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Investigating Cultural Evolution Through Biological Phylogenetic Analyses of Turkmen Textiles

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Investigating Cultural Evolution Through Biological Phylogenetic Analyses of Turkmen Textiles Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 21 (2002) 443–463 www.academicpress.com Investigating cultural evolution through biological phylogenetic analyses of Turkmen textiles Jamshid Tehrani and Mark Collard* Department of Anthropology and AHRB Centre for the Evolutionary Analysis of Cultural Behaviour, University College London, Gower Street, London WC1E 6BT, UK Abstract The debate on the evolution of culture has focused on two processes in particular, phylogenesis and ethnogenesis. Recently, it has been suggested that the latter has probably always been more significant than the former. This proposal was assessed by applying cladistic methods of phylogenetic reconstruction to a data set comprising decorative characters from textiles produced by Turkmen tribes since the 18th century. The analyses focused on two periods in Turkmen history: the era in which most Turkmen practised no- madic pastoralism and were organised according to indigenous structures of affiliation and leadership; and the period following their defeat by Tsarist Russia in 1881, which is associated with the sedentarisation of nomadic Turkmen and their increasing dependence on the market. The results indicate that phylogenesis was the dominant process in the evolution of Turkmen carpet designs prior to the annexation of their territories, accounting for c.70% of the resemblances among the woven assemblages. The analyses also show that phylogenesis was the dominant process after 1881, although ethnogenesis accounted for an additional 10% of the resemblances among the assemblages. These results do not support the proposition that ethnogenesis has always been a more significant process in cultural evolution than phylogenesis. Ó 2002 Elsevier Science (USA). All rights reserved. Keywords: Cultural evolution; Phylogenesis; Ethnogenesis; Turkmen; Woven textiles; Cladistics Introduction 1976; Collard and Shennan, 2000; Durham, 1991; Kirch and Green, 1987; Lumsden and Wilson, The extent to which the evolution of culture is 1981; Moore, 1994a; Renfrew, 1987; Shennan, analogous to biological evolution has been the 2000; Terrell, 1986, 1988; Terrell et al., 2001; subject of considerable debate in recent years, as Whaley, 2001; Zvelebil, 1995). A major focus of has the corollary issue of linking patterns in the the debate is the relative importance of two pro- ethnographic and archaeological records with cesses that Moore (1994a,b) has termed ‘‘phylo- genetic and linguistic data (e.g., Ammerman and genesis’’ and ‘‘ethnogenesis’’. In the former, Cavalli-Sforza, 1984; Bateman et al., 1990; Boyd cultural evolution is a result of the progressive and Richerson, 1985; Boyd et al., 1997; Cavalli- subdivision of cultural assemblages that takes Sforza and Feldsman, 1981; Chakraborty et al., place as populations split and give rise to new ones. In ethnogenesis, in contrast, cultural evolu- tion occurs through the borrowing and blending * Corresponding author. Fax: +1-20-7679-7728. of ideas and practices, and the trade and exchange E-mail address: [email protected] (M. Collard). of objects, among contemporaneous populations. 0278-4165/02/$ - see front matter Ó 2002 Elsevier Science (USA). All rights reserved. PII: S0278-4165(02)00002-8 444 J. Tehrani, M. Collard / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 21 (2002) 443–463 Cultural phylogenesis is analogous to biological ethnic group who speak a language that belongs phylogenesis, the process by which new species to the Oghuz-Turkic branch of the Altaic lan- appear, whereas ethnogenesis is akin to gene flow guage family and who are distinguished further by within a species. Cultural phylogenesis is expected aspects of their diet, social institutions, and ma- to produce a strong association between cultural terial culture (Barthold, 1962; Irons, 1975; patterns and genetic and linguistic data. Ethno- Khazanov, 1983; Wood, 1973). The majority of genesis, on the other hand, is predicted to yield a Turkmen live in Turkmenistan, northern Iran, close relationship between cultural patterns and and northern Afghanistan; smaller populations the frequency and intensity of contact among are found in Iraq, Syria, and Turkey. The mi- populations, the usual proxy of which is geo- gration of Oghuz-Turkic tribes from the Mongo- graphic proximity. Phylogenesis is normally rep- lian Steppes to these parts of Central Asia was resented by a ‘‘family tree,’’ ‘‘dendrogram’’ or first recorded between the 10th and 11th centuries ‘‘cladogram,’’ and ethnogenesis by a ‘‘trellis,’’ (Barthold, 1962; Jahn, 1980). Although today the ‘‘lattice’’ or ‘‘reticulated graph’’ (Terrell, 2001). Turkmen are mostly settled agriculturalists, tra- Recently, it has been asserted that ethnogenesis ditionally they were tent dwelling nomadic pas- has been the major cultural evolutionary process toralists who raised sheep, goats, and other in the ethnohistorical period and is likely to have livestock. The study focused on five groups of always been more significant than phylogenesis in Turkmen: the Ersari, Salor, Saryk, Tekke, and cultural evolution (e.g., Dewar, 1995; Moore, Yomut. The geographic distribution of these 1994a,b, 2001; Terrell, 1987, 1988, 2001; Terrell groups during the 19th century is shown in Fig. 1. et al., 1997, 2001). These authors believe that it is Each group comprised a territorially defined un- unrealistic ‘‘to think that history is patterned like ion of kin-based entities and is by convention re- the nodes and branches of a comparative, phylo- ferred to as a ‘‘tribal confederacy’’ (Irons, 1975; genetic, or cladistic ‘‘tree’’’’ (Terrell et al., 1997, p. Tapper, 1979, 1991). These confederacies were 184) and argue that the biological, linguistic, and structured according to a hierarchical, segmentary cultural evolution of our species is best charac- pattern of genealogical relationships that were terised by ‘‘a constant flow of people, and hence defined through patrilineal descent, and which their genes, language, and culture, across the determined the membership of households (yurt), fuzzy boundaries of tribes and nations, spreading residence groups (obas), and lineages (il) (Irons, within a region such as the Plains or the Southeast 1975). within a few generations, and across the continent Turkmen cultural evolution was examined in in a few more’’ (Moore, 2001, p. 51). However, the relation to woven artefacts produced by them veracity of this assertion is open to question as the since the 18th century. Light, hardwearing, and debate on the relative importance of phylogenesis capable of being made on portable looms, these and ethnogenesis has so far been dominated by artefacts met the requirements of the TurkmenÕs contributions that are theoretical and/or qualita- highly mobile, nomadic lifestyle. Moreover, the tive in nature (e.g., Atkinson, 1989; Bellwood, materials used to produce the weavings were 1996; Boyd et al., 1997; Dewar, 1995; Durham, easily acquired from local resources. Wool of 1990, 1991, 1992; Kirch and Green, 1987; Moore, appropriate quality for spinning the pile, weft, 1994a,b; Shennan, 2000; Terrell, 1986, 1988, 2001; and warp was obtained from the TurkmenÕs live- Terrell et al., 1997, 2001; Whaley, 2001). A num- stock, and dyes were extracted from native plants ber of quantitative studies have been published (Mackie, 1980; Thompson, 1980; Whiting, 1980). (e.g., Collard and Shennan, 2000; Guglielmino Accordingly, woven artefacts were ubiquitous et al., 1995; Moore and Romney, 1994, 1996; among the Turkmen, comprising the bulk of their Roberts et al., 1995; Welsch, 1996; Welsch et al., material culture and fulfilling a wide range of 1992), but there is a pressing need for further functions from the ceremonial to the mundane: empirical assessments of the issue. With this in camel hangings for wedding processions, orna- mind, the present paper describes a case study in mental carpets for tent floors, saddle bags, tent which biological phylogenetic methods were ap- bands, door rugs, salt bags, and even small plied to cultural data with a view to shedding light pockets for carrying spoons (Azadi, 1975). on the relative importance of phylogenesis and Following several recent studies (Collard and ethnogenesis in cultural evolution. Shennan, 2000; Foley, 1987; OÕBrien et al., 2001), The case study dealt with the evolution of the evolution of Turkmen weaving traditions was culture among the Turkmen. The Turkmen are an investigated using the method of reconstructing J. Tehrani, M. Collard / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 21 (2002) 443–463 445 Fig. 1. Geographic distribution of the Esari, Salor, Saryk, Tekke, and Yomut groups of Turkmen during the 19th century (after Mackie and Thompson, 1980). phylogenetic relationships that is currently fa- cultural homoplasies probably also differ (e.g., voured in biology—cladistics (Ax, 1987; Eldredge independent evolution versus diffusion), the two and Cracraft, 1980; Hennig, 1950, 1965, 1966; problems are sufficiently similar in terms of Kitching et al., 1998; Minelli, 1993; Page and epistemology and ontology to warrant the appli- Holmes, 1998; Quicke, 1993; Schuh, 2000; Wiley, cation of cladistic methods to cultural data 1981; Wiley et al., 1991). Based on a null model (Collard and Shennan, 2000; OÕBrien et al., 2001). in which new taxa arise from the bifurcation of Most significantly, in both cases we require a existing ones, the cladistic method of phyloge- model that explains the distribution of resem- netic reconstruction entails generating a tree di- blances among the taxa in the absence of prior agram (cladogram)
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