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A Critical Discourse Analysis of Artur Mas's Selected
Raymond Echitchi “Catalunya no és Espanya”: A critical discourse... 7 “CATALUNYA NO ÉS ESPANYA”: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF ARTUR MAS’S SELECTED SPEECHES Raymond Echitchi, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: This article is a Critical Discourse Analysis of secessionist discourse in Catalonia in the light of a selection of speeches given by Artur Mas. This work aims at deciphering the linguistic strategies used by Mas to construct a separate Catalan identity in three of his speeches, namely his acceptance, inauguration and 2014 referendum speeches. The analysis of these speeches was carried out in the light of Ruth Wodak’s Discourse-historical Approach to Critical Discourse and yielded the identification of three sets strategies to which Artur Mas mostly resorts; singularisation and autonomisation strategies, assimilation and cohesivation strategies and finally continuation strategies. Keywords: Catalonia, sub-state nationalism, secessionism, Critical Discourse Analysis. Resumen: Este artículo analiza, mediante el Análisis Crítico del Discurso, las disertaciones secesionistas en Cataluña de los discursos de Artur Mas. En este trabajo, se pretende captar las estrategias lingüísticas utilizadas por Mas para construir una identidad catalana separada en tres discursos que presentó; en su investidura, su toma de posesión y antes de celebrar el referéndum de 2014. El análisis de estos discursos se llevó a cabo a la luz de la aproximación histórica discursiva de Ruth Wodak y dio lugar a la identificación de tres tipos de estrategias en estos discursos: las estrategias de singularización y autonomización, las estrategias de asimilación y cohesión y las estrategias de continuidad. Palabras clave: Cataluña, nacionalimo sub-estatal, secesionismo, Análisis Crítico del Discurso. -
Independentism and the European Union
POLICY BRIEF 7 May 2014 Independentism and the European Union Graham Avery Independentism1 is a live issue in Europe today. In the European Union separatist parties have gained votes in Scotland, Catalonia, Flanders and elsewhere2, and referendums are in prospect. In Eastern Europe Crimea's referendum has led to an international crisis. This note addresses some basic questions raised by these developments: • What is the European Union's policy on independentism? • Is the division of a member state into two states bad for the EU? • How is the organisational structure of the EU relevant to independentism? BACKGROUND The situation on the ground in the EU today may be summarised as follows: Scotland: a referendum on independence will take place in Scotland on 18 September 2014. The Scottish National Party, which won a majority of seats in the Scottish elections of 2011 and formed a government, is campaigning for 'yes'. Although the British parliament agreed to the referendum, the main political parties in London are campaigning for 'no'. Opinion polls show that 'no' has more supporters than 'yes', but the gap has diminished, many voters are undecided, and the result may be close.3 Catalonia: in regional elections in 2012 the alliance Convergence and Union (Convergència i Unió) won 31% of the vote and formed a coalition government, which has announced a referendum on independence for 9 November 2014. Since Spain's Parliament has declared it unconstitutional, the referendum may not take place. But the next regional elections may effectively become a substitute for a referendum. Belgium: the New Flemish Alliance (Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie) gained ground in national elections in 2010 on a platform of independence for Flanders. -
Jordi Pujol Hagi Entrat Amb Gaire Bon Peu a La Presidència De La Generalitat
i %<s>. I ENTT15 vostè té crèdit cada dia a 2.600.000 establiments Una targeta extraordinària per als nostres clients No es tracta només que vostè tingui avantatges si vol anar a Pestranger. El que importa és que la targeta també li sigui útil aquí quan faci les compres habituals en un supermercat, una sabateria o qualsevol establiment comercial, quan hagi de pagar el compte d'un restaurant, comprar una joguina o fer un regal Ja pot fer les coses de cada dia sense haver de dur diners! A cada pas veurà un establiment que té a la porta la reproducció de la nostra targeta. Hi serà ben rebut, perquè vostè s'hi presentarà com una persona de crèdit JL· CAIXA DT5TALVI5 DE CATALUNYA CAÍXA DE TOTS li ofereix gratuïtament la Targeta Master Charge Carta del director En aquest Les primeres passes Amic lector: No es pot dir que el senyor Jordi Pujol hagi entrat amb gaire bon peu a la Presidència de la Generalitat. Cartes a L'HORA. Pàg. 5 El sistema electoral vigent provoca, tant a Catalunya com arreu de l'Estat, que sigui molt difícil per a un partit polític assolir la majoria absoluta. Es pot dir que guanyi qui guanyi, dels resultats electorals es desprèn sempre un poder Pujol, president a la segona, per AL- dèbil que ha de pactar-ho tot, igual que passava a França amb la IV República. BERT GARRIDO. Pàgs. 6 a 8. D'altra part, la victòria electoral de Pujol va ser molt ajustada i es pot dir que. el seu programa ha anat endavant per l'imperatiu que senten els partits cata-* Jordi Pujol, president 115 de la Ge- lans de no frenar el procés institucionalitzador de Catalunya. -
20 Questions and Answers on the Secession of Catalonia © 2014
20 Questions and Answers on the Secession of Catalonia © 2014. FAES Foundation for Social Studies and Analysis ISBN: 978-84-92561-32-2 Legal deposit: M-4316-2014 Cover design and layout by: Paloma Cuesta Translated by: Estefanía Pipino [email protected] www.fundacionfaes.org This activity has been subsidised by the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport of Spain Contents Prologue by Javier Zarzalejos, Secretary-General of FAES Foundation...................... 5 Why? The Reasons for Secession.................................................................... 11 1. Can we rightly speak of a history of ‘Spain against Catalonia’? ....................... 13 2. Did the Catalans want the Transition? ............................................................ 15 3. Did the Catalans want the Constitution and the Statute of Autonomy of 1979?. 17 4. Does the 2006 ruling of the Constitutional Court on the 2006 Statute prevent the Catalans from having a satisfactory status in the Spanish constitutional framework?............................................. 20 5. Can we speak in any sense of lack of representation of the Catalans in the constituent process or in the State institutions? ................................... 23 Conclusion: A process without reasons, an invented grievance.............................. 25 How? The Path of Secession ........................................................................... 27 6. Is there a right to decide outside the Constitution and the law? ...................... 33 7. Is the so-called right -
Archives of the Crown of Aragon Catalogue of Publications of the Ministry: General Catalogue of Publications: Publicacionesoficiales.Boe.Es
Archives of the Crown of Aragon Catalogue of Publications of the Ministry: www.mecd.gob.es General Catalogue of Publications: publicacionesoficiales.boe.es Edition 2018 Translation: Communique Traducciones MINISTRY OF EDUCATION, CULTURE AND SPORTS Published by: © TECHNICAL GENERAL SECRETARIAT Sub-Directorate General of Documentation and Publications © Of the texts and photographs: their authors NIPO: 030-18-036-7 Legal Deposit: M-13391-2018 Archives of the Crown of Aragon 700th anniversary of the creation of the Archive of the Crown of Aragon (ACA) (1318) United Nations Santa Fe Capitulations United Nations Celebrated in association with UNESCO Educational, Scientific and Inscribed on the Register in 2009 Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization Memory of the World Cultural Organization Index 1. History .......................................................................................................... 7 2. Current Locations ..................................................................................... 21 3. Board of Trustees ..................................................................................... 25 4. European Heritage Label and UNESCO Memory of the World Register ........................................................................................................ 28 5. Documents ................................................................................................. 32 Real Cancillería (Royal Chancery) ....................................................... 32 Consejo de Aragón (Council of -
?El Desè President De La Generalitat, Inhabilitat
Punt de vista | Joan Roma | Actualitzat el 12/10/2020 a les 08:23 ?El desè President de la Generalitat, inhabilitat Deixem les coses clares, ja d'entrada, per evitar malentesos posteriors. Quim Torra, ha estat el desè president de la Generalitat de Catalunya i no el número 131, com els independentistes volen fer creure, seguint una nomenclatura que es va inventar l'historiador Josep M. Solé i Sabaté l'any 2003, en una obra per ser inclosa dintre de l'Enciclopèdia Catalana. En un exercici de salt al buit, fent servir un munt de consideracions, va fixar els inicis de la presidència de la Generalitat, en Berenguer de Cruïlles, eclesiàstic , entre els anys 1359 i el 1362, fins acabar amb Josep de Vilamala, 1713 - 1714. Aquests imaginaris ?presidents? tots eren eclesiàstics, formant part d'un dels braços de la Diputació del General de Catalunya, però sense cap de les competències que té un president. Si s'acceptés aquesta relació, resultaria que Catalunya hauria tingut 121 ?presidents? capellans. Quan dic capellans, vull dir eclesiàstics perquè hi podríem trobar des de monjos, a bisbes, i altres càrrecs religiosos, però tots pertanyents a l'església catòlica, i en ple exercici de les seves funcions. Ens hem de creure aquest invent ? La realitat és que el primer president fou Francesc Macià, elegit el 17 d'abril de 1931, i a partir d'aquí, l'han seguit Lluis Companys, Josep Irla ( a l'exili) , Josep Tarradellas ( a l'exili, fins el seu retorn ), Jordi Pujol, Pasqual Maragall, José Montilla, Artur Mas, Carles Puigdemont i Joaquim Torra. -
History of the Crusades. Episode 139. the Crusade Against the Cathars. King Peter II of Aragon, Part 1. Hello Again Last Week We
History of the Crusades. Episode 139. The Crusade Against the Cathars. King Peter II of Aragon, Part 1. Hello again Last week we saw Simon de Montfort emerge victorious from the northern part of southern France. Having conquered all of the Agenais, except for the town of Montauban, it seemed that Simon may have, for the first time, managed to wrestle the whole of Languedoc into submission. By the end of last week's episode, the town of Toulouse and a smattering of strongholds in the mountainous regions of the County of Foix where the only places holding out for the rebels. It is now, with Simon de Montfort seemingly victorious, that we're going to leave the land of the Raymonds and take a closer look at the land of the Alfonsos. More specifically, we're going to concentrate on a man who has been absent from our narrative for a while, King Peter II of Aragon. But we can't really understand King Peter without also taking a closer look at the Kingdom of Aragon, and we can't really understand the Kingdom of Aragon without understanding medieval Spain as a whole. And of course, we can't really understand medieval Spain without knowing some of what came before. To prevent this from turning into a lengthy sub-series all of its own, we are going to have to summarize and leave a lot out. Still, by the end of this next couple of episodes, you should have a deeper understanding of King Peter II of Aragon and his kingdom. -
Óscar Perea Rodríguez Ehumanista: Volume 6, 2006 237 Olivera
Óscar Perea Rodríguez 237 Olivera Serrano, César. Beatriz de Portugal. La pugna dinástica Avís-Trastámara. Prologue by Eduardo Paro de Guevara y Valdés. Santiago de Compostela: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas-Xunta de Galicia-Instituto de Estudios Gallegos “Padre Sarmiento”, 2005 (Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos, Anexo XXXV), págs. 590. ISBN 84-00-08343-1 Reviewed by Óscar Perea Rodríguez University of California, Berkeley In his essays, Miquel Batllori often argued that scholars researching Humanism should pay particular attention to the 15th century in order to gain a better understanding of the 16th century. This has been amply achieved by César Olivera Serrano, author of the book reviewed here, for in it he has offered us remarkable insight into 15th-century Castilian history through an extraordinary analysis of 14th-century history. As Professor Pardo de Guevara points out in his prologue, this book is an in-depth biographical study of Queen Beatriz of Portugal (second wife of the King John I of Castile). Additionally, it is also an analysis of the main directions of Castilian foreign policy through the late 14th and 15th centuries and of how Castile’s further political and economic development was strictly anchored in its 14th-century policies. The first chapter, entitled La cuestionada legitimidad de los Trastámara, focuses on Princess Beatriz as the prisoner of her father’s political wishes. King Ferdinand I of Portugal wanted to take advantage of the irregular seizure of the Castilian throne by the Trastámara family. Thus, he offered himself as a candidate to Castile’s crown, sometimes fighting for his rights in the battlefield, sometimes through peace treatises. -
Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the Brink: Background, Facts, And
Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the brink: background, facts, and consequences of the failed independence referendum, the Declaration of Independence, the arrest and jailing of Catalan leaders, the application of art 155 of the Spanish Constitution and the calling for elections on December 21 A series of first in history. Examples of “what is news” • On Sunday, October 1, Football Club Barcelona, world-known as “Barça”, multiple champion in Spanish, European and world competitions in the last decade, played for the first time since its foundation in 1899 at its Camp Nou stadium, • Catalan independence leaders were taken into custody in “sedition and rebellion” probe • Heads of grassroots pro-secession groups ANC and Omnium were investigated over September incidents Results • Imprisonment of Catalan independence leaders gives movement new momentum: • Asamblea Nacional Catalana (Jordi Sànchez) and • Òmnium Cultural (Jordi Cuixart), • Thousands march against decision to jail them • Spain’s Constitutional Court strikes down Catalan referendum law • Key background: • The Catalan Parliament had passed two laws • One would attempt to “disengage” the Catalan political system from Spain’s constitutional order • The second would outline the bases for a “Republican Constitution” of an independent Catalonia The Catalan Parliament factions • In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are: • Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català (Catalan European Democratic Party; PDeCAT), formerly named Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya -
In Focus CIDOB 03
CIDOB • Barcelona Centre for International 2012 for September Affairs. Centre CIDOB • Barcelona in focusThe Barcelona Centre for International Affairs Brief 03 Spain’s territorial tensions: OCTOBER A turning point? 2012 Francesc Badia and Oleguer Sarsanedas, CIDOB t is said that the late Don Juan, Count of Barcelona and father of King Juan Carlos I, gave his son a piece of advice the day he abdicated the crown (so as to confer dynastic legitimacy on the Spanish Monarchy reinstated by Franco): Imake sure the Catalans feel comfortable, because you cannot run Spain without the Catalans. Now, thirty-five years later, among the many things the current cri- sis is erasing in Spain, the comfort level of the Catalans ranks high on the list. On September 11 (Catalonia’s National Day), a massive pro-independence rally collapsed central Barcelona for many hours. Citizens of all ages and conditions (families with small children, senior citizens, young people) arrived, a substantial number of them in rented coaches, from all over Catalonia. They marched carry- ing flags and shouting “Independència!” behind a giant banner that read: “Catalo- nia, the next state in Europe”. Never before had the case for Catalan independ- ence rallied so many people in a party-like mood, chanting, celebrating, as if in an American-style parade. It was perhaps the largest demonstration ever in Barcelo- na, initially convened by civic and grass-root groups -which have been mobilising for the cause of independence since at least 2009, holding informal polls in most towns and villages throughout Catalonia. These groups had been preparing for a big demonstration for months, and only as D-day approached, and in the light of the momentum it was gathering, did the mainstream media (national TV, radio stations, pro-government newspapers) decided to fully back it. -
“Problema Catalán” Durante La Transición Jaume Claret Universitat Oberta De Catalunya
XII Congreso de Historia Contemporánea Asociación de Historia Contemporánea Madrid, 17-19 de setiembre de 2014 Propuesta de comunicación Taller-seminario 20. Las narrativas sobre la Transición española a la democracia (1979-2013) Tres estrategias históricas para superar el “problema catalán” durante la Transición Jaume Claret Universitat Oberta de Catalunya La Transición tenía entre sus retos el recurrente “problema catalán” (reivindicaciones nacionalistas, preponderancia de izquierdas, unidad opositora y concienciación social). Los dos primeros gobiernos de la Monarquía intentarán hasta tres estrategias para desactivarlo, todas ellas con referentes históricos como argumentos justificativos: en abril de 1976 la creación de un régimen especial con ecos de la Mancomunitat; en junio de 1977 la apuesta por el nacionalismo conservador, basada en la trayectoria antifranquista de Jordi Pujol; y durante el verano-otoño la última –y finalmente exitosa— estrategia, con el retorno del presidente exiliado Josep Tarradellas y el restablecimiento de la Generalitat. 1 El 31 de diciembre de 1979 se publicaba en el Diari Oficial de la Generalitat el Estatut d’Autonomia de Catalunya. Esta ley orgánica retornaba la autonomía política a la región catalana tras la derogación por parte del general Francisco Franco el 5 de abril de 1938 de la otorgada durante el período republicano.1 Los diputados y senadores elegidos en las elecciones de 1977 por las circunscripciones catalanas habían delegado su redacción en la llamada ‘Comissió dels Vint’, reunida en el Parador Nacional de Sau. Previo a su entrada en vigor, éste fue aprobado en referéndum por la ciudadanía catalana el 25 de octubre de 1979 y ratificado por el Congreso de los Diputados el 18 de diciembre de 1979.2 Con estas reglas de juego, el 20 de marzo de 1980 se convocaban elecciones autonómicas y el 8 de mayo era proclamado presidente de la Generalitat, gobernando en minoría, el catalanista conservador Jordi Pujol. -
Play It Again, Artur O Per a Aquells Que Els Viuen Com a Períodes Parlamentaris
Editorial La Veu Un pas per davant Butlletí de Reagrupament Independentista L’arribada de les vacances d’estiu és una època que convida a fer balanç -especialment per a aquells que vivim els anys repartits en cursos escolars Play it again, Artur o per a aquells que els viuen com a períodes parlamentaris. El balanç El president de la Generalitat vol tornar a començar amb de com ens ha anat personalment l’eterna cançó de l’enfadós de regenerar Espanya per feina, família, amistats o salut, o el balanç, per a aquells que estem més preocupats per la política i les llibertats, de com ha anat tot plegat des d’un punt de vista polític. I, en aquest aspecte, ara que ha fet un any de la gran manifestació del 10 de juliol, he de dir que ha estat un any on els ciutadans col·lectivament han crescut i s’han fet sentir de moltes formes diferents a part de manifestar-se. Hem demostrat que, de forma pacífica, valenta i organitzada, es poden canviar les coses. El procés de les consultes per L’actual president de la Generalitat premi com a espanyol de l’any per la independència ha tingut un fort de Catalunya, Artur Mas, ha part d’un diari més que conservador impacte cívic i ha estat un èxit a aconseguit allò tan provincià i, espanyol. Barcelona i també el debat per la alhora, tan preuat a les nostres En el darrers temps, el mateix Jordi regeneració democràtica ha arribat al Pujol ha fet avinent que els seus contrades, que és fer una entrevista carrer, especialment entre els joves.