Africa, this article also demonstrates that coup regimes, which consolidate governing authority in failed states, attempt to institutionalize autocracies. Introduction The story of deposed Nigerien President Mamadou Tandja is an all too familiar one in Africa. Although elected in generally free and fair elections, Tandja attempted to tighten his grip on the presidency in a blatant violation of Niger’s constitution.1 In August 2009, after ten years in power, he pushed through a new constitution by referendum -
Suprême Pour La Restauration De La Démocratie – CSRD) Led By
NIGER OBSERVATORY FOR thE PROTEctiON OF humAN Rights DEFENDERS ANNUAL REPORT 2011 During the transition period that followed the coup d’état in February 2010, a new legal and institutional framework more favourable for the respect of human rights appeared, civil society was given a new lease of life and no obstruction or intimida- tion was observed. However, three defenders continued to be subjected to judicial harassment for having denounced corruption or the constitutional reform in 2009. Political context On February 18, 2010, the defence and security forces of Niger, combined within the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy (Conseil suprême pour la restauration de la démocratie – CSRD) led by Lieutenant General Salou Djibo, overthrew President Mamadou Tandja who since 2009, had established a particularly repressive climate against people, including political opponents and the civil society who had denounced his anti-constitutional manoeuvring to ensure his stay in power. Mr. Tandja was placed in extra-judicial detention before being transferred to the civil prison in Kollo on January 16, 2011, in spite of the ruling on November 8, 2010, of the Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), confirming the1 arbitrary nature of the arrest and detention, and calling for his release . Unexpectedly, the military junta2 subsequently succeeded with the adoption of a new Constitution , creating new institutions and organis- ing general elections that permitted the return of a civil regime. In fact, the two-round presidential elections, which took place on January 31 and March 12, 2011, resulted in the victory of the “historic” opposition leader of the Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism (Parti nigérien pour 1 / Charged with “misappropriation of public funds” and “violation of the Constitution”, Mr. -
Confronting Complex Political Crises in West Africa
d’Ivoire. How has it sought to implement the norms, REGIONAL NORMS ON DEMOCRACY activate mechanisms and establish structures to AND GOOD GOVERNANCE advance good governance, democracy and peace? Although ECOWAS has sometimes appeared to be Since the independence of the majority of West African overwhelmed by the numerous crises it has had to face countries in the early 1960s, the region has experienced in the region, and despite its own structural problems, numerous coups d’état, with military coups the rule in its approaches to the situations in Niger and Côte rather than the exception.3 In the post-Cold War era d’Ivoire it has engaged in initiatives that demonstrate major civil wars with devastating impact have also oc- a commitment to confl ict management and the promo- curred in four countries in the region, namely in Liberia tion of democracy. (1989−96 and 1999−2003), Sierra Leone (1991−2002), This paper argues that while ECOWAS policies on Guinea Bissau (1998) and Côte d’Ivoire (2002−2007 and issues of peace and security are works in progress, the 2010−2011). fact remains that there is a gap between the policies In the decade following its creation ECOWAS did and their implementation by member states. This can not position itself as an organisation promoting good be attributed to both an absence of political will by governance. Its main objective until the 1990s was some leaders and the weak enforcement capability of economic integration. Since then, however, there have ECOWAS. However, in the cases studied, our contention been many efforts at both the continental and regional is that there was in fact a change. -
«Turning the Page» Hopes for Media Freedom in Niger and Guinea
«TURNING THE PAGE» HOPES FOR MEDIA FREEDOM IN NIGER AND GUINEA AFP PHOTO / SIA KAMBOU © COPYRIGHT: RSF HOPES FOR MEDIA FREEDOM IN NIGER AND GUINEA ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 3 Investigation by Ambroise Pierre, Africa Desk. With research coordinator Gilles Lordet in Guinea and Jean-Louis Saporito, a journalist and Reporters Without Borders board member, in Niger. n Guinea, the National Transition Council (CNT) led by Reporters Without Borders, which visited Guinea from 22 Gen. Sékouba Konaté held the first free and transpa- to 27 May and Niger from 26 to 30 June, found that the rent election in the country’s history in 2010. It was democratic transition in both countries was accompanied won by long-time opposition leader, Alpha Condé. In by a marked increase in media freedom and strong hopes INiger, a military coup on 18 February 2010 ended Presi- of an improvement in the situation of the media and jour- dent Mamadou Tandja’s attempts to stay in office beyond nalists. It was these hopes that Reporters Without Borders the end of his term and opened the way for a transition wanted to evaluate. under the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Demo- cracy (CSRD). It resulted in Mahamadou Issoufou’s election in early 2011. In Conakry, the Reporters Without Borders delegation was justice minister Marou Amadou, Gen. Salou Djibo, who hea- received by officials from the ministry of communication ded the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy and ministry of territorial administration and decentraliza- (CSRD) and was president during the transition, and several tion, by justice minister Christian Sow and by government Niamey-based foreign diplomats.