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DISSERTATION O Attribution COPYRIGHT AND CITATION CONSIDERATIONS FOR THIS THESIS/ DISSERTATION o Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. o NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. o ShareAlike — If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you must distribute your contributions under the same license as the original. How to cite this thesis Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujdigispace.uj.ac.za (Accessed: Date). CLOTHING, GENDER AND SOCIAL IDENTITY AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE, 1652-1795 by LIZA-MARI COETZEE Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS in HISTORICAL STUDIES in the FACULTY OF HUMANITIES at the UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG SUPERVISOR: PROF. G. GROENEWALD December 2014 Abstract In recent years, historians of the Cape of Good Hope during the era when it formed part of the Dutch East India Company or VOC (1652-1795) have studied in detail the importance and operation of social identity to various groups of this nascent society. In particular, they have demonstrated that there existed close links between identity, status, reputation and the use and display of material goods. This study builds on this historiography, but aims to flesh it out by concentrating on a group of people who have hitherto received less detailed attention, namely women, and focusing on the consumption of one particular set of goods, namely clothing. This thesis aims to uncover the correlation between social identity and the consumption of clothing for women at the VOC Cape. It finds that clothing was used as a way of expressing the identity of an individual according to her perceived social status or the status that she aspired to. This conclusion was reached through a series of case studies which focused on particular segments of Cape society. Various chapters investigate different social groups, ranging from the wives and daughters of VOC officials, the elite members of Cape society, to a broad spectrum of women (both poorer and wealthier) from the free-burgher population, as well as women from the underclass at the Cape, viz. slaves and free blacks. In addition, a chapter is dedicated to sumptuary legislation, investigating how it affected conspicuous consumption among these various groups. i Contents List of Figures iii Acknowledgements iv 1. Introduction, Literature Review and Methodology 1 2. The World of Clothing at the Cape of Good Hope 16 3. Fashion and the Women of the VOC Official Elite 37 4. Free-Burgher Women and the Quest for Status 66 5. Social Display and Sumptuary Legislation 88 6. Clothing and Status among Slaves and Free Blacks 112 7. Conclusion 137 List of Sources 141 ii List of Figures 3.1 Hierarchy of Offices at the VOC Cape 44 3.2 Ranks in the Administrative Section of the VOC 45 3.3 Painting of the Stranding of the Visch, 1740 52 5.1 Comparison of Batavian and Cape Sumptuary Legislation 94 6.1 Portrait of Anna de Koning (1657-1733) 134 iii Acknowledgements I would like to humbly thank the following people for their help and support in the completion of this thesis. To Professor Gerald Groenewald: Thank you for sharing your truly amazing knowledge with me in a way that helped to grow my love for the past through the passion you have for it. Thank you to my parents whose support and love have helped me through all my years of study. Thank you for inspiring a respect for learning which I will one day teach my own children. To my wonderful husband, Charl: Thank you for being the best person I know, for supporting me through the early mornings and late nights of writing this thesis. Thank you for being both my support system and my inspiration. And finally I would like to thank my Creator for gifting me with the wonderful people in my life who made this thesis a reality and for giving me the means and ability to realise my full potential. iv Chapter 1 Introduction, Literature Review and Methodology Introduction During the early modern period (c.1500 – 1800) interaction between Europe and what was regarded as the ‘New World’ in the West and the much-older world in the East increased rapidly. Different cultures and social groups came into contact with one another which resulted in the development of new social identities. These new social identities were formed due to the ‘negotiation between where one is placed and where one places oneself within social networks, working through what is possible and what is forbidden’. What is more, identity is not a stagnant concept but, rather, ‘a historic process, identity is tentative, multiple and contingent and its modalities change over time’. 1 Therefore it is important to understand that identity is not only something an individual can identify with for him or herself, nor is it only confined to one singe role, but it is an ever-changing, ever-evolving concept contingent on ever-changing relations with others. During this process of ever-changing identity there are two important factors which influence the formation of an individual’s identity. These are: belonging to a certain group or groups, and physical belongings which are used to mark or portray the idea of belonging.2 The consumption of material goods was a way in which newly formed societies attempted to either affirm or re-affirm their identities, or a way in which individuals developed or claimed a different identity. Claiming a new or developing a different identity was particularly prevalent in colonial societies marked by high social mobility. As the consumption of certain material goods could denote association with a certain status group, material goods became status symbols associated with a particular segment or group within the society in question. In colonial societies this consumption was much more effective in allowing the 1 Wilson, K. 2003. The Island Race: Englishness, Empire and Gender in the Eighteenth Century. London & New York: Routledge, 3. 2 Mitchell, L.J. 2009. Belongings: Property, Family, and Identity in Colonial South Africa. New York: Columbia University Press, especially chapters 6-7. 1 individual to move to another status group than in the socially more rigid society of Europe. Also, during the early modern period material culture increasingly started to serve as symbols of identity and status rather than merely fulfilling basic needs. One such belonging, which was particularly relevant for demonstrating social position, is clothing (which can include all forms of personal adornment, including jewellery, accessories, footwear and most commonly clothing). Clothing was used as a visual form of consumption and could signify an individual’s position in the public sphere through a single glance. Because clothing was so openly conspicuous, the societal elite used fashion as a way to differentiate themselves from those who did not belong to the elite. According to Robert Ross, clothing has been used as a marker of identity and status throughout history, serving as a visual source of information for identifying an individual’s position in society.3 European expansion and global interaction resulted in an increase in the importance of clothing as a social marker of distinction and increased the emphasis placed on clothing in everyday life. The Dutch East India Company (VOC) was founded in 1602 by Dutch merchants to conduct international trade with the East. The VOC thereafter established more than 100 colonial outposts in the eastern Indian Ocean world. Because of the distance from Europe to the East Indies, it became necessary to establish a refreshment station where VOC ships could receive new supplies on their journeys across the oceans. What was particularly unique about the settlement at the Cape was the cultural diversity among the population that lived at the Cape. The society that developed there after 1652 consisted of a variety of status groups hailing from various European countries as well as indigenous Khoikhoi and slaves that were brought to the Cape in steady numbers from 1658 onwards. These slaves in themselves were not a homogeneous group, being imported from various places in Africa and Asia with different language and cultural backgrounds. Furthermore, the small number of slaves that were manumitted created yet another group within the Cape society, referred to as ‘free blacks’. This group of manumitted slaves and their descendants did not always stay distinct from the white colonists since, because of the extreme 3 Ross, R. 2008. Clothing: A Global History. Cambridge: Polity Press, chapter 3. 2 imbalance of the sexes during the early decades of the settlement, a number of them intermarried with white colonists. 4 This created a certain fluidity in society that increased the need for individuals to distinguish themselves through other means. 5 At the Cape this means of distinction was utilised by the societal elite which consisted of a small group of senior officials with the Governor at the head. The Governor was appointed by the VOC and in all cases but one was not locally born. 6 The rest of the European population consisted of the free burgher population and the soldiers and sailors in the Company’s employ. As the free burgher population grew in size and became more prosperous, the competition between VOC officials and the free burgher 7 elite increased as they clashed over issues of precedence and status. As the settlement at the Cape grew, society became much more complex and hierarchical with the VOC senior officials at the top, followed by the lower ranking VOC employees, the burgher elite, other burghers and finally an underclass that consisted of free blacks, soldiers, sailors and slaves.
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