Redalyc.Democratic Corporatism – the Italian Debate During the “First
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El MSI Y El Lugar Del Fascismo En La Cultura Política Italiana = the Msi and the Role of Fascism in Italian Political Culture
El msi y El luGar DEl Fascismo En la cultura Política italiana The msi and the role of fascism in Italian political culture Ferran GallEGo Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona Fecha de recepción: 17 de febrero; revisión: 17 de mayo; aceptación definitiva: 23 de octubre rEsumEn: En este trabajo se analiza el papel del movimiento social italiano en la política del país transalpino del siglo xx. la clave de su influencia estaría en las peculiaridades del régimen político surgido de las ruinas del fascismo. con la proclamación de la república muchos fascistas se enrolaron en las filas de la Democracia cristiana y otros partidos de la derecha, dejando al msi como único heredero del fascismo. Eso no le impidió colaborar con la Democracia cristiana a través de la estrategia del «inserimento». cuando la Democracia cristiana empezó su aproximación al Partido socialista italiano, el msi se vio claramente excluido y situado en una posición relativamente marginal. su resurgimiento estará relacio- nado con los cambios radicales ocurridos en la política italiana en las décadas de los sesenta y setenta que propiciaran la llegada al liderazgo de Giorgio almirante en 1969. El msi se presentará como un partido restaurador del orden y dispuesto a combatir por sí mismo la subversión. Durante los años 80 el msi se moverá entre la estrategia del Partido-Protesta de almirante y la idea de un partido de la sociedad civil defendido por rauti. al final, el msi, tras el cambio de liderazgo de almirante por Gianfranco Fini, inició un nuevo camino donde se afirmaba la lealtad a los valores del fascismo, corroborado por la crisis del comunismo. -
03.Spacont49.Branciforte.3A Bozza:03.Spacont47.Novarino.1A
GLI ANNI DEL NEOCENTRISMO ITALIANO E LA SOSPETTOSA SPAGNA Laura Branciforte Introduzione Le relazioni politiche, economiche e culturali tra Spagna e Italia du- rante la dittatura franchista sono state senza dubbio altalenanti e disconti- nue. La prudenza e la cordialità sono stati alcuni degli ingredienti della politica estera italiana, mentre un atteggiamento sospettoso e al tempo stesso melanconico di una sintonia e complicità perdute hanno contraddi- stinto la politica estera spagnola. In quest’articolo si descrive la percezio- ne che si ebbe in Spagna del complesso contesto politico italiano nel mo- mento del passaggio dalla prima legislatura (dall’8 maggio 1948 al 24 giugno 1953) alla seconda legislatura (dal 25 giugno 1953 all’11 giugno 1958), quando l’instabilità dei governi, terminata la lunga era degasperia- na (fatta di otto governi tra il 1946 e il 1953), lasciò spazio all’incognita del cambiamento, a un ricambio generazionale e alle premesse per la spe- rimentazione di un nuovo modello di Stato. La fine politica di De Gaspe- ri, dopo le elezioni del 7 giugno 1953, si percepì in Spagna come un mo- mento di particolare instabilità. Il ministero degli Affari Esteri spagnolo, così come la stampa, guardarono con sospetto a un’Italia la cui politica era accusata di essere “dominata” dal comunismo e da un debole cattoli- cesimo politico. Negli anni che trascorsero tra la fine della Seconda Guerra Mondiale e gli anni Cinquanta, il modo in cui la Spagna guardava all’Italia si fece sempre più “sospettoso” e non privo di giudizi e condanne di tipo politico e morale. Siamo lontani dai generosi apprezzamenti spagnoli dell’imme- diato dopoguerra nei confronti dell’Italia, quando, dall’ambasciata di Spa- gna presso il Quirinale, José Antonio de Sangróniz y Castro inviava mes- saggi fiduciosi e ottimisti al ministro degli Affari Esteri Carlo Sforza ri- guardo all’immediata e auspicata normalizzazione delle relazioni, e anche “Spagna contemporanea”, 2016, n. -
Archivio Centrale Dello Stato Inventario Del Fondo Ugo La Malfa Sala Studio
Archivio centrale dello Stato Inventario del fondo Ugo La Malfa Sala Studio INVENTARIO DEL FONDO UGO LA MALFA (1910 circa – 1982) a cura di Cristina Farnetti e Francesca Garello Roma 2004-2005 Il fondo Ugo La Malfa è di proprietà della Fondazione Ugo La Malfa, via S.Anna 13 – 00186 Roma www.fondazionelamalfa.org [email protected] Depositato in Archivio centrale dello Stato dal 1981 Il riordino e l’inventariazione è stato finanziato dal Ministero per i beni e le attività culturali. Direzione generale per gli archivi II INDICE GENERALE INTRODUZIONE .................................................................................................V INVENTARIO DEL FONDO ............................................................................ XI SERIE I. ATTI E CORRISPONDENZA...............................................................1 SERIE II ATTIVITÀ POLITICA .........................................................................13 SOTTOSERIE 1. APPUNTI RISERVATI 50 SERIE III. CARICHE DI GOVERNO ................................................................59 SOTTOSERIE 1. GOVERNI CON ORDINAMENTO PROVVISORIO (GOVERNO PARRI E I GOVERNO DE GASPERI) 61 SOTTOSERIE 2. MINISTRO SENZA PORTAFOGLIO (VI GOVERNO DE GASPERI) 63 SOTTOSERIE 3. MINISTRO PER IL COMMERCIO CON L'ESTERO (VI E VII GOVERNO DE GASPERI) 64 SOTTOSERIE 4. MINISTRO DEL BILANCIO (IV GOVERNO FANFANI) 73 SOTTOSERIE 5. MINISTRO DEL TESORO (IV GOVERNO RUMOR) 83 SOTTOSERIE 6. VICEPRESIDENTE DEL CONSIGLIO (IV GOVERNO MORO) 103 SOTTOSERIE 7. FORMAZIONE DEL GOVERNO E VICEPRESIDENTE -
World History Week 3 Take Home Packet
Local District South Students: We hope that you are adjusting to the difficult situation we all find ourselves in and that you are taking time to rest, care for yourself and those you love, and do something everyday to lift your spirits. We want you to know that you are missed and that we have been working hard to develop ways to support you. We want to stay connected with you and provide you with opportunities to learn while you are at home. We hope that you find these activities interesting and that they provide you with something to look forward to over the course of the next week. Stay home; stay healthy; stay safe. We cannot wait until we see you again. Sincerely, The Local District South Instructional Team and your school family World History Week 3 Take Home Packet Student Name_________________________________________________________________________ School________________________________________ Teacher_______________________________ Students: Each of the Social Science Learning Opportunities Packet was developed based on a portion of the standards framework. The mini-unit you will be working on this week, is based on these questions from the framework: ● What was totalitarianism, and how was it implemented in similar and different ways in Japan, Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union? We encourage you to engage in the Extended Learning Opportunity if you are able. Over the course of the next week, please do the activities listed for each day. Week 3, Day 1 1. Read, “Life in a Totalitarian Country” and annotate using the annotation bookmark. 2. Answer the quiz questions. 3. Write a response to this prompt:Observe: How does the text describe the relationship between fear and totalitarian governments? Week 3, Day 2 1. -
Esercitati GRATIS On-Line! N
N. Domanda A B C D 885 DA CHI ERA COMPOSTO IL SERRISTORI, RICASOLI, PERUZZI, GUERRAZZI, LAMBRUSCHINI, GOVERNO PROVVISORIO RIDOLFI, CAPPONI PUCCIONI MONTANELLI, GIORGINI, MORDINI TOSCANO PROCLAMATO L'8 MAZZONI FEBBRAIO 1849 IN SEGUITO ALLA FUGA DA FIRENZE DI LEOPOLDO II? 886 NEL MARZO 1849, DURANTE LA A NOVARA A MONCALIERI A MAGENTA A CUSTOZA SECONDA FASE DELLA PRIMA GUERRA DI INDIPENDENZA, IN QUALE LOCALITA' LE TRUPPE DEL REGNO DI SARDEGNA FURONO SCONFITTE DALLE TRUPPE AUSTRIACHE? 887 IN QUALE LOCALITA' VITTORIO A VIGNALE A VILLAFRANCA A CUSTOZA A NOVARA EMANUELE II ACCETTO' LE CONDIZIONI ARMISTIZIALI DEL FELDMARESCIALLO RADETZKY? 888 QUALE TRA I SEGUENTI FRANCESCO CARLO PISACANE SILVIO PELLICO DANIELE MANIN PERSONAGGI PRESE PARTE ALLA DOMENICO DIFESA DI ROMA NEL 1849? GUERRAZZI 889 IN SEGUITO ALLA RESA DELLA PORTARE AIUTO PORTARE AIUTO AL ATTACCARE I ASSEDIARE PIO IX REPUBBLICA ROMANA, CON ALLA DIFESA DI GOVERNO FRANCESI A A GAETA QUALE OBIETTIVO GARIBALDI, VENEZIA PROVVISORIO CIVITAVECCHIA INSIEME A 4000 UOMINI, LASCIO' TOSCANO ROMA? 890 CHI E' L'AUTORE DELL'OPUSCOLO GIUSEPPE GIUSEPPE GIUSTI GIUSEPPE FERRARI GIUSEPPE MAZZINI "LA FEDERAZIONE MONTANELLI REPUBBLICANA", PUBBLICATO A CAPOLAGO NEL 1851? 891 QUALI POTENZE INTERRUPPERO SPAGNA E PRUSSIA E RUSSIA E IMPERO FRANCIA E LE RELAZIONI DIPLOMATICHE CON PORTOGALLO AUSTRIA OTTOMANO INGHILTERRA IL REGNO DELLE DUE SICILIE NEL 1856? 892 QUALE DIPLOMATICO SABAUDO EMILIO VISCONTI LUIIG AMEDEO COSTANTINO LUIGI PRINETTI COLLABORO' IN MODO DECISIVO VENOSTA MELEGARI NIGRA CON CAVOUR NELLE TRATTATIVE -
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European Community No. 26/1984 July 10, 1984 Contact: Ella Krucoff (202) 862-9540 THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: 1984 ELECTION RESULTS :The newly elected European Parliament - the second to be chosen directly by European voters -- began its five-year term last month with an inaugural session in Strasbourg~ France. The Parliament elected Pierre Pflimlin, a French Christian Democrat, as its new president. Pflimlin, a parliamentarian since 1979, is a former Prime Minister of France and ex-mayor of Strasbourg. Be succeeds Pieter Dankert, a Dutch Socialist, who came in second in the presidential vote this time around. The new assembly quickly exercised one of its major powers -- final say over the European Community budget -- by blocking payment of a L983 budget rebate to the United Kingdom. The rebate had been approved by Community leaders as part of an overall plan to resolve the E.C.'s financial problems. The Parliament froze the rebate after the U.K. opposed a plan for covering a 1984 budget shortfall during a July Council of Ministers meeting. The issue will be discussed again in September by E.C. institutions. Garret FitzGerald, Prime Minister of Ireland, outlined for the Parliament the goals of Ireland's six-month presidency of the E.C. Council. Be urged the representatives to continue working for a more unified Europe in which "free movement of people and goods" is a reality, and he called for more "intensified common action" to fight unemployment. Be said European politicians must work to bolster the public's faith in the E.C., noting that budget problems and inter-governmental "wrangles" have overshadolted the Community's benefits. -
Criticism of “Fascist Nostalgia” in the Political Thought of the New Right
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS WRATISLAVIENSIS No 3866 Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, nr 3 Wrocław 2018 DOI: 10.19195/2300-7249.40.3.6 JOANNA SONDEL-CEDARMAS ORCID: 0000-0002-3037-9264 Uniwersytet Jagielloński Criticism of “fascist nostalgia” in the political thought of the New Right The seizure of power by the National Liberation Committee on 25th April, 1945 and the establishment of the republic on 2nd June, 1946 constituted the symbolic end to Mussolini’s dictatorship that had lasted for more than 20 years. However, it emerged relatively early that fascism was not a defi nitively closed chapter in the political and social life of Italy. As early as June of 1946, after the announcement of a presidential decree granting amnesty for crimes committed during the time of the Nazi-Fascist occupation between 1943 and 1945, the country saw a withdrawal from policies repressive towards fascists.1 Likewise, the national reconciliation policy gradually implemented in the second half of the 1940s by the government of Alcide De Gasperi, aiming at pacifying the nation and fostering the urgent re- building of the institution of the state, contributed to the emergence of ambivalent approaches towards Mussolini’s regime. On the one hand, Italy consequently tried to build its institutional and political order in clear opposition towards fascism, as exemplifi ed, among others, by a clause in the Constitution of 1947 that forbade the establishment of any form of fascist party, as well as the law passed on 20th June, 1 Conducted directly after the end of WW II, the epurazione action (purifi cation) that aimed at uprooting fascism, was discontinued on 22nd June 1946, when a decree of president Enrico De Nicola granting amnesty for crimes committed during the Nazi-Fascist occupation of Italy between 1943–1945 was implemented. -
Fascist Italy's Illiberal Cultural Networks Culture, Corporatism And
Genealogie e geografie dell’anti-democrazia nella crisi europea degli anni Trenta Fascismi, corporativismi, laburismi a cura di Laura Cerasi Fascist Italy’s Illiberal Cultural Networks Culture, Corporatism and International Relations Benjamin G. Martin Uppsala University, Sweden Abstract Italian fascists presented corporatism, a system of sector-wide unions bring- ing together workers and employers under firm state control, as a new way to resolve tensions between labour and capital, and to reincorporate the working classes in na- tional life. ‘Cultural corporatism’ – the fascist labour model applied to the realm of the arts – was likewise presented as a historic resolution of the problem of the artist’s role in modern society. Focusing on two art conferences in Venice in 1932 and 1934, this article explores how Italian leaders promoted cultural corporatism internationally, creating illiberal international networks designed to help promote fascist ideology and Italian soft power. Keywords Fascism. Corporatism. State control. Labour. Capital. Summary 1 Introduction. – 2 Broadcasting Cultural Corporatism. – 3 Venice 1932: Better Art Through Organisation. – 4 Italy’s International Cultural Outreach: Strategies and Themes. – 5 Venice 1934: Art and the State, Italy and the League. – 6 Conclusion. 1 Introduction The great ideological conflict of the interwar decades was a clash of world- views and visions of society, but it also had a quite practical component: which ideology could best respond to the concrete problems of the age? Problems like economic breakdown, mass unemployment, and labour unrest were not only practical, of course: they seemed linked to a broader breakdown of so- Studi di storia 8 e-ISSN 2610-9107 | ISSN 2610-9883 ISBN [ebook] 978-88-6969-317-5 | ISBN [print] 978-88-6969-318-2 Open access 137 Published 2019-05-31 © 2019 | cb Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Public License DOI 10.30687/978-88-6969-317-5/007 Martin Fascist Italy’s Illiberal Cultural Networks. -
A British Reflection: the Relationship Between Dante's Comedy and The
A British Reflection: the Relationship between Dante’s Comedy and the Italian Fascist Movement and Regime during the 1920s and 1930s with references to the Risorgimento. Keon Esky A thesis submitted in fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. University of Sydney 2016 KEON ESKY Fig. 1 Raffaello Sanzio, ‘La Disputa’ (detail) 1510-11, Fresco - Stanza della Segnatura, Palazzi Pontifici, Vatican. KEON ESKY ii I dedicate this thesis to my late father who would have wanted me to embark on such a journey, and to my partner who with patience and love has never stopped believing that I could do it. KEON ESKY iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis owes a debt of gratitude to many people in many different countries, and indeed continents. They have all contributed in various measures to the completion of this endeavour. However, this study is deeply indebted first and foremost to my supervisor Dr. Francesco Borghesi. Without his assistance throughout these many years, this thesis would not have been possible. For his support, patience, motivation, and vast knowledge I shall be forever thankful. He truly was my Virgil. Besides my supervisor, I would like to thank the whole Department of Italian Studies at the University of Sydney, who have patiently worked with me and assisted me when I needed it. My sincere thanks go to Dr. Rubino and the rest of the committees that in the years have formed the panel for the Annual Reviews for their insightful comments and encouragement, but equally for their firm questioning, which helped me widening the scope of my research and accept other perspectives. -
M Franchi Thesis for Library
The London School of Economics and Political Science Mediated tensions: Italian newspapers and the legal recognition of de facto unions Marina Franchi A thesis submitted to the Gender Institute of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, May 2015 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 88924 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help (if applicable) I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Hilary Wright 2 Abstract The recognition of rights to couples outside the institution of marriage has been, and still is, a contentious issue in Italian Politics. Normative notions of family and kinship perpetuate the exclusion of those who do not conform to the heterosexual norm. At the same time the increased visibility of kinship arrangements that evade the heterosexual script and their claims for legal recognition, expose the fragility and the constructedness of heteronorms. During the Prodi II Government (2006-2008) the possibility of a law recognising legal status to de facto unions stirred a major controversy in which the conservative political forces and the Catholic hierarchies opposed any form of recognition, with particular acrimony shown toward same sex couples. -
Appendix: Einaudi, President of the Italian Republic (1948–1955) Message After the Oath*
Appendix: Einaudi, President of the Italian Republic (1948–1955) Message after the Oath* At the general assembly of the House of Deputies and the Senate of the Republic, on Wednesday, 12 March 1946, the President of the Republic read the following message: Gentlemen: Right Honourable Senators and Deputies! The oath I have just sworn, whereby I undertake to devote myself, during the years awarded to my office by the Constitution, to the exclusive service of our common homeland, has a meaning that goes beyond the bare words of its solemn form. Before me I have the shining example of the illustrious man who was the first to hold, with great wisdom, full devotion and scrupulous impartiality, the supreme office of head of the nascent Italian Republic. To Enrico De Nicola goes the grateful appreciation of the whole of the people of Italy, the devoted memory of all those who had the good fortune to witness and admire the construction day by day of the edifice of rules and traditions without which no constitution is destined to endure. He who succeeds him made repeated use, prior to 2 June 1946, of his right, springing from the tradition that moulded his sentiment, rooted in ancient local patterns, to an opinion on the choice of the best regime to confer on Italy. But, in accordance with the promise he had made to himself and his electors, he then gave the new republican regime something more than a mere endorsement. The transition that took place on 2 June from the previ- ous to the present institutional form of the state was a source of wonder and marvel, not only by virtue of the peaceful and law-abiding manner in which it came about, but also because it offered the world a demonstration that our country had grown to maturity and was now ready for democracy: and if democracy means anything at all, it is debate, it is struggle, even ardent or * Message read on 12 March 1948 and republished in the Scrittoio del Presidente (1948–1955), Giulio Einaudi (ed.), 1956. -
Rivista Quadrimestrale Di Politica Economica, Sociologia E Relazioni Industriali Fondata Da Giacomo Brodolini
Rivista quadrimestrale di politica economica, sociologia e relazioni industriali fondata da Giacomo Brodolini Anno LII, gennaio-aprile 2018, n. 1 Enzo Bartocci Giuseppe Ciccarone Annamaria Simonazzi direttori Massimo Mascini direttore responsabile Giorgio Benvenuto Yasmine Ergas Leonello Tronti condirettori COMITATO EDITORIALE Dominique Anxo Paolo Bagnoli Paolo Borioni Gerhard Bosch Luisa Corazza Michele Faioli Emilio Gabaglio Umberto Gentiloni Riccardo Leoni Franco Liso Fabrizio Loreto Claudio Lucifora Enrica Morlicchio Andrea Panaccione Paolo Piacentini Paolo Pini Enrico Pugliese Michele Raitano Enzo Russo Donatella Strangio Paola Villa Andrew Watt COMITATO DI REDAZIONE Adriano Cicioni Manuelita Mancini Marilena Sacchetta Fondazione Giacomo Brodolini Riconosciuta con D.P.R. n. 230 del 13 aprile 1972 Sede sociale: via Solferino 32, 00185 Roma Tel. 0644249625 – Fax 0644249565 Internet: www.fondazionebrodolini.it Scopi della Fondazione (art. 2 dello Statuto) La Fondazione ha lo scopo di promuovere, coordinare e sviluppare le iniziative e le attività culturali e assistenziali dirette ad incrementare il benessere, l’istruzione e l’educazione dei lavoratori. In particolare la Fondazione ha il compito di: a) promuovere e curare le attività di studio e ricerca sui problemi inerenti alle condizioni di vita e di lavoro anche a livello comunitario e internazionale; a tale scopo può organizzare incontri, convegni e dibattiti per l’approfondimento di tali problemi dal punto di vista politico e sindacale; b) istituire borse di studio per i figli dei lavoratori; c) istituire corsi di formazione professionale, civica ed economico-sindacale; d) svolgere attività di ricerca e di sperimentazione nel settore delle metodologie didattiche specificamente rivolte alla formazione degli adulti;e ) promuovere e svolgere attività di pubblicazione e diffusione di studi e ricerche inerenti ai problemi del lavoro e del movimento sindacale, anche in forma periodica.