Sejarah Dan Dasar Perjuangan Keadilan
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Islamic Political Parties and Democracy: a Comparative Study of Pks in Indonesia and Pas in Malaysia (1998-2005)
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarBank@NUS ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PKS IN INDONESIA AND PAS IN MALAYSIA (1998-2005) AHMAD ALI NURDIN S.Ag, (UIN), GradDipIslamicStud, MA (Hons) (UNE), MA (NUS) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2009 Acknowledgements This work is the product of years of questioning, excitement, frustration, and above all enthusiasm. Thanks are due to the many people I have had the good fortune to interact with both professionally and in my personal life. While the responsibility for the views expressed in this work rests solely with me, I owe a great debt of gratitude to many people and institutions. First, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Priyambudi Sulistiyanto, who was my principal supervisor before he transferred to Flinders University in Australia. He has inspired my research on Islamic political parties in Southeast Asia since the beginning of my studies at NUS. After he left Singapore he patiently continued to give me advice and to guide me in finishing my thesis. Thanks go to him for his insightful comments and frequent words of encouragement. After the departure of Dr. Priyambudi, Prof. Reynaldo C. Ileto, who was a member of my thesis committee from the start of my doctoral studies in NUS, kindly agreed to take over the task of supervision. He has been instrumental in the development of my academic career because of his intellectual stimulation and advice throughout. -
Malaysia Program Summary Political Party Strengthening Public Opinion
Malaysia Program Summary Since Malaysia’s independence in 1957, the country has experienced a series of national elections, but never a change in national government. The ruling coalition (now known as the Barisan Nasional or BN) has held power continuously during Malaysia’s post-independence era. In the 2008 general elections, for the first time, the BN lost its two-thirds majority in parliament and also lost control of five state assemblies to the opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat. Subsequently, in Sarawak in April 2011, in the only state assembly elections held before national elections due in 2013, the BN retained control of the state assembly but suffered a reduction in its majority. It is in this context that the International Republican Institute (IRI) provides technical assistance, training and consultation to political parties and works to build knowledge and impart skills that enable Malaysian political leaders to more effectively address citizen concerns. Political Party Strengthening IRI is working to strengthen political parties at both the national level and in targeted states where the Institute can have impact. IRI works with political parties to run better campaigns, to develop get out the vote (GOTV) drives, to improve platform development and messaging, and to identify and respond to constituent concerns via utilization of public opinion research. IRI is assisting political parties from both the BN and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalitions in these areas. For example, in advance of the recent Sarawak elections, IRI assisted parties from both coalitions with campaign trainings, GOTV drives and also developed Sarawak-specific polling to better enable parties to develop platforms and messages that met the needs of all Sarawakians. -
Malaysia's 14Th General Election and UMNO's Fall; Intra-Elite Feuding
4 Electoral boundaries in Malaysia’s 2018 election Malapportionment, gerrymandering and UMNO’s fall Kai Ostwald Introduction Malaysia’s General Election 14 (GE14) on 9 May 2018 broke with the previ- ous thirteen in a fundamental way: the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and its coalition partners were defeated for the first time, bringing about an unprecedented transition of power after over six decades of political dominance. Despite the unpopularity of UMNO Prime Minister Najib Razak and widespread frustrations with the cost of living, the outcome was not anticipated. This is largely due to the extensive partisan manipulation of Malaysia’s electoral process, which provided the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition with far- reaching advantages in electoral competition. Of the many advantages, perhaps the most powerful came through biased elec- toral boundaries that use malapportionment and gerrymandering to provide the BN with a reliable and significant seat bonus over the opposition. This bias was enough to fundamentally distort outcomes, for example in the 2013 general elec- tion (GE13) where the BN lost the popular vote by 4% but still emerged with a 20% seat advantage in parliament (Wong 2018 ; Lee 2015 ; Ostwald 2013 ). Rede- lineation exercises concluded just prior to GE14 increased malapportionment further and showed signs of extensive gerrymandering. Critics from the opposi- tion and civil society feared that they would make a turnover of power through the ballot box nearly impossible. Relative to brazen manipulations like phantom voting or ballot box stuffing, biased electoral boundaries do not easily rouse cries of electoral malpractice. However, their effects are powerful. -
Reassessing the Origins of the Cold War in Southeast Asia, 10-11 July
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Directory of Open Access Journals Kajian Malaysia, Vol. 27 No. 1 & 2, 2009 1948 AND THE COLD WAR IN MALAYA: SAMPLINGS OF MALAY REACTIONS Abdul Rahman Haji Ismail School of Humanities Universiti Sains Malaysia Malaysia [email protected] This paper is a preliminary report of an on-going research on the reactions of the Malays in Malaya to the coming of the Cold War to the region, with particular reference to the importance of the year 1948. For the majority of the Malays, the Cold War was most popularly associated with the Emergency, which British authorities had declared in the effort to quell the armed uprising mounted by the MCP. The vast majority of Malays in Malaya were not interested in the on-going Cold War between the Western bloc led by the United States on the side the Eastern bloc led by the Soviet Union on the other. The preoccupations of the Malays during the immediate post-Pacific War period was nationalism and the concomitant effort to gain independence for Malaya from Britain. In particular, they had been rather anxious that the Malays, who were the native of the land, were not robbed of the custodianship over Malaya and political privileges of the Malays in independent Malaya. Consumed with these issues, the Malays had little interests in external affairs. It was perhaps the lack of Malay support that foredoomed the fate of communism in Malaya. Keywords: Cold War in Malaya, 1948, Malay reactions, Malayan Union, Malay Nationalist Party -
Research Commons at The
http://waikato.researchgateway.ac.nz/ Research Commons at the University of Waikato Copyright Statement: The digital copy of this thesis is protected by the Copyright Act 1994 (New Zealand). The thesis may be consulted by you, provided you comply with the provisions of the Act and the following conditions of use: Any use you make of these documents or images must be for research or private study purposes only, and you may not make them available to any other person. Authors control the copyright of their thesis. You will recognise the author’s right to be identified as the author of the thesis, and due acknowledgement will be made to the author where appropriate. You will obtain the author’s permission before publishing any material from the thesis. The Defence of Ethnic Identity in Malaysia A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations and Security Studies at The University of Waikato by Melanie Jones-Leaning The University of Waikato 2010 Abstract The changing dynamics of interstate conflict in the post-Cold War environment led scholars to debate the relevance of established security theory. While traditionalists maintained that the state-centric theory should retain its primacy, others argued for a security agenda, not only broadened or widened to include other sectors, but one deepened or extended to include the individual and larger societal groupings as referent objects of security. In the 1990s, the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute developed a reformulated and expanded security agenda which recognized five dimensions of security – political, military, economic, environmental and societal. -
The Transformation of Political Party Opposition in Malaysia and Its Implications for the Electoral Authoritarian Regime Ufen, Andreas
www.ssoar.info The transformation of political party opposition in Malaysia and its implications for the electoral authoritarian regime Ufen, Andreas Postprint / Postprint Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich. / This publication is with permission of the rights owner freely accessible due to an Alliance licence and a national licence (funded by the DFG, German Research Foundation) respectively. Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Ufen, A. (2009). The transformation of political party opposition in Malaysia and its implications for the electoral authoritarian regime. Democratization, 16(3), 604-627. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510340902884804 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. -
Federal-State Relations Under the Pakatan Harapan Government
FEDERAL-STATE RELATIONS UNDER THE PAKATAN HARAPAN GOVERNMENT Tricia Yeoh TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ISSN 0219-3213 TRS12/20s ISSUE ISBN 978-9-814951-13-5 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace 12 Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 4 9 5 1 1 3 5 2020 TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 20-J07166 01 Trends_2020-12.indd 1 5/10/20 2:25 PM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 20-J07166 01 Trends_2020-12.indd 2 5/10/20 2:25 PM FEDERAL-STATE RELATIONS UNDER THE PAKATAN HARAPAN GOVERNMENT Tricia Yeoh ISSUE 12 2020 20-J07166 01 Trends_2020-12.indd 3 5/10/20 2:25 PM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2020 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Will Pakatan Harapan's Hold on Selangor Continue?
WILL PAKATAN HARAPAN’S HOLD ON SELANGOR CONTINUE? Tricia Yeoh TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ISSN 0219-3213 TRS3/21s ISSUE ISBN 978-981-4951-43-2 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace 3 Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 4 9 5 1 4 3 2 2021 TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 21-J07406 01 Trends_2021-03.indd 1 19/1/21 10:14 AM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 21-J07406 01 Trends_2021-03.indd 2 19/1/21 10:14 AM WILL PAKATAN HARAPAN’S HOLD ON SELANGOR CONTINUE? Tricia Yeoh ISSUE 3 2021 21-J07406 01 Trends_2021-03.indd 3 19/1/21 10:14 AM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2021 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Reproduced from the Defeat of Barisan Nasional: Missed Signs Or
The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC) and the Singapore APEC Study Centre. ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 19-J06064 00a The Defeat of Barisan Nasional.indd 2 28/11/19 11:23 AM First published in Singapore in 2019 by ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. © 2019 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore The responsibility for facts and opinions in this publication rests exclusively with the authors and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or the policy of the publisher or its supporters. -
Parti Islam Sa-Malaysia: Kepimpinan Dan Perjuangan Dari Tahun 1951 Hingga 1970
PARTI ISLAM SA-MALAYSIA: KEPIMPINAN DAN PERJUANGAN DARI TAHUN 1951 HINGGA 1970 ISMAIL BIN SAID UNIVERSITI SAINS MALAYSIA 2008 PARTI ISLAM SA-MALAYSIA: KEPIMPINAN DAN PERJUANGAN DARI TAHUN 1951 HINGGA 1970 oleh ISMAIL BIN SAID Tesis yang diserahkan untuk memenuhi keperluan bagi Ijazah Doktor Falsafah MEI 2008 PENGAKUAN Saya akui tesis ini adalah hasil kerja saya sendiri kecuali nukilan dan ringkasan yang tiap-tiap satunya telah saya jelaskan sumbernya. 21 MEI 2008 ISMAIL BIN SAID P-OD0007/04(R) ii PENGHARGAAN Bismillahirrahmanirrahim Dengan Nama Allah Yang Maha Pemurah Lagi Maha Mengasihani Segala pujian bagi Allah SWT, Salawat dan Salam ke atas junjungan besar Nabi Muhammad SAW dan keluarga, para sahabat dan para pejuang yang banyak berkorban demi menegakkan Islam di muka bumi ini Pengkaji bersyukur kepada Allah kerana dengan limpah kurniaNya kajian ini berjaya disiapkan. Dalam usaha menyiapkan kajian ini, pengkaji banyak terhutang budi kepada semua pihak yang memberi bantuan dan kerjasama. Di kesempatan ini, pengkaji merakamkan ucapan terima kasih dan setinggi-tinggi penghargaan khas kepada Profesor Madya Dr Mohd. Isa Othman selaku penyelia pertama, Dr Abdul Rahman Abdullah (bersara pada Ogos 2007) dan Dr. Azlizan Mat Enh (menggantikan Dr. Abdul Rahman Abdullah) Penyelia Kedua kajian ini yang telah meluangkan banyak masa memberi bimbingan serta pandangan. Tidak ketinggalan juga ucapan terima kasih ditujukan kepada Profesor Madya Dr. Haji Ahmad Jelani bin Halimi dan seluruh kakitangan di Pusat Pengajian Pendidikan Jarak Jauh, Universiti Sains Malaysia. Juga ucapan terima kasih kepada Profesor Dr. Nik Anuar Nik Mahmud atas pandangan dan saranan semasa berdiskusi secara tidak langsung di Arkib Negara Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur ketika pengkaji membuat penyelidikan di Arkib Negara Malaysia tempoh hari. -
Malay Politics and Nation State in Malaysia
Asian Social Science; Vol. 9, No. 8; 2013 ISSN 1911-2017 E-ISSN 1911-2025 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education Malay Politics and Nation State in Malaysia Suhana Saad1, Lyndon N.1, S. Selvadurai1, M. S. Sarmila1, R. Zaimah1 & A. M. Azima1 1 School of Social, Development & Environmental Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences & Humanities, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi, Malaysia Correspondence: Suhana Saad, School of Social, Development & Environmental Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences & Humanities, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi, Selangor, Malaysia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: February 16, 2013 Accepted: March 29, 2013 Online Published: April 25, 2013 doi:10.5539/ass.v9n8p96 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v9n8p96 Abstract Malaysia is a multi-ethnic country comprising three main ethnics, namely Malay, Chinese and Indian. As one of the multi-ethnic countries, construction of nation state becomes the government’s crucial agenda. After Malaysia achieved independence, the first endeavor towards integrity was uniting political parties, explicitly United Malay National Organization (UMNO), Malaysia Chinese Association (MCA) and Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC). However, this latest advancement creates upheavals particularly in Malay political parties which are UMNO, PAS (Pan-Malaysia Islamic Party) and PKR. If Malay political parties are dispersed, then how about the attempt to construct nation state? This research is about the nation state’s challenges affected by the upheavals in Malay political parties. This research uses secondary sources and interview with Malaysia’s political leaders. In these most recent uproars, media play an important role by worsening the existing crisis. All those scenarios have shown that civil movements also claim for a more democratic ruling system and election which challenges the government on the issues of unity and nation state. -
Electing Reform Barisan Nasional Neopatrimonialism As Impetus for and Challenge to Malaysia’S Democratic Transition
Taiwan Journal of Democracy, Volume 15, No. 1: 41-61 Electing Reform Barisan Nasional Neopatrimonialism as Impetus for and Challenge to Malaysia’s Democratic Transition Meredith L. Weiss Abstract Malaysia’s May 2018 general elections saw the Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition voted out of office after more than six decades of rule. Key to that electoral upset was the extent to which corruption-specifically, a self-serving, far-reaching, neopatrimonial form-had pervaded the polity, notwithstanding a fairly elaborate anticorruption institutional architecture. The Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope) coalition now in power, and especially its determined prime minister, the nonagenarian Mahathir Mohamad, placed governance and anticorruption at the top of its reform agenda and took immediate steps toward institutional reform upon assuming office. However, the nature of a transition by election, in which the state apparatus, as well as a significant share of politicians, are holdovers from the old regime; the imperative to distribute the unavoidable costs of reform so as not to irritate too many voters; and the fact that opposition to former Prime Minister Najib Razak may have been more a “push” factor than institutional reform was a “pull” in Pakatan Harapan’s win complicate the invariably dicey and protracted task of democratic consolidation. At least some extent of meaningful governance reform is all but certain; how deep or far that remaking will reach is less clear at this stage in Malaysia’s transition. Keywords: Anticorruption, corruption, democratization, Malaysia, neopatrimonial, reform. Chief among the reasons for the stunning loss of Malaysia’s Barisan Nasional (National Front, BN) in the May 2018 general elections-after an unbroken run of over sixty years since independence-was corruption.