Faultlines of Conflict in Central Asia and the South Caucasus : Implications for the U.S
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Administrative Management of Territories Inhabited by Kyrgyz and Kipchaks in the Kokand Khanate
EPRA International Journal of Environmental Economics, Commerce and Educational Management Journal DOI : 10.36713/epra0414 |ISI I.F Value: 0.815|SJIF Impact Factor(2020): 7.572 ISSN:2348 – 814X Volume: 7| Issue: 1| August 2020 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ ADMINISTRATIVE MANAGEMENT OF TERRITORIES INHABITED BY KYRGYZ AND KIPCHAKS IN THE KOKAND KHANATE Boboev Mirodillo Kosimjon ugli Student of Fergana State University, Uzbekistan. -----------------------------------ANNOTATION-------------------------------- This article provides information about territories inhabited by Kyrgyz and Kipchaks in the Kokand Khanate, their forms of social, economic and administrative management, as well as their senior management positions. KEYWORDS: Kyrgyz, Kipchak, tribe, khan, governor, mirshab, Kokand, channel, feudal, valley. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- DISCUSSION In the first half of the XIX century, the Kokand khanate was the largest region in Central Asia. The Kokand khanate was bordered by East Turkestan in the east, the Bukhara Emirate and the Khiva Khanate in the west. The territory of the khanate in the north was completely subjugated by three Kazakh juzes and bordered by Russia. The southern borders of the khanate included mountainous areas such as Karategin, Kulob, Darvaz, Shogunan. For these regions, there will be bloody wars with the Emirate of Bukhara, which passed from hand to hand. The territory of the Kokand khanate, in contrast to the Bukhara emirate and the Khiva khanate had many wetlands, valleys and fertile lands. The center of the khanate was the Fergana Valley, where such large cities as Kokand, Margilan, Uzgen, Andizhan, and Namangan were located. Large cities such as Tashkent, Shymkent, Turkestan, Avliyota, Pishtak, Oqmasjid were also under the rule of Kokand khanate. The population of the Kokand khanate is relatively dense, about 3 million. -
Warrior, Philosopher, Child: Who Are the Heroes of the Chechen Wars?
Warrior, Philosopher, Child: Who are the Heroes of the Chechen Wars? Historians distinguish between the two Chechen wars, first in 1994-1995 under Yeltsin’s presidency, and second in 1999-2000, when Vladimir Putin became the Prime Minister of Russia and was mainly responsible for military decision-making. The first one was the result of the Soviet Union dissolution, when Chechnya wanted to assert its independence on the Russian Federation. The second one started with the invasion of Dagestan by Shamil Basaev’s terrorist groups, and bombings in Moscow, Volgodonsk and the Dagestani town Buynaksk. It remains unclear what exactly led to a Russian massive air-campaign over Chechnya in 1999. Putin declared the authority of Chechen President Aslan Maskhadov and his parliament illegitimate, and Russians started a land invasion. In May 2000, Putin established direct rule of Chechnya. However, guerrilla war never stopped. Up to now there has been local ongoing low-level insurgency against Ramzan Kadyrov, the Head of the Chechen Republic. Who was drafted to fight in the Chechen Wars? Mainly, young people from neighbouring regions of Russia, who were poorly trained. Russian troops suffered severe losses, since they were ill-prepared. Because of lack of training and experience, Russian forces often attacked random positions, causing enormous casualties among the Chechen and Russian civilian population. The Russian-Chechen Friendship Society set their estimate of the total death toll in two wars at about 150,000 to 200,000 civilians1. If the first war received extensive international coverage, the second got considerably 1 Wikipedia. Retrieved March 30, 2017 from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_Chechen_War. -
Northern Africa Western Asia Fact Sheet MA
Arab States and Northern Africa fact sheet – 2020 GEM Report Please note that this factsheet only contains some of the mentions from the region. The full Report and all regional mentions can be found here: Bit.ly/2020gemreport Embargo : 23 June Headline statistic: 20% of countries in the region did not target the marginalised in their education response to Covid-19 Persistent exclusion • 17 million children and youth are entirely excluded from education in the region, with poverty the main constraint to access. • The stateless bidoon in the Gulf countries have difficulty gaining access to education • Pre-primary: Djibouti has the world’s lowest early childhood education participation rate. Morocco lacks a public pre-primary education system; the share of private institutions, mostly attached to mosques, in total enrolment was 87% in 2018, and enrolment levels have stagnated over the past two decades. • Refugees are taught in parallel education systems. Sahrawi refugees in Algeria have a separate education system and curriculum. Malian refugees in refugee camps in Mauritania still follow the Malian curriculum • Exclusion can happen inside school walls as well: In Yemen, children of the Muhamasheen, a historically marginalized social group associated with garbage collection, face persistent discrimination, abuse by teachers and bullying by peers • Over 30% of children feel like outsiders in school in Jordan and Qatar • 57% of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender youth felt unsafe in school Inequitable foundations: Alongside today’s new Report, the GEM Report has launched a new website, PEER, with descriptions of laws and policies on inclusion in education for every country in the world. -
Local Elites in the Years of Independence (The Example of Gurjaani District, Georgia)
DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS IN TBILISI, SAME PEOPLE IN REGIONS: LOCAL ELITES IN THE YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE (THE EXAMPLE OF GURJAANI DISTRICT, GEORGIA) Giorgi Gotua he ruling political regime in Georgia has changed three times since 1990. Twice the government was replaced through non-constitutional means. None of these regimes were able to consolidate and reach consensus with different groups vying for power regarding basic insti- Ttutions and rules of game. Researchers studying the transition from autocracy to democracy point out various structural factors (culture, socio-economic factors) which they say deter- mine the successful consolidation of new democratic regimes. In recent years, more and more attention has been paid to political elites as essential actors able to decisively influence the direction of state development. Choices made by elites at certain stages of state development, the level of power and authority they ex- ercise in society and the character of relations among various factions determine the success of the process of forming and consolidating a new regime. Studies by G. Field, M. Burton and D. Higley demonstrate that the stability of a regime is directly linked to the degree of consensus among its various fac- tions regarding existing institutions and rules of game (another way to guaran- tee relative stability of the regime, dominance of one group over another, is not discussed as an option within the framework of this research).1 Georgia’s case can serve as a good example demonstrating the correctness of this thesis. During the period of independence three political regimes have changed in Georgia. The regime of President Zviad Gamsakhurdia – which followed the 1 This thesis is presented in: Field G., Hihley J., Burton M., National Elite Configurations and Transitions to De- mocracy // Classes and Elites in Democracy and Democratization: A Collection of Readings / ed. -
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2001 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 4, 2002
Georgia Page 1 of 19 Georgia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2001 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 4, 2002 The 1995 Constitution provides for an executive branch that reports to the President and a legislature. The President appoints ministers with the consent of Parliament. In April 2000, Eduard Shevardnadze was reelected to a second 5-year term as President in an election marred by numerous serious irregularities. International observers strongly criticized the election, citing interference by state authorities in the electoral process, deficient election legislation, insufficient representative election administration, and unreliable voter registers. The country's second parliamentary elections under the 1995 Constitution were held in 1999 and were characterized by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) as a step toward Georgia's compliance with OSCE commitments. The civil war and separatist wars that followed the 1992 coup ended central government authority in Abkhazia and Ossetia, and weakened central authority in the autonomous region of Ajara and elsewhere in the country. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, the judiciary is subject to executive pressure. Internal conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia remained unresolved. Ceasefires were in effect in both areas, although sporadic incidents of violence occurred in Abkhazia. These conflicts and the problems associated with roughly 270,000 internally displaced persons (IDP's) from Abkhazia, 60,000 from South Ossetia, and another 4,000-5,000 refugees from Chechnya, posed a continued threat to national stability. In 1993 Abkhaz separatists won control of Abkhazia, and most ethnic Georgians were expelled from or fled the region. -
Georgia/Abkhazia
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH ARMS PROJECT HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH/HELSINKI March 1995 Vol. 7, No. 7 GEORGIA/ABKHAZIA: VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS OF WAR AND RUSSIA'S ROLE IN THE CONFLICT CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS............................................................................................................5 EVOLUTION OF THE WAR.......................................................................................................................................6 The Role of the Russian Federation in the Conflict.........................................................................................7 RECOMMENDATIONS...............................................................................................................................................8 To the Government of the Republic of Georgia ..............................................................................................8 To the Commanders of the Abkhaz Forces .....................................................................................................8 To the Government of the Russian Federation................................................................................................8 To the Confederation of Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus...........................................................................9 To the United Nations .....................................................................................................................................9 To the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe..........................................................................9 -
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics Book Reviews
This article was downloaded by: [University College London] On: 29 December 2009 Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 772858957] Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Nationalism and Ethnic Politics Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713636289 Book reviews To cite this Article (2003) 'Book reviews', Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 9: 2, 128 — 148 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/13537110412331301445 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110412331301445 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. 92nep06.qxd 27/10/2003 09:21 Page 128 Book Reviews rank K. Salter (ed.). Risky Transactions: Trust, Kinship and Ethnicity. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2002. -
Common Misconceptions and Stereotypes About the Middle East
Common Misconceptions and Stereotypes about the Middle East The Middle East does not have clear-cut boundaries. There are cross-cultural connections that stretch from North Africa through Western Asia into Central Asia. The most basic map of the Middle The Middle East is a clearly defined East includes Bahrain, Cyprus, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, the Palestinian Territories, Qatar, Saudi place. Arabia, Syria, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. People in the Middle East live as nomads. Very few people in the Middle East live as nomads. The Middle East is quite urbanized and has some of the oldest cities in the world. There is nothing but desert and oil in 60% of the region’s population lives in major cities such as the Middle East. Damascus, Istanbul and Cairo. Ancient Middle Eastern kingdoms such as Sumer, Babylon and Egypt were all cradles for western The Middle East and the Islamic World civilization. are the same. Everyone in the Middle East speaks There is more than desert and oil in the Middle East. The geography of the Middle East is diverse and includes everything from fertile Arabic. river deltas and forests, to mountain ranges and arid plateaus. Some Everyone in the Middle East is Muslim. countries in the Middle East are oil rich, while others have little or no All Arabs are Muslim. oil reserves. Violence in the Middle East is The Middle East and the Islamic World are not the same. While inevitable. Islam first developed in the Arabian Peninsula and Arabic is its Everyone in the Middle East hates the liturgical language, the majority of the world’s Muslims are not Arab and live outside the Middle East. -
Engaging Central Asia
ENGAGING CENTRAL ASIA ENGAGING CENTRAL ASIA THE EUROPEAN UNION’S NEW STRATEGY IN THE HEART OF EURASIA EDITED BY NEIL J. MELVIN CONTRIBUTORS BHAVNA DAVE MICHAEL DENISON MATTEO FUMAGALLI MICHAEL HALL NARGIS KASSENOVA DANIEL KIMMAGE NEIL J. MELVIN EUGHENIY ZHOVTIS CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which the authors are associated. This study was carried out in the context of the broader work programme of CEPS on European Neighbourhood Policy, which is generously supported by the Compagnia di San Paolo and the Open Society Institute. ISBN-13: 978-92-9079-707-4 © Copyright 2008, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.eu CONTENTS 1. Introduction Neil J. Melvin ................................................................................................. 1 2. Security Challenges in Central Asia: Implications for the EU’s Engagement Strategy Daniel Kimmage............................................................................................ -
Treasures from Near Eastern Looms
The Bowdoin College Library Treasures from Near Eastern Looms ERNEST H. ROBERTS BRUNSWICK, MAINE 1981 Bowdoin College Museum of Art Brunswick, Maine September 11, 1981 to November 22, 1981 The Textile Museum Washington, District of Columbia December 11, 1981 to February 6, 1982 Cover: Carpel Fnn>incni, Caucasian, Dagistan area, ca. 1850 Photographs by Robert H. Stillwell Design by Michael W. Mahan Printed byJ.S. McCarthy Co., Inc., Augusta, Maine Copyright © 1981 by Ernest H. Roberts Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 81-68474 ISBN: 0-916606-02-3 Portions of this catalogue are reprinted in altered form from other publications. We are indebted to the following institutions for per- mission to use their material: to the Allen Memorial Art Museum, Oberlin, Ohio, for the chapter introductions and descriptions of plates 12, 19, 24, 28, 63, and 65, which appeared in "Catalogue of Islamic Carpets," Allen An Museum Bulletin 3 (1978-1979) by Ernest H. Roberts; to The Textile Museum, Washington, D.C., for glossary entries and drawings from "Definitions and Explana- tions," a section of Early Caucasian Ru^s by Charles Grant Ellis, published by that museum in 1975, and for the loan of the map which appears on page 61 of this book; to the Joslyn Art Museum, Omaha, Nebraska, for descriptions of plates 28, 35, 44, 57, and 67 from A Rich Inheritance: Oriental Ruj^s oj 19th and Early 20th Centuries, published by that museum in 1974; and to the Near Eastern Art Research Center, Inc., for the description of plate 68 from Islamic Carpets by Joseph V. -
Water Policy Reforms in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia Achievements of the European Union Water Initiative, 2006-16 September 2016
Water Policy Reforms in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia Achievements of the European Union Water Initiative, 2006-16 September 2016 EUWI EU WATER INITIATIVE EECCA Foreword People’s wellbeing and economic development are increasingly dependent “Ten years after the EUWI upon water. Water scarcity is already a matter of daily struggle for more than launch, we are glad to 40 percent of people around the world. Our vulnerability to water stress is and will be more and more exacerbated by climate change. Improved water see more robust national governance is therefore crucial for accommodating a growing demand for policy frameworks, targeted water in the context of important scarcities. Without efforts to rethink and invesments and improved adjust the way we manage waters, an eventual water crisis will have daunting effects, including conflicts and forced migration. water management practices in countries of Eastern Europe, The European Commission has made water governance one of the priorities of its work, including in the context of international co-operation. The Caucasus and Central Asia.” European Union’s Water Initiative (EUWI), launched in 2006, has been an important avenue for sharing experience, addressing common challenges, and identifying opportunities that would enable our partners to meet water use demands in an environmentally sustainable manner. As part of its Neighbourhood and Development policies, the EU has closely involved the countries of Eastern Europe, Caucasus and Central Asia in this initiative. The EUWI has been a political undertaking that has helped participating countries improve their legislation in the water sector through the design and the implementation of national policy reforms. -
The North Caucasus Region As a Blind Spot in the “European Green Deal”: Energy Supply Security and Energy Superpower Russia
energies Article The North Caucasus Region as a Blind Spot in the “European Green Deal”: Energy Supply Security and Energy Superpower Russia José Antonio Peña-Ramos 1,* , Philipp Bagus 2 and Dmitri Amirov-Belova 3 1 Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universidad Autónoma de Chile, Providencia 7500912, Chile 2 Department of Applied Economics I and History of Economic Institutions (and Moral Philosophy), Rey Juan Carlos University, 28032 Madrid, Spain; [email protected] 3 Postgraduate Studies Centre, Pablo de Olavide University, 41013 Sevilla, Spain; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +34-657219669 Abstract: The “European Green Deal” has ambitious aims, such as net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. While the European Union aims to make its energies greener, Russia pursues power-goals based on its status as a geo-energy superpower. A successful “European Green Deal” would have the up-to-now underestimated geopolitical advantage of making the European Union less dependent on Russian hydrocarbons. In this article, we illustrate Russian power-politics and its geopolitical implications by analyzing the illustrative case of the North Caucasus, which has been traditionally a strategic region for Russia. The present article describes and analyses the impact of Russian intervention in the North Caucasian secessionist conflict since 1991 and its importance in terms of natural resources, especially hydrocarbons. The geopolitical power secured by Russia in the North Caucasian conflict has important implications for European Union’s energy supply security and could be regarded as a strong argument in favor of the “European Green Deal”. Keywords: North Caucasus; post-soviet conflicts; Russia; oil; natural gas; global economics and Citation: Peña-Ramos, J.A.; Bagus, P.; cross-cultural management; energy studies; renewable energies; energy markets; clean energies Amirov-Belova, D.