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The Conflict's Complexity in Northern Mali Calls for Tailored Solutions
Policy Note 1, 2015 By Ole Martin Gaasholt Who needs to reconcile with whom? The Conflict’s Complexity in Northern Mali Calls for Tailored Solutions PHOTO: MARC DEVILLE/GETTY IMAGES While negotiations are taking place in Algiers, some observers insist on the need for reconciliation between Northern Mali and the rest of the country and particularly between Tuareg and other Malians. But the Tuareg are a minority in Northern Mali and most of them did not support the rebels. So who needs to be reconciled with whom? And what economic solutions will counteract conflict? This Policy Note argues that not only exclusion underlies the conflict, but also a lack of economic opportunities. The important Tuareg component in most rebellions in Mali does not mean that all Tuareg participate or even support the rebellions. ll the rebellions in Northern Mali the peoples of Northern Mali, which they The Songhay opposed Tuareg and Arab have been initiated by Tuareg, typi- called Azawad, and not just of the Tuareg. rebels in the 1990s, whereas many of them cally from the Kidal region, whe- There has thus been a sequence of joined Islamists controlling Northern Mali in reA the first geographically circumscribed rebellions in Mali in which the Tuareg 2012. Very few Songhay, or even Arabs, joined rebellion broke out a few years after inde- component has been important. In the Mouvement National pour la Libération pendence in 1960. Tuareg from elsewhere addition, there have been complex de l’Azawad (MNLA), despite the claim that in Northern Mali have participated in later connections between the various conflicts, Azawad was a multiethnic territory. -
Report of the Secretary-General on the Situation in Mali
United Nations S/2016/1137 Security Council Distr.: General 30 December 2016 Original: English Report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Mali I. Introduction 1. By its resolution 2295 (2016), the Security Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) until 30 June 2017 and requested me to report on a quarterly basis on its implementation, focusing on progress in the implementation of the Agreement on Peace and Reconciliation in Mali and the efforts of MINUSMA to support it. II. Major political developments A. Implementation of the peace agreement 2. On 23 September, on the margins of the general debate of the seventy-first session of the General Assembly, I chaired, together with the President of Mali, Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, a ministerial meeting aimed at mitigating the tensions that had arisen among the parties to the peace agreement between July and September, giving fresh impetus to the peace process and soliciting enhanced international support. Following the opening session, the event was co-chaired by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and African Integration of Mali, Abdoulaye Diop, and the Minister of State, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Algeria, Ramtane Lamamra, together with the Under - Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations. In the Co-Chairs’ summary of the meeting, the parties were urged to fully and sincerely maintain their commitments under the agreement and encouraged to take specific steps to swiftly implement the agreement. Those efforts notwithstanding, progress in the implementation of the agreement remained slow. Amid renewed fighting between the Coordination des mouvements de l’Azawad (CMA) and the Platform coalition of armed groups, key provisions of the agreement, including the establishment of interim authorities and the launch of mixed patrols, were not put in place. -
Malgré Un Lent Retour À La Stabilité, Pas De Solutions Durables En Vue Pour Bon Nombre De PDI
11 octobre 2013 MALI Malgré un lent retour à la stabilité, pas de solutions durables en vue pour bon nombre de PDI Le Mali se remet lentement du coup d’Etat militaire de mars 2012 et de la prise du Nord du pays par des rebelles touareg et des groupes islamistes la même année. Les événements dramatiques de 2012 et du début 2013 ont plongé le pays dans une crise humanitaire, politique et sécuritaire complexe, provoquant le déplacement interne de centaines de milliers de personnes. Aujourd’hui, les Maliens et la communauté internationale envisagent l’avenir proche avec une confiance mesurée. Des milliers de maliens qui avaient trouvé refuge dans les villes du sud du pays L’amélioration significative des conditions de au cours des troubles de l’année dernière commencent à retourner dans le nord. sécurité, illustrée par la tenue pacifique des D’autres attendent encore d’être rassurés sur la situation sécuritaire avant de rentrer chez eux. (Photo: E.J. Rushing, mars 2013) élections présidentielles de juillet et août 2013, a permis à de nombreuses des 311,000 person- nes déplacées internes (PDI), vivant toujours dans des conditions extrêmes, de se projeter dans l’avenir. Des dizaines de milliers d’entre elles ont commencé à regagner leurs foyers au Nord du Mali, mais de nombreux obstacles persistent, les empêchant de trouver des solutions vraiment durables à leur déplace- ment. Des combats et attaques sporadiques se poursuivent dans le Nord, notamment à Kidal. Les com- battants ont laissé dans leur sillage des restes explosifs de guerre mettant en danger les populations civ- iles, notamment les enfants. -
Tuareg Nationalism and Cyclical Pattern of Rebellions
Tuareg Nationalism and Cyclical Pattern of Rebellions: How the past and present explain each other Oumar Ba Working Paper No. 007 Sahel Research Group Working Paper No. 007 Tuareg Nationalism and Cyclical Pattern of Rebellions: How the past and present explain each other Oumar Ba March 2014 The Sahel Research Group, of the University of Florida’s Center for African Studies, is a collaborative effort to understand the political, social, economic, and cultural dynamics of the countries which comprise the West African Sahel. It focuses primarily on the six Francophone countries of the region—Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad—but also on in developments in neighboring countries, to the north and south, whose dy- namics frequently intersect with those of the Sahel. The Sahel Research Group brings together faculty and gradu- ate students from various disciplines at the University of Florida, in collaboration with colleagues from the region. Abstract: This article stresses the importance of history in understanding the cyclical pattern of Tuareg rebellions in Mali. I argue that history and narratives of bravery, resistance, and struggle are important in the discursive practice of Tuareg nationalism. This discourse materializes in the episodic rebellions against the Malian state. The cyclical pattern of the Tuareg rebellions is caused by institutional shortcomings such as the failure of the Malian state to follow through with the clauses that ended the previous rebellions. But, more importantly, the previous rebellions serve as historical and cultural markers for subsequent rebellions, which creates a cycle of mutually retrospective reinforcement mechanisms. About the Author: Oumar Ba is a Ph. -
The Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation in Mali (CSA)
PA-X, Peace Agreement Access Tool (Translation © University of Edinburgh) www.peaceagreements.org AGREEMENT FOR PEACE AND RECONCILIATION IN MALI RESULTING FROM THE ALGIERS PROCESS 1 PA-X, Peace Agreement Access Tool (Translation © University of Edinburgh) www.peaceagreements.org Preamble We, the Government of the Republic of Mali and the signatory movements of the road map at Algiers on July 24, 2014, hereinafter known as the Parties; Meeting at Algiers within the framework of the negotiations defined by the roadmap to reach an Agreement for a global and durable peace, in order to guarantee a definitive solution to the crisis in Northern Mali, known by some as Azawad; Expressing our deep gratitude to Algeria, as leader of the Mediation Team, as well as the Economic Community of West African States (la Communauté Economique des Etats de l’Afrique de Ouest, CEDEAO), the African Union (l’Union Africaine, UA), the United Nations, the European Union (EU), and the Organisation for Islamic Cooperation (l’Organisation pour la Coopération Islamique, OCI), Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria and Chad, members of the Mediation Team; Having carried out an in-depth analysis of the situation in Mali, in general, and in particular of the nature of the crises which periodically affect the regions of Northern Mali; Determined to deal definitively with the basic causes of the present situation, and to bring about genuine national reconciliation by reappropriating history through national unity, while respecting the human diversity which characterises -
Marine Insurers Wary of Arctic Shipping Routes: Marsh
MARKET NEWS, DATAAND INSIGHT ALL DAY,EVERYDAY WEDNESDAY20AUGUST2014 ISSUE 4,172 Marine insurers wary of Arctic shipping routes: Marsh Dmytro Pylypenko/shutterstock.com p3 QBE to HDI-Gerling opens raise $750m underwriting unit in São Paolo equity and sell off non-core assets Filipe Frazao/shutterstock.com p3 p3 Technology Focus Risk Foresight Big Interview The internet of trees is not Complications of foreign Esdaile and Aspinall on BPL’s such a ridiculous concept p4 intervention in Iraq p5 changing of the guard p6-7 2 www.insuranceday.com| Wednesday 20 August 2014 NEWS Marketnews,dataandinsightallday,everyday InsuranceDay istheworld’sonlydailynewspaperforthe internationalinsuranceandreinsuranceandriskindustries. ItsprimaryfocusisontheLondonmarketandwhataffectsit, concentratingonthekeyareasofcatastrophe,propertyand marine,aviationandtransportation.Itisavailableinprint,PDF, mobileandonlineversionsandisreadbymorethan10,000people inmorethan70countriesworldwide. Political events Firstpublishedin1995,InsuranceDay hasbecomethefavourite in Ukraine publicationfortheLondonmarket,whichreliesonitsmixof and ensuing news,analysisanddatatokeepintouchwiththisfast-moving sanctions on andvitallyimportantsector.Itsexperiencedandhighlyskilled Russia have put insurancewritersarewellknownandrespectedinthemarketand theirinsightisbothcompellingandvaluable. the political risk and trade credit InsuranceDay alsoproducesanumberofmust-attendannual insurance eventstocomplementitsdailyoutput.TheLondonandBermuda market under summitsareexclusivenetworkingconferencesforsenior -
MINUSMA's 2021 in Uncertain Times
MINUSMA’s 2021 Mandate Renewal in uncertain times Arthur Boutellis Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2021 ISBN: 978-82-7002-350-9 Any views expressed in this publication are those of the authors. They should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. The text may not be re-published in part or in full without the permission of NUPI and the authors. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: P.O. Box 8159 Dep. NO-0033 Oslo, Norway Internet: effectivepeaceops.net | www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Fax: [+ 47] 22 99 40 50 Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 Cover photo: UNPhoto / MINUSMA Investigates Human Rights Violations in Bankass Area MINUSMA’s 2021 mandate renewal in uncertain times Author Arthur Boutellis Data Visuals Jose Luengo-Cabrera EPON series editor Cedric DeConing Contents Acknowledgements 5 List of figures 7 Executive summary 9 Introduction 11 1. Brief history of MINUSMA 13 2. Assessing the effectiveness of MINUSMA since 2019 17 2.1. Supporting the Peace Process 17 2.2. Supporting PoC and the re-establishment of state authority in Central Mali 20 2.3. Supporting the 18-month Malian political transition 25 2.4. The relationship between MINUSMA and other forces 27 3. Implications for MINUSMA’s mandate renewal 33 3.1. The first strategic priority: The Peace Process 34 3.2. The second strategic priority: Central Mali 35 3.3. Supporting the Malian Transition within the framework of existing two strategic priorities 36 3.4. -
MALI Northern Takeover Internally Displaces at Least 118,000 People
1 October 2012 MALI Northern takeover internally displaces at least 118,000 people Few could have predicted that Mali, long considered a beacon of democ- racy in West Africa, would in less than a year see half its territory overrun by Islamic militants and a tenth of its northern population internally dis- placed. Instability and insecurity result- ing from clashes between government forces and Tuareg separatists and pro- liferation of armed groups in northern Mali in the wake of a coup d’état have combined with a Sahel-wide food crisis to force some 393,000 Malians from their homes since January 2012, some 118,800 of whom are estimated to be Malians who fled the unrest in the northeastern city of Gao wait at a bus internally displaced. station in Bamako to return to Gao, September 2012. REUTERS/Adama Diarra Some 35,300 people are displaced across Mali’s vast three northern regions, living in town with host fami- lies or out in the open in makeshift shelters. Most of the 83,400 IDPs who have taken refuge in the south are staying with host families. Both IDPs and host families face severe shortages of food, access to health care and basic necessities. Many IDPs have lost their sources of livelihoods and children’s education has been severely jeopardised. The nascent government of national unity, which took power in August 2012 after prolonged instability, has taken some steps to respond to health, nutrition and education needs but serious concerns remain for the vast majority of the displaced who still lack access to basic services. -
The Roots of Mali's Conflict
The roots of Mali’s conflict The roots Mali’s of The roots of Mali’s conflict Moving beyond the 2012 crisis CRU Report Grégory Chauzal Thibault van Damme The roots of Mali’s conflict Moving beyond the 2012 crisis Grégory Chauzal Thibault van Damme CRU report March 2015 The Sahel Programme is supported by March 2015 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright holders. About the authors Grégory Chauzal is a senior research fellow at Clingendael’s Conflict Research Unit. He specialises in Mali/Sahel issues and develops the Maghreb-Sahel Programme for the Institute. Thibault Van Damme works for Clingendael’s Conflict Research Unit as a project assistant for the Maghreb-Sahel Programme. About CRU The Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ is a think tank and diplomatic academy on international affairs. The Conflict Research Unit (CRU) is a specialized team within the Institute, conducting applied, policy-oriented research and developing practical tools that assist national and multilateral governmental and non-governmental organizations in their engagement in fragile and conflict-affected situations. Clingendael Institute P.O. Box 93080 2509 AB The Hague The Netherlands Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl/ Table of Contents Acknowledgements 6 Executive summary 8 Introduction 10 1. The 2012 crisis: the fissures of a united insurrection 10 2. A coup in the south 12 3. -
Mali Crisis: a Migration Perspective
MALI CRISIS: A MIGRATION PERSPECTIVE June 2013 Wrien by Diana Carer Edited by Sarah Harris Review Commiee Patrice Quesada Peter Van der Auweraert Research Assistance Johanna Klos Ethel Gandia ! ! !! ! ! ! ! !! Birak Dawra UmmalAbid Smaracamp ! ! I-n-Salah Laayoune ! June 2013 ● www.iom.int ● [email protected] MALI CRISIS: A MIGR!!ATION PERSPECTIVE ! ! Smara ! Dakhlacamp Reggane Lemsid ! Illizi ! Tmassah ! BirLehlou ! Pre-crisis Patterns and Flows Marzuq ! ! ! Chegga Arak EUROPE BirMogrein Malian Diaspora ! 6 68,7863 Ghat 2,531 MALIANS FRANCE ● 2010 ASYLUM SEEKERS ! Jan - Dec 2012 Djanet ! Malian Diaspora Tajarhi 185,144 301,027 21,5893 SPAIN ● 2010 ! TOTAL MALIAN CROSS BORDER MOVEMENTS TOTAL INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) InAmguel INTO NEIGHBOURING COUNTRIES ● as of May 2013 INSIDE MALI ● as of April 2013 228,918 as of 14 Jan 2013 ALGERIA TOTAL MALIAN REFUGEES 176,144 ! ! Taoudenni ! ! Tamanrasset FderikZouirat as of May 2013 30,000 Malian Returnees from Libya12 144,329 as of 10 Jan 2013 as of Dec 2012 11,248 assisted by IOM 4 TOTAL OTHER MOVEMENTS OF MALIANS 9,000 as of May 2012 MALI 1,500 Malian Refugees 10 as of 1 Apr 2013 registered with UNHCR Malian Diaspora 3 ! 1,500 as of 10 Jan 2013 12,815 Malian Diaspora MAURITANIA ● 2010 Djado 69,7903 ! Malian Diaspora NIGER ● 2010 Atar 17,5023 Tessalit SENEGAL ● 2010 ! Boghassa Malian Diaspora 9 ! Tinzaouaten 3 Malian Diaspora ! Malian Diaspora 68,295 15,624 Refugees BURKINA FASO ● 2010 3 15,2763 133,464 9 5 Aguelhok 10,000 Malians GUINEA ● 2010 NIGERIA ● 2010 2,497 Asylum Seekers ! Malian Diaspora as of 3 Apr 2012 inside Mali ● as of Jan 2012 STRANDED AT ALGERIAN BORDER 440,9603 Araouane COTE D’IVOIRE ● 2010 MAURITANIA ! ! Malian Diaspora Malian Diaspora 1 Arlit 3 6,0113 ! KIDAL 31,306 Tidjikdja 28,645 IDPs GABON ● 2010 REP. -
PDF | 1.25 MB | English Version
MALI 2013 Credit: UNHCR / Helene Caux 11 March i TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. SITUATION OVERVIEW ................................................................................................................. 1 2. HUMANITARIAN SITUATION ........................................................................................................ 1 3. CHALLENGES AND CONSTRAINTS ............................................................................................ 2 4. STRATEGIC OBJECTIVES AND TOP PRIORITIES ..................................................................... 3 Table I: Requirements and Priority Needs by Cluster ............................................................ 4 5. SUMMARY OF PRIORITIZED CLUSTER PLANS ......................................................................... 5 Coordination and Common Services ........................................................................................... 5 Education ........................................................................................................................................ 6 Emergency Telecommunications ................................................................................................. 7 Food security ................................................................................................................................. 8 Health .............................................................................................................................................. 9 Logistics ...................................................................................................................................... -
Análisis Xavier Puigserver Blasco
PUBLICACIÓN DEL CENTRE D’ESTUDIS AFRICANS I INTERCULTURALS (CEA) - BARCELONA Número 33 - Enero 2016 Análisis El poder político del Azawad en manos de las élites tuaregs Xavier Puigserver Blasco Grup d’Estudi de les Societats Africanes (GESA) Introducción ranscurridos más de tres años desde el inicio de la revuelta tuareg en las regiones del norte de Mali, el 20 de junio del 2015, en Bamako y en presencia de la comunidad internacional, el Gobier- no de esta república y los dos grupos de combatientes que se enfrentan en el Azawad1, las élites tuaregsT representadas por el CMA2, de un lado, y los diferentes grupos nómadas subsidiarios de estas élites representados por La Plataforme, del otro, firman los acuerdos por la paz y la reconciliación en Mali, unos acuerdos que como en tantas otras ocasiones no han conseguido acabar con los enfrentamientos armados en el territorio. Desde que la República de Mali accedió a la independencia en 1960 identificamos cinco levantamientos armados en las regiones del norte de este territorio, liderados todos ellos por las élites tuaregs Kel Adrar (1963, 1990, 2006, 2008 y 2012)3. Las reivindicaciones y las consecuencias de todas estas revueltas han sido siempre las mismas, y aquello que empieza siendo un levantamiento armado tuareg en contra de los diferentes regímenes reclamando una mayor atención política, económica y cultural para las regiones del norte y para el pueblo tuareg, ha acabado por llevar el clima bélico en las regiones del norte de Mali al borde de la guerra civil, enfrentando a los grupos tuaregs que las han liderado frente al resto de comuni- dades nómadas4 y sedentarias que habitan este territorio.