Malaysian Political Engagement 1945-2013
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Islamic Political Parties and Democracy: a Comparative Study of Pks in Indonesia and Pas in Malaysia (1998-2005)
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarBank@NUS ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PKS IN INDONESIA AND PAS IN MALAYSIA (1998-2005) AHMAD ALI NURDIN S.Ag, (UIN), GradDipIslamicStud, MA (Hons) (UNE), MA (NUS) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2009 Acknowledgements This work is the product of years of questioning, excitement, frustration, and above all enthusiasm. Thanks are due to the many people I have had the good fortune to interact with both professionally and in my personal life. While the responsibility for the views expressed in this work rests solely with me, I owe a great debt of gratitude to many people and institutions. First, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Priyambudi Sulistiyanto, who was my principal supervisor before he transferred to Flinders University in Australia. He has inspired my research on Islamic political parties in Southeast Asia since the beginning of my studies at NUS. After he left Singapore he patiently continued to give me advice and to guide me in finishing my thesis. Thanks go to him for his insightful comments and frequent words of encouragement. After the departure of Dr. Priyambudi, Prof. Reynaldo C. Ileto, who was a member of my thesis committee from the start of my doctoral studies in NUS, kindly agreed to take over the task of supervision. He has been instrumental in the development of my academic career because of his intellectual stimulation and advice throughout. -
Managing Ethnic Relations in Post-Crisis Malaysia and Indonesia Lessons from the New Economic Policy?
Managing Ethnic Relations in Post-Crisis Malaysia and Indonesia Lessons from the New Economic Policy? Khoo Boo Teik Identities, Conflict and Cohesion United Nations Programme Paper Number 6 Research Institute August 2004 for Social Development This United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) Programme Paper was written for the 2001 UNRISD International Conference on Racism and Public Policy. This conference was carried out with the support of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA). UNRISD also thanks the governments of Den- mark, Finland, Mexico, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom for their core funding. Copyright © UNRISD. Short extracts from this publication may be reproduced unaltered without authorization on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to UNRISD, Palais des Nations, 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland. UNRISD welcomes such applications. The designations employed in UNRISD publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNRISD con- cerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the author(s), and publication does not constitute endorse- ment by UNRISD. ISSN 1020-8194 Contents Acronyms ii Glossary ii Acknowledgements -
Malaysia Program Summary Political Party Strengthening Public Opinion
Malaysia Program Summary Since Malaysia’s independence in 1957, the country has experienced a series of national elections, but never a change in national government. The ruling coalition (now known as the Barisan Nasional or BN) has held power continuously during Malaysia’s post-independence era. In the 2008 general elections, for the first time, the BN lost its two-thirds majority in parliament and also lost control of five state assemblies to the opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat. Subsequently, in Sarawak in April 2011, in the only state assembly elections held before national elections due in 2013, the BN retained control of the state assembly but suffered a reduction in its majority. It is in this context that the International Republican Institute (IRI) provides technical assistance, training and consultation to political parties and works to build knowledge and impart skills that enable Malaysian political leaders to more effectively address citizen concerns. Political Party Strengthening IRI is working to strengthen political parties at both the national level and in targeted states where the Institute can have impact. IRI works with political parties to run better campaigns, to develop get out the vote (GOTV) drives, to improve platform development and messaging, and to identify and respond to constituent concerns via utilization of public opinion research. IRI is assisting political parties from both the BN and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalitions in these areas. For example, in advance of the recent Sarawak elections, IRI assisted parties from both coalitions with campaign trainings, GOTV drives and also developed Sarawak-specific polling to better enable parties to develop platforms and messages that met the needs of all Sarawakians. -
Malaysia's 14Th General Election and UMNO's Fall; Intra-Elite Feuding
4 Electoral boundaries in Malaysia’s 2018 election Malapportionment, gerrymandering and UMNO’s fall Kai Ostwald Introduction Malaysia’s General Election 14 (GE14) on 9 May 2018 broke with the previ- ous thirteen in a fundamental way: the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and its coalition partners were defeated for the first time, bringing about an unprecedented transition of power after over six decades of political dominance. Despite the unpopularity of UMNO Prime Minister Najib Razak and widespread frustrations with the cost of living, the outcome was not anticipated. This is largely due to the extensive partisan manipulation of Malaysia’s electoral process, which provided the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition with far- reaching advantages in electoral competition. Of the many advantages, perhaps the most powerful came through biased elec- toral boundaries that use malapportionment and gerrymandering to provide the BN with a reliable and significant seat bonus over the opposition. This bias was enough to fundamentally distort outcomes, for example in the 2013 general elec- tion (GE13) where the BN lost the popular vote by 4% but still emerged with a 20% seat advantage in parliament (Wong 2018 ; Lee 2015 ; Ostwald 2013 ). Rede- lineation exercises concluded just prior to GE14 increased malapportionment further and showed signs of extensive gerrymandering. Critics from the opposi- tion and civil society feared that they would make a turnover of power through the ballot box nearly impossible. Relative to brazen manipulations like phantom voting or ballot box stuffing, biased electoral boundaries do not easily rouse cries of electoral malpractice. However, their effects are powerful. -
Reassessing the Origins of the Cold War in Southeast Asia, 10-11 July
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Directory of Open Access Journals Kajian Malaysia, Vol. 27 No. 1 & 2, 2009 1948 AND THE COLD WAR IN MALAYA: SAMPLINGS OF MALAY REACTIONS Abdul Rahman Haji Ismail School of Humanities Universiti Sains Malaysia Malaysia [email protected] This paper is a preliminary report of an on-going research on the reactions of the Malays in Malaya to the coming of the Cold War to the region, with particular reference to the importance of the year 1948. For the majority of the Malays, the Cold War was most popularly associated with the Emergency, which British authorities had declared in the effort to quell the armed uprising mounted by the MCP. The vast majority of Malays in Malaya were not interested in the on-going Cold War between the Western bloc led by the United States on the side the Eastern bloc led by the Soviet Union on the other. The preoccupations of the Malays during the immediate post-Pacific War period was nationalism and the concomitant effort to gain independence for Malaya from Britain. In particular, they had been rather anxious that the Malays, who were the native of the land, were not robbed of the custodianship over Malaya and political privileges of the Malays in independent Malaya. Consumed with these issues, the Malays had little interests in external affairs. It was perhaps the lack of Malay support that foredoomed the fate of communism in Malaya. Keywords: Cold War in Malaya, 1948, Malay reactions, Malayan Union, Malay Nationalist Party -
Sejarah Dan Dasar Perjuangan Keadilan
Sejarah Parti 3 SEJARAH DAN DASAR PERJUANGAN KEADILAN Syed Husin Ali Sejarah Parti 5 PARTI KEADILAN RAKYAT Sejarah dan Dasar Perjuangan 6 Parti Keadilan Rakyat: Sejarah dan Dasar Perjuangan Sejarah Parti 7 1 SEJARAH PARTI 1. Teras utama dasar perjuangan Parti terletak pada namanya, iaitu Keadilan Rakyat. Konsep Keadilan bukannya baru. Ia sudah lama wujud dan mempunyai asas pada (a) ajaran agama, (b) leluhur dan legenda, dan (c) sejarah bangsa dan kemanusiaan. 2. Semua agama besar tegas mengajar dan mengutamakan nilai tentang Keadilan. Bagi Islam, terdapat banyak ayat dalam Al- Quran berhubung dengannya. Misalnya, “InnalLaha ya’murukum bil adl wal ihsan”. Nabi Musa menentang kuasa Firaun lambang keangkuhan, yang disokong Qarun penindas (ekonomi) dan Haman (kepercayaan), demi keadilan dan kebebasan. Mereka yang berniaga disuruh adil dalam timbangan mereka. 3. Antara legenda Melayu yang penting ialah pertarungan antara Hang Tuah dengan Hang Jebat yang juga menetapkan asas siasah pemerintahan adil ditaati (sembah); pemerintah (Raja) zalim disanggah. Jebat dilambangkan sebagai seorang pahlawan yang mahu memperjuangkan keadilan bagi sahabatnya Tuah, yang dilihatnya sebagai dizalimi raja. Malangnya, bila mendapat kuasa, Jebat menjadi curang dan korup. Itu salah satu sebab dia kecundang. 4. Dalam sejarah manusia berulang kali terdapat contoh golongan rakyat tertindas berjuang untuk menegakkan keadilan serta 8 Parti Keadilan Rakyat: Sejarah dan Dasar Perjuangan kebebasan. Hamba berontak melawan tuan, rakyat jelata bangkit menentang Raja, pekerja bangun mencabar pemodal dan rakyat berjuang menghalau penjajahan. Kesemuanya mahukan keadilan dan pembebasan dalam pelbagai bidang. Zaman Penjajahan 5. Di bawah penjajahan, negara ditekan dan rakyat ditindas. Kekayaan negara diangkut keluar untuk membangun ekonomi penjajah dan tidak digunakan untuk faedah dan kesejahteraan rakyat. -
Research Commons at The
http://waikato.researchgateway.ac.nz/ Research Commons at the University of Waikato Copyright Statement: The digital copy of this thesis is protected by the Copyright Act 1994 (New Zealand). The thesis may be consulted by you, provided you comply with the provisions of the Act and the following conditions of use: Any use you make of these documents or images must be for research or private study purposes only, and you may not make them available to any other person. Authors control the copyright of their thesis. You will recognise the author’s right to be identified as the author of the thesis, and due acknowledgement will be made to the author where appropriate. You will obtain the author’s permission before publishing any material from the thesis. The Defence of Ethnic Identity in Malaysia A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations and Security Studies at The University of Waikato by Melanie Jones-Leaning The University of Waikato 2010 Abstract The changing dynamics of interstate conflict in the post-Cold War environment led scholars to debate the relevance of established security theory. While traditionalists maintained that the state-centric theory should retain its primacy, others argued for a security agenda, not only broadened or widened to include other sectors, but one deepened or extended to include the individual and larger societal groupings as referent objects of security. In the 1990s, the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute developed a reformulated and expanded security agenda which recognized five dimensions of security – political, military, economic, environmental and societal. -
The Transformation of Political Party Opposition in Malaysia and Its Implications for the Electoral Authoritarian Regime Ufen, Andreas
www.ssoar.info The transformation of political party opposition in Malaysia and its implications for the electoral authoritarian regime Ufen, Andreas Postprint / Postprint Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich. / This publication is with permission of the rights owner freely accessible due to an Alliance licence and a national licence (funded by the DFG, German Research Foundation) respectively. Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Ufen, A. (2009). The transformation of political party opposition in Malaysia and its implications for the electoral authoritarian regime. Democratization, 16(3), 604-627. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510340902884804 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. -
Barisan Alternatif Hanya Tagih Simpati Pengundi (BH 26/11/1999)
26/11/1999 Barisan alternatif hanya tagih simpati pengundi Mior Kamarul Shahid UMUMNYA, persaingan dalam pilihan raya 1999 tidak boleh dianggap sengit, jika pertarungan pilihan raya 1995 dan 1990 dijadikan perbandingan. Jika pun sesuai, ia hanya boleh dianggap lebih `bingit', berbanding kedua-dua pilihan raya umum yang lalu. Jika rentetan peristiwa sebelum dan menjelang pilihan raya 1999 ini dijadikan plot sebuah novel, terlalu banyak episod antiklimaks yang berlaku. Barisan alternatif yang membariskan Pas, DAP, Parti Keadilan Nasional (Keadilan) dan Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM) benar-benar mengharapkan pilihan raya diadakan ketika klimaks, sewaktu semangat rakyat membara. Tetapi, secara dirancang, Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad membubarkan Parlimen ketika keadaan sudah kendur. Dr Mahathir tidak terikut-ikut dengan congak parti pembangkang. Tempik sorak pembangkang yang bermula sejak Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim disingkirkan daripada Umno dan kerajaan 28 September 1998, adalah satu jangka masa yang terlalu panjang diukur dari segi kemampuan mereka untuk mempertahankan isu Anwar, yang dijadikan watak utama dalam pilihan raya kali ini. Ia juga memberi masa yang panjang bagi kerajaan Barisan Nasional (BN) untuk mengendurkan keadaan dan mematah hujah pembangkang, walaupun satu demi satu isu membabitkan bekas Timbalan Perdana Menteri itu cuba diketengahkan. Barangkali ada baiknya juga bagi pembangkang apabila pilihan raya ini diadakan sekarang. Jika ia diadakan tahun depan, mereka mungkin terus kekontangan isu. Sekurang-kurangnya buat masa ini, ada juga saki-baki isu yang boleh diketengahkan. Jika pun ada perkara yang merugikan, mereka tidak boleh lagi menggunakan majlis tazkirah di masjid dan surau untuk mencaci kerajaan sepanjang Ramadan nanti. Tinjauan di beberapa ceramah politik yang diadakan sepanjang tempoh kempen rasmi lapan hari ini, didapati hujah-hujah penceramah yang mewakili parti-parti politik, agak hambar. -
Federal-State Relations Under the Pakatan Harapan Government
FEDERAL-STATE RELATIONS UNDER THE PAKATAN HARAPAN GOVERNMENT Tricia Yeoh TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ISSN 0219-3213 TRS12/20s ISSUE ISBN 978-9-814951-13-5 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace 12 Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 4 9 5 1 1 3 5 2020 TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 20-J07166 01 Trends_2020-12.indd 1 5/10/20 2:25 PM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 20-J07166 01 Trends_2020-12.indd 2 5/10/20 2:25 PM FEDERAL-STATE RELATIONS UNDER THE PAKATAN HARAPAN GOVERNMENT Tricia Yeoh ISSUE 12 2020 20-J07166 01 Trends_2020-12.indd 3 5/10/20 2:25 PM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2020 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Malaysia: Winners and Losers
MALAYSIA: WINNERS AND LOSERS David Camroux, Executive Director, Asia-Europe Centre, Senior Research Associate, CERI (Sciences Po, Paris) « If Malaysia did not exist, it would need to be invented », could be one way of describing the impact of 11th September on this Southeast Asian nation of some 22 million inhabitants. In avoiding the dangerous characterisation of the « war » against terrorism as one between civilisations, there is a desperate need for an exemplary modern Muslim country, one which has, ostensibly at least, demonstrated that Islam is neither incompatible with economic development nor with modernity nor with an, apparently, democratic form of political stability. To fully appreciate the changes that have occurred it is necessary to look at political situation in Malaysia prior to 11th September and afterwards. The Malaysian Prime Minister has consistently maintained an anti-Western rhetoric even prior to his appointment as Malaysian Prime Minister in 1981. This discourse in itself was not very problematical until the financial crisis of 1997. Until that period the somewhat old-fashioned anti-colonial rhetoric - designed for internal consumption - was balanced by an open arms acceptance of Western investment. The economic crisis and the subsequent self-induced political crisis triggered by the arrest and imprisonment (or, in more robust language, the judicial « assassination ») of Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, changed the situation. The reversion to a domestic solution to the crisis within Malaysia (capital controls, reshuffling of the corporate cards, Keynesian pump priming), was echoed on the international level with Malaysia’s classing amongst a group of undesirable states. Within Malaysia itself the political pre-eminence of UMNO was severely tested in the 2000 elections when more than half of the David Camroux - Malaysia: Winners and Losers – November 2001 1 http://www.ceri-sciences-po.org Malay population voted for the opposition parties. -
Will Pakatan Harapan's Hold on Selangor Continue?
WILL PAKATAN HARAPAN’S HOLD ON SELANGOR CONTINUE? Tricia Yeoh TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ISSN 0219-3213 TRS3/21s ISSUE ISBN 978-981-4951-43-2 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace 3 Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 4 9 5 1 4 3 2 2021 TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 21-J07406 01 Trends_2021-03.indd 1 19/1/21 10:14 AM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 21-J07406 01 Trends_2021-03.indd 2 19/1/21 10:14 AM WILL PAKATAN HARAPAN’S HOLD ON SELANGOR CONTINUE? Tricia Yeoh ISSUE 3 2021 21-J07406 01 Trends_2021-03.indd 3 19/1/21 10:14 AM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2021 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved.