UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Sacramento en El Movimiento : Chicano politics in the civil rights era Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0qv0r4w8 Author Márquez, Lorena Valdivia Publication Date 2010 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Sacramento en El Movimiento: Chicano Politics in the Civil Rights Era A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Lorena Valdivia Márquez Committee in charge: Professor David G. Gutiérrez, Chair Professor Miroslava Chávez-García Professor Jorge Huerta Professor Vicki L. Ruiz Professor Nayan Shah Professor Daniel Widener 2010 Copyright Lorena Valdivia Márquez, 2010 All rights reserved. The dissertation of Lorena Valdivia Márquez is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm: ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ Chair University of California, San Diego 2010 iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page ……………………………………………………………… iii Table of Contents ………………………………………………………….. … iv List of Images………………………………………………………………… vi List of Maps………………………………………………………………….. viii List of Tables…………………………………………………………………. ix Preface ……………………………………………………………………….. x Acknowledgements ………………………………………………………….. xlv Vita …………………………………………………………………………… li Abstract ……………………………………………………………………. .... lii I. Chapter One: Community Politics in Chicana/o Sacramento……...………. 1 Gate Keeping in California’s Gold Fields………………………….……… 3 Carving Out Mexican Space..…………………………………….………... 13 Economic Turmoil Leads to Mexican Political Organizing……………. …. 29 From the Bracero Program to Mexican American Ideology…………… …. 42 Post-War Sacramento………………………………………………………. 65 II. Chapter Two: The Debate Over the Benefits of Desegregation.………….. 75 The Call for Desegregation in Sacramento……………………………….. 82 Chicano Use of Courts..…………………………………………………... 100 Dynamics of the Washington Barrio……………………………………… 104 SCUSD Adopts Plan to Desegregate……………………………………… 109 Chicano Political Divisions Arise…………………………………………. 119 SCUSD Moves Forward with Desegregation……………………………… 152 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………. 156 III. Chapter Three: Cannery Workers Resist………………………………….. 160 Early Life of Rubén Reyes..…………………………………………… …. 165 History of Canneries in Sacramento ……………………………………… 173 The Rise of Teamsters Union in Sacramento……………………………... 180 The Formation of the Cannery Workers Committee……………………… 199 Conclusion………………………………………………………………… 222 iv IV. Chapter Four: Chicano and Native American Student Radical Organizing.. 225 Red Power…………………………………………………………………. 229 Brown Power …………………………………………………………........ 234 Intersecting Histories ……………………………………………………… 246 DQ-U is Born out of Protest……………………………………………….. 258 Fracturing Identity Politics………………………………………………… 293 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………. 305 V. Chapter Five: Conclusion …………………………………………………. 311 Community Ideological Lessons…………………………………………… 312 Retrospective Thoughts……………………………………………………. 316 VI. Bibliography ……...……………………………………………………….. 325 Primary Sources……………………………………………………………. 325 Secondary Sources…………………………………………………………. 332 v LIST OF IMAGES Image 1: “Bridge”…………………………………………………………... x Image 2: Dolores Huerta …………………………………………………… xi Image 3: “Stop Destroying Our Raza”……………………………………… xv Image 4: Bert Corona……………………………………………………….. xxvii Image 5: Mexican Track Workers………………………………………….. 13 Image 6: Alianza Hispano Americana…………………………………..….. 35 Image 7: Mexican Center Ladies Auxiliary…………………………………. 54 Image 8: Centro Mexicano………………………………………………..… 55 Image 9: Mexican American War Monument………………………………. 60 Image 10: Enriqueta Anadazola’s Family…………………………………… 62 Image 11: La Casa de MAPA……………………………………………….. 73 Image 12: Turkey Task……………………………………………………… 107 Image 13: A Rebirth of Chicano Art………………………………………… 108 Image 14: Demolition of Washington Elementary………………………….. 118 Image 15: CWC Bumper Sticker……………………………………………. 160 Image 16: CWC Newsletter…………………………………………………. 163 Image 17: CWC Poster………………………………………………………. 164 Image 18: Sacramento CWC Board Members………………………………… 204 Image 19: Vacaville CWC General Meeting…………………………………. 207 Image 20: Rubén Reyes holding Zapata Poster………………………………. 212 Image 21: Think Indian Sign…………………………………………………. 225 Image 22: Indians Before Monkeys………………………………………….. 267 vi Image 23: Tents at Army Depot Site………………………………………… 270 Image 24: Arturo J. Apodaca………………………………………………… 272 Image 25: Bárbara Ramírez………………………………………………….. 274 Image 26: March in Support of DQ-U………………………………………. 277 Image 27: Nordwall and Peace Pipe………………………………………… 278 vii LIST OF MAPS Map 1: Greater Sacramento Region…………………………………………. xiii Map 2: Gold Mining Regions……………………………………………….. 5 Map 3: Sacramento Barrios…………………………………………………. 21 Map 4: DQ-U…………..……………………………………………………. 227 viii LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Latino Growth in Sacramento County…………………………….. 28 Table 2: Reaction to Report…………………..…………………………….. 113 Table 3: Production Workers……………………………………………….. 199 Table 4: Race/Ethnicity in Sacramento County…………………………….. 319 ix PREFACE Image 1: “Bridge,” Freeport Bridge, Freeport, CA. Marchers approaching state capitol. (Courtesy of Center for Sacramento History, Farm Labor Folder, SBPM5221, 4-10- 1966.) On Easter Sunday, April 10, 1966, tens of thousands of migrant farm workers and their supporters chanted “¡SÍ SE PUEDE, SÍ SE PUEDE!” (“Yes We Can, Yes We Can!”) in unison as they approached California‟s capitol. Armed with flags of the image of La Virgen de Guadalupe and the black eagle (the United Farm Workers Union‟s emblem) the marchers—whether they knew it or not at the time—were making history in the fight for Mexican labor rights in the United States. César Chávez and Dolores Huerta had organized a successful pilgrimage from Delano to Sacramento x to shed light on the poor working conditions of grape pickers. In her speech at the state capitol, Huerta addressed California Governor Edmund Brown and the California legislature on behalf of farm workers: “We are the citizens and residents of the state of California and we want to have rules set to protect us in this state.”1 In making these demands, Huerta asserted farm workers deserved the human and civil rights granted to other California residents. Image 2: UFW Co-founders, Dolores Huerta (right) and César Chávez (left). Huerta speaking at the UFW rally at state capitol following dramatic 300-mile farm worker march from Delano to Sacramento. (Courtesy of Center for Sacramento History, 83/149/2078, 4-10-1966.) The marches orchestrated by the UFW are synonymous with the Chicano Movement. It was a well-known and -represented event, yet we know little else about what transpired in the Sacramento region before, during, and after the Delano farm 1 “Marchers: Capitol Protest Ends Grape Strikers‟ Walk,” The Sacramento Bee, 11 April 1966, p. A10. Also see: Susan Ferris and Ricardo Sandoval, The Fight in the Fields: Cesar Chavez and the Farmworkers Movement (New York: Harcourt Brace and Company, 1997): 122-123. xi workers went home. What kinds of movements did Chávez and Huerta inspire and/or draw on? What was the context of the greater Sacramento valley in terms of political protest and activism?2 Sacramento, as the state capitol, has functioned as a symbolic point wherein the imagery of protest has been particularly prominent and Mexicans in the region have been impacted by those demonstrations.3 Indeed, by the time Chávez, Huerta, and their followers made their way to the capitol steps they had entered a terrain marked with an extensive historical trajectory of ethnic Mexican political organizing. Mexicans had historic roots in the Greater Sacramento Valley stretching as 2 For purposes of this dissertation the Greater Sacramento Region/Valley is defined here as El Dorado, Placer, Sacramento, San Joaquin, Solano Sutter, Yolo, and Yuba Counties. Sacramento has served as the social and cultural hub for ethnic Mexicans residing in surrounding counties. The eight- county region is expected to grow from a year 2000 population of 2.84 million, to 4.27 million by 2025 (an increase of 50 percent). Nancy Findeisen, President, Community Services Planning Council, Inc., “A Regional View of Social Disparities: A Visual Examination of the Socio-Economic Status of the Greater Sacramento Region” (Sacramento, CA: January 2004): 5. 3 I use the term “Mexican” or “ethnic Mexican” to refer to the combined population of the people of Mexican descent and heritage in the United States regardless of their actual nationality and/or citizenship status. I employ the term “Latino” as an umbrella term for descendents and nationals of Mexico, Central America, South America, and the Caribbean who reside in the United States regardless of nationality and/or citizenship status. Since the 1980s, large numbers of political refugees from Central and South America have settled in California and other states in the U.S. Thus, the term “Latino” played a more significant role during the 1990s than in previous decades when Mexicans were culturally dominant in California and the U.S. Southwest. Since the Chicano Movement of the late 1960s, many Chicano and Latino activists have viewed
Recommended publications
  • Copyright by Cary Cordova 2005
    Copyright by Cary Cordova 2005 The Dissertation Committee for Cary Cordova Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: THE HEART OF THE MISSION: LATINO ART AND IDENTITY IN SAN FRANCISCO Committee: Steven D. Hoelscher, Co-Supervisor Shelley Fisher Fishkin, Co-Supervisor Janet Davis David Montejano Deborah Paredez Shirley Thompson THE HEART OF THE MISSION: LATINO ART AND IDENTITY IN SAN FRANCISCO by Cary Cordova, B.A., M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin December, 2005 Dedication To my parents, Jennifer Feeley and Solomon Cordova, and to our beloved San Francisco family of “beatnik” and “avant-garde” friends, Nancy Eichler, Ed and Anna Everett, Ellen Kernigan, and José Ramón Lerma. Acknowledgements For as long as I can remember, my most meaningful encounters with history emerged from first-hand accounts – autobiographies, diaries, articles, oral histories, scratchy recordings, and scraps of paper. This dissertation is a product of my encounters with many people, who made history a constant presence in my life. I am grateful to an expansive community of people who have assisted me with this project. This dissertation would not have been possible without the many people who sat down with me for countless hours to record their oral histories: Cesar Ascarrunz, Francisco Camplis, Luis Cervantes, Susan Cervantes, Maruja Cid, Carlos Cordova, Daniel del Solar, Martha Estrella, Juan Fuentes, Rupert Garcia, Yolanda Garfias Woo, Amelia “Mia” Galaviz de Gonzalez, Juan Gonzales, José Ramón Lerma, Andres Lopez, Yolanda Lopez, Carlos Loarca, Alejandro Murguía, Michael Nolan, Patricia Rodriguez, Peter Rodriguez, Nina Serrano, and René Yañez.
    [Show full text]
  • Quiz Study Guide 1 Sp 2013.Docx.Docx
    MAS 10B Quiz #1 Study Guide Acuña: ● What is wrong with the myth that the U.S. “liberated” the land which was “unoccupied?” And to what extent was America NOT the “land of opportunity” for people of Mexican descent in the early 1900s? ● Name at least one positive outcome of the mining strikes and labor organizing in the mines. ● What led to the dramatic growth of population in the Southwest? ● Why were growers and capitalists forced to look toward Blacks in the South and Mexicans in the Southwest for the labor force at the end of the 1800s and into the early 1900s? ● What were some of the characteristics and conditions of the different types of labor (railroad, mining, farm work, for example)? ● How did Mexicans respond to the poor labor conditions in the fields and orchards? ● Flores Magon Brothers ● Why did Anti-Mexican hysteria develop as a result of the Great Depression of the 1930s? How does the nation react, both through policy and the treatment of Mexican Americans? Give specific examples of policies that affect Mexican Americans. ● Mutualistas ● Why was there a sharp increase of Mexican migration north during 1910-1920? ● “Mexican Schools”/Lemon Grove Incident ● Explain “Barrioization” and the factors that lead to the creation of ethnic enclaves. Describe the experience/s of at least one urban Mexican American community as detailed in Acuña. ● Repatriation/Federal Deportation Programs ● When did the Repatriation acts take place? ● What does Repatriation mean literally? ● What were the main causes of the Great Depression? ● Emma Tenayucca ● Rosalio Ronquillo ● LULAC ● Why did LULAC want to separate themselves from Mexican Immigrants? ● How was the participation and goals of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Latino History Matters to U.S. History
    The Japanese Journal of American Studies, No. 20 (2009) Why Latino History Matters to U.S. History Vicki L. RUIZ* Who are Latinos and why do their stories matter? Latinos represent the largest minority population in the United States, a diverse mosaic in terms of cultural background, generation (e.g. immigrant, U.S. born children of im- migrants, grandchildren of immigrants), and historical experience. The term Latino refers to all people of Latin American birth or heritage who live in the United States—from Hispanos in New Mexico, who can trace their roots in the Southwest back to the seventeenth century, to recent arrivals from Guate- mala. However, there has never existed a single mutually agreed on ethnic label. Latino and Hispanic are the most encompassing terms, but many prefer specifi c nationality-based identities, such as Mexicano or Mexican American (Mexican), Puertorriqueño (Puerto Rican), or Cubano (Cuban). Others prefer a distinctly regional identifi cation—Tejano is popular in Texas, while in New Mexico and Colorado, Hispano or Hispanic remains the preferred nomencla- ture.1 Of the 41.3 million Latinos in the United States, 64 percent are Mexican, 10 percent Puerto Rican, and 3 percent Cuban, representing over three-quar- ters of this growing population. Moreover, these three ethnicities have long histories in the United States, for Mexicans in the Southwest and Pacifi c Coast and for other Latinos in Florida and the Atlantic seaboard. It is crucial to understand these histories within and beyond the borders of the United States and to contextualize present and projected demographic realities with the pasts that preceded them.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Consciousness And
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Consciousness and Resistance in Chicano Barrio Narratives A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature by Ana Arellano Nez Committee in charge: Professor Francisco A. Lomelí, Chair Professor Carl Gutiérrez-Jones Professor Ellie Hernández March 2016 The dissertation of Ana Linda Arellano Nez is approved. ____________________________________________ Francisco A. Lomelí ____________________________________________ Carl Gutiérrez-Jones ____________________________________________ Ellie D. Hernández December 2015 Consciousness and Resistance in Chicano Barrio Narratives Copyright © 2016 by Ana Arellano Nez iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS From Baker Street to Tsaile, and all of the places in between, I am blessed with support from family, friends and mentors. For wisdom and guidance, I thank Francisco A. Lomel í. For academic support and encouragement, I thank Ellie Hernández, Carl Gutiérrez-Jones and Cathy Nesci. For breaking the ground ahead of me, I thank Teresa, María, Armando, Manuel, Adela, Pauly and Ney. For friendship and inspiration, I thank Amrit Dhillon, Mary García, Claudia Walgenbach, Crystal Lee, Pauline Hunter, Jaquelína Burbank and Erik and Cindy Bitsui. For love and hope, Ahéheeˈ Tabah, Angelo and Carlitos. Este estudio se lo dedicó a mi mama, por darme vida y el don de la fé. iv VITA OF ANA ARELLANO NEZ January 2016 EDUCATION Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature, University of California, Santa Barbara, March 2016 Master of Arts in Comparative Literature, University of California, Santa Barbara, 2001 Bachelor of Arts in Comparative Literature, University of California, Berkeley, May 1999 PROFESSIONAL EMPLOYMENT 2015: Lecturer, Freshman Programs, California State University, Fullerton 2014, 2012: Grant Reviewer, National Endowment for the Humanities, Washington D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Chicano School Failure and Success Past, Present, and Future 2Nd Edition
    Chicano School Failure and Success Past, Present, and Future 2nd edition Richard R.. Valencia London and New York First edition published 1991 by Falmer Press 2nd edition published 2002 by RoutledgeFalmer 11 New Fetter Lane, wndon EC4P 4EE Simuluneously published in the USA and Canada by RoutledgeFalmtr 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 RM4tiei.geFtdmer it"" imprint of the Taylar t~ntl. Fr11ncis Group Q and 2002 Selection and editorial matter, Richard R. Valencia; individual chapters, the contributors. Typeset in Gallia.rd by BC Typesetting, Bristol Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any dectr:Onic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photoCopying and recording, or in any information storage or retricv:al system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Bri:li.!h Lihr11ry OW.Iaging in PubliCAtitm D11t11 A a.talogue record for this book is available from the British Library Lilmlry uf ContJnss Ct+tliJo.tling in Pliblicati.tm DlltR. Chicano school failure and success: past, present and fu:tute/[ edited by] Richard R. Valencia.-2nd ed. p. em. "ContributorS of this second edition offer updated, comprehensive, state·of·the·art coverages of their respective chapterS"-Introd. Includes bibliographical rd'erences and index. l. Mexican American students. 2. School failure-United States. I. Valencia, Richard R. LC2683.C47 2002 373.1'2913089'68-dc21 2002021959 ISBN 0-415-25773-5 (hbk) ISBN 0-415-25774-3 (pbk) HAROLD B.
    [Show full text]
  • Abstract Barrios
    ABSTRACT BARRIOS The Crises of Latinx VisibiLity in Cities Johana Londoño AbstrAct bArrios 218-85846_ch01_5P.indd 1 7/23/20 4:57 PM 218-85846_ch01_5P.indd 2 7/23/20 4:57 PM ABSTRACT BARRIOS ciss o in ciis Johana Londoño Duke university Press / Durham and London / 2020 218-85846_ch01_5P.indd 3 7/23/20 4:57 PM © 2020 Duke university Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of Amer i ca on acid- free paper ∞ Designed by Matthew Tauch Typeset in Portrait Text by Westchester Publishing Services Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Names: Londoño, Johana, [date] author. Title: Abstract barrios : the crises of Latinx visibility in cities / Johana Londoño. Description: Durham : Duke University Press, 2020. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: lccn 2019054731 (print) | lccn 2019054732 (ebook) | isbn 9781478008798 (hardcover) | isbn 9781478009658 (paperback) | isbn 9781478012276 (ebook) Subjects: lcsh: Hispanic American neighborhoods— History. | Hispanic Americans— Social life and customs. | Hispanic Americans— Ethnic identity. | Urban policy— United States— History. | City planning— Social aspects— United States. | Gentrification— United States— History. | United States— Ethnic relations. Classification: lcc e184.s75 l67 2020 (print) | lcc e184.s75 (ebook) | DDc 305.868/073— dc23 lc rec ord available at https:// lccn . loc . gov / 2019054731 lc ebook rec ord available at https:// lccn . loc . gov / 2019054732 Cover art: (top) Salomón Huerta, Untitled House (#1), 2001, oil on canvas panel, 24 × 24 inches; (bottom) Salomón Huerta, Untitled Head (#8), 2001, oil on canvas panel, 12 × 11¾ inches. Courtesy of the artist and Louise-Alexander Gallery. Duke university Press gratefully acknowleDges the graham founDation for aDvanceD stuDies in the fine arts, which ProviDeD funDs towarD the Publication of this book.
    [Show full text]
  • Mexican Community Formation in Nebraska: 1910-1950
    Mexican Community Formation in Nebraska: 1910-1950 (Article begins on second page below.) This article is copyrighted by History Nebraska (formerly the Nebraska State Historical Society). You may download it for your personal use. For permission to re-use materials, or for photo ordering information, see: https://history.nebraska.gov/publications/re-use-nshs-materials Learn more about Nebraska History (and search articles) here: https://history.nebraska.gov/publications/nebraska-history-magazine History Nebraska members receive four issues of Nebraska History annually: https://history.nebraska.gov/get-involved/membership Full Citation: Bryan Winston, “Mexican Community Formation in Nebraska: 1910-1950,” Nebraska History 100 (Spring 2019): 2-19. URL of article: https://history.nebraska.gov/sites/history.nebraska.gov/files/doc/publications/NH2019MexicanCommunity.pdf Article Summary: Mexican immigrants created a regional community throughout the state through urban-rural migrations, social and cultural activities, and their regional Mexican consulate. They faced obstacles similar to those faced by other immigrants throughout the Midwest, plus others that came from being seen a racially distinct. BY BRYAN WINSTON lga Olivares, sitting in the Mexican- a regional Mexican community throughout American Museum in Scottsbluff on the the state.2 Mexicans coming to Nebraska faced Ofirst day of fall in 1996, spoke of Pascual obstacles similar to many immigrants throughout Huerta. An experienced stonemason in Mexico, the Midwest: poor housing, insecure employment, Huerta came to the United States but only found limited English language, and lack of citizenship. work in the beet fields of western Nebraska during Yet, European immigrant groups in the Midwest the 1920s and 1930s.
    [Show full text]
  • FALL 2020 FALL Omas M
    THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA PRESS 2020 The University of Arizona Press is the premier publisher of academic, regional, and literary works in the state of Arizona. We disseminate ideas and knowledge of lasting value that enrich understanding, inspire curiosity, and enlighten readers. We advance the University of Arizona’s mission by connecting scholarship and creative expression to readers worldwide. CONTENTS ANTHROPOLOGY, 10, 19, 20, 21, 25, 26, 27, 31 ARCHAEOLOGY, 10, 27, 28, 29 ARIZONA & THE SOUTHWEST, 2–3, 4–5, 10 BORDER STUDIES, 14, 15, 18, 20 ETHNOBIOLOGY, 26, 27 ENVIRONMENT, 2–3, 11, 19, 24, 25, 30 HISTORY, 17, 22, 23, 30, 31 LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES, 19, 22, 23, 30, 32 LATINX LITERATURE, 9 LATINX STUDIES, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17 NATIVE AMERICAN & INDIGENOUS LITERATURE, 8 NATIVE AMERICAN & INDIGENOUS STUDIES, 21, 22, 23, 24, 31 POETRY, 6–7, 8 SPACE SCIENCE, 6–7, 33 OPEN ARIZONA, 29 RECENTLY PUBLISHED, 34–37 RECENT BEST SELLERS, 38–44 SALES INFORMATION, INSIDE BACK COVER CATALOG DESIGN BY LEIGH MCDONALD COVER PHOTO: SHUTTLE SILHOUETTE, COURTESY OF NASA INSIDE COVER PHOTO BY TOM GAINOR/UNSPLASH THE NATURE OF DESERT NATURE EDITED BY GARY PAUL NABHAN Illuminating essays on the desert by leading voices from the arts and sciences In this refreshing collection, one of our best writers on desert places, Gary Paul Nabhan, challenges traditional notions of the desert. Beautiful, reec- tive, and at times humorous, Nabhan’s extended essay “e Nature of Desert Nature” reveals the complexity of what a desert is and can be. He passionately writes about what it is like to visit a desert and what living in a desert looks like when viewed through a new frame, turning age-old notions of the desert on their heads.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO After the I-Hotel
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO After the I-Hotel: Material, Cultural, and Affective Geographies of Filipino San Francisco A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Ethnic Studies by Thea Quiray Tagle Committee in Charge: Professor Sara Clarke Kaplan, Chair Professor Curtis Marez, Co-Chair Professor Patrick Anderson Professor Kirstie Dorr Professor Kalindi Vora Professor Daniel Widener 2015 Copyright © Thea Quiray Tagle, 2015 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Thea Quiray Tagle is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ Co-Chair _______________________________________________________________ Chair University of California, San Diego 2015 iii DEDICATION In loving memory of my best teachers: Aurelio Muñoz Quiray Rosemary Marangoly George Candice Tamika Rice (Thank you.) iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page.………………………………………………….…………........... iii Dedication.……………………………………………………………………….. iv Table of Contents.………………………………………………………………... v Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………. vi Vita……………………………………..…………………………...……………. xii Abstract of the Dissertation……………..…………………………..……………. xiii Introduction.……………………………………………………………………….
    [Show full text]
  • Barrio Logan Historical Resources Survey
    Fall 08 Barrio Logan Historical Resources Survey Prepared by: City of San Diego City Planning & Community Investment Community Planning & Urban Form Divisions 202 C Street, MS 5A San Diego, California 92101 In conjunction with Brian F. Smith and Associates 14010 Poway Road, Suite A Poway, California 92064 February 01, 2011 Historical Resources Survey Barrio Logan Community Plan Area San Diego, California National Archaeological Data Base Information Author(s): Brian F. Smith Melanie D. Lytle Larry J. Pierson Sara Clowery-Moreno Tracy Stropes Consulting Firm: Brian F. Smith and Associates 14010 Poway Road, Suite A Poway, California 92064 (858) 484-0915 Report Date: February 01, 2011 Report Title: Barrio Logan Historical Resources Survey Prepared by: City of San Diego City Planning & Community Investment Community Planning & Urban Form Divisions 202 C Street, MS 5A San Diego, California 92101 Lead Agency Identifier: N/A USGS Quadrangle: Point Loma, California (7.5 minute) Study Area: Approximately 1,000 acres Key Words: USGS Point Loma Topographic Quadrangle (7.5 minute); Barrio Logan Community Plan Update; historic context; historic resources reconnaissance level survey; potentially significant individual buildings; prehistoric assessment; Native American consultation; archaeological records search. -ii- Historical Resources Survey Barrio Logan Community Plan Area San Diego, California Table of Contents Page 1.0 Executive Summary ................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Introduction on june 11, 2013, eleven-year-old mariachi star Sebastien de la Cruz—best known for his performance on America’s Got Talent—sang the U.S. national anthem at San Antonio’s AT&T Center, setting the Internet on fire. Introduced by his moniker “El Charro de Oro,” de la Cruz opened Game Three of the NBA Finals by belting out a moving rendition of “The Star-Spangled Banner.”1 The Daily Dot applauded his superb performance and impressive vocal range: “The kid was dynamic. He was [as] theatrical as it gets. He hit all the high notes. He stayed long on the low notes.”2 But others took to Twitter to express outrage at a Mexican American boy singing the U.S. national anthem, calling him a “wetback,” “beaner,” and “illegal” with the hashtags #yournotamerican and #gohome.3 The tweeters were especially incensed by de la Cruz’s outfit: a perfectly pressed, light blue traje de charro. Most recognizable as the suit worn by mari- achi musicians, the traje de charro references a broad set of cultural forms associated with lo ranchero—Mexican ranch life and ranch culture.4 Among these are the charro, a term sometimes translated as “Mexican cowboy,” though the charro is better understood as a gentleman horseman associated with Mexico’s elite. He is also a deeply nationalist figure. Ranchero cultural forms, including the charro, have signified lo mexicano (Mexicanness) since the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution 1910( –20); charrería (the art and sport of charros) is now Mexico’s national sport, and the charreada (Mexican rodeo) is as popular with some Mexican audiences as soccer.5 Yet the charro also has evidentiary claims to be the “original cowboy”—the skilled horse- man who introduced ranching and rodeo to the region that became the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Nuestra América: Latino History As United States History
    Nuestra América: Latino History as United States History Vicki L. Ruiz As historians, many of us have had the experience of encountering a memoir, diary, or letter in which the individuals mentioned are far more intriguing than the author of the document. The chatty reminiscences of Señora Doña Jesús Moreno de Soza serve as a case in point. Born in California in 1855, she came of age, married, and cared for her family near Tucson, Arizona. When she was eighty-four, she recounted the following incident that had occurred at a local park some fifty years earlier: They used to have a dancing platform. Once it happened that an Apache squaw called Luisa was dancing when Petrita Santa Cruz . came along, and looking at the Apache squaw said, “That is enough, get out, we want to dance.” The Apache squaw replied, “I am a person, too.” Moreno de Soza noted that Luisa later married the Apache son of a prominent Euro- American doctor. Given Luisa’s rise in status, Moreno de Soza began to greet her as “comadre” (a term of endearment suggesting kinship). But Luisa kept her distance and purportedly responded to the overtures of friendship with the phrase, “Why don’t you call me, Mrs. Handy?”1 This tale from the 1880s reveals subtle registers of negotiation and contestation. In a recent essay Richard Ivan Jacobs and Patrick McDevitt underscore the significance of microlevel narratives. “We as historians have the challenge of accounting for the manner in which individuals acted within the constraints and possibilities of their broader social world to fashion their own sense of place and community through interpersonal relation- ships.”2 The remembered interaction between Moreno de Soza and Luisa Handy lends insight into the ways Mexican Americans, American Indians, and Euro-Americans could inhabit the same social spaces and thus complicate U.S.
    [Show full text]