Malay Politics and Nation State in Malaysia
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Gandingan Muka Lama, Muka Baru Ketuai Umno Bahagian
30 APR 2001 Umno-Rangkuman GANDINGAN MUKA LAMA, MUKA BARU KETUAI UMNO BAHAGIAN KUALA LUMPUR, 30 April (Bernama) -- Persidangan perwakilan Umno bahagian yang berlangsung sepanjang bulan ini menyaksikan Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad dan Timbalan Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi masing-masing mengekalkan jawatan ketua bahagian Umno Kubang Pasu dan Kepala Batas. Di KEDAH, Dr Mahathir yang menerajui Umno Kubang Pasu sejak 1974, ialah antara 11 daripada 15 ketua bahagian yang mengekalkan jawatan itu, enam daripadanya tanpa bertanding. Kemenangan tanpa bertanding jawatan ketua bahagian turut menjadi milik Penasihat Agama Perdana Menteri Datuk Paduka Abdul Hamid Othman (Sik), Setiausaha Politik Tun Daim Zainuddin, Datuk Arzmi Abdul Hamid (Merbok) dan Menteri Kebudayaan, Kesenian dan Pelancongan Datuk Abdul Kadir Sheikh Fadzir (Kulim/Bandar Baharu). Selain Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Syed Razak Syed Zain yang menang tanpa bertanding di Kuala Kedah, tiga lagi muka baru wujud setelah bekas timbalan ketua bahagian merebut jawatan ketua dengan menyingkirkan "boss" masing-masing. Mereka ialah anggota exco kerajaan negeri Datuk Zainol Mohamed Isa yang menewaskan bekas menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri Datuk Raja Ariffin Raja Sulaiman di Baling; bekas anggota exco Abdul Rahman Ariffin menumpaskan Datuk Hanafi Ramli di Jerlun dan bekas anggota exco Datuk Ghazali Ibrahim menyingkirkan bekas timbalan menteri kewangan Datuk Dr Afiffuddin Omar di Padang Terap. Di bahagian Padang Terap, Jawatankuasa Pemilihan Umno Kedah memutuskan untuk menggantung aktiviti jawatankuasa baru yang dipilih, berikutan terdapat aduan mengenai kertas undi melebihi jumlah perwakilan yang diumumkan oleh pengerusi tetap semasa mesyuarat. Kes itu telah dirujuk kepada Majlis Tertinggi Umno. Pemilihan di Kedah juga menyaksikan Ketua Pemuda Umno Kulim/Bandar Baharu Azimi Daim yang juga anggota Majlis Tertinggi Umno, gagal mengisi jawatan timbalan ketua bahagian itu apabila tewas kepada penyandangnya, Abdul Halim Abdul Rahman. -
Managing Ethnic Relations in Post-Crisis Malaysia and Indonesia Lessons from the New Economic Policy?
Managing Ethnic Relations in Post-Crisis Malaysia and Indonesia Lessons from the New Economic Policy? Khoo Boo Teik Identities, Conflict and Cohesion United Nations Programme Paper Number 6 Research Institute August 2004 for Social Development This United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) Programme Paper was written for the 2001 UNRISD International Conference on Racism and Public Policy. This conference was carried out with the support of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA). UNRISD also thanks the governments of Den- mark, Finland, Mexico, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom for their core funding. Copyright © UNRISD. Short extracts from this publication may be reproduced unaltered without authorization on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to UNRISD, Palais des Nations, 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland. UNRISD welcomes such applications. The designations employed in UNRISD publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNRISD con- cerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the author(s), and publication does not constitute endorse- ment by UNRISD. ISSN 1020-8194 Contents Acronyms ii Glossary ii Acknowledgements -
Malaysia Program Summary Political Party Strengthening Public Opinion
Malaysia Program Summary Since Malaysia’s independence in 1957, the country has experienced a series of national elections, but never a change in national government. The ruling coalition (now known as the Barisan Nasional or BN) has held power continuously during Malaysia’s post-independence era. In the 2008 general elections, for the first time, the BN lost its two-thirds majority in parliament and also lost control of five state assemblies to the opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat. Subsequently, in Sarawak in April 2011, in the only state assembly elections held before national elections due in 2013, the BN retained control of the state assembly but suffered a reduction in its majority. It is in this context that the International Republican Institute (IRI) provides technical assistance, training and consultation to political parties and works to build knowledge and impart skills that enable Malaysian political leaders to more effectively address citizen concerns. Political Party Strengthening IRI is working to strengthen political parties at both the national level and in targeted states where the Institute can have impact. IRI works with political parties to run better campaigns, to develop get out the vote (GOTV) drives, to improve platform development and messaging, and to identify and respond to constituent concerns via utilization of public opinion research. IRI is assisting political parties from both the BN and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalitions in these areas. For example, in advance of the recent Sarawak elections, IRI assisted parties from both coalitions with campaign trainings, GOTV drives and also developed Sarawak-specific polling to better enable parties to develop platforms and messages that met the needs of all Sarawakians. -
Malaysia's 14Th General Election and UMNO's Fall; Intra-Elite Feuding
4 Electoral boundaries in Malaysia’s 2018 election Malapportionment, gerrymandering and UMNO’s fall Kai Ostwald Introduction Malaysia’s General Election 14 (GE14) on 9 May 2018 broke with the previ- ous thirteen in a fundamental way: the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and its coalition partners were defeated for the first time, bringing about an unprecedented transition of power after over six decades of political dominance. Despite the unpopularity of UMNO Prime Minister Najib Razak and widespread frustrations with the cost of living, the outcome was not anticipated. This is largely due to the extensive partisan manipulation of Malaysia’s electoral process, which provided the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition with far- reaching advantages in electoral competition. Of the many advantages, perhaps the most powerful came through biased elec- toral boundaries that use malapportionment and gerrymandering to provide the BN with a reliable and significant seat bonus over the opposition. This bias was enough to fundamentally distort outcomes, for example in the 2013 general elec- tion (GE13) where the BN lost the popular vote by 4% but still emerged with a 20% seat advantage in parliament (Wong 2018 ; Lee 2015 ; Ostwald 2013 ). Rede- lineation exercises concluded just prior to GE14 increased malapportionment further and showed signs of extensive gerrymandering. Critics from the opposi- tion and civil society feared that they would make a turnover of power through the ballot box nearly impossible. Relative to brazen manipulations like phantom voting or ballot box stuffing, biased electoral boundaries do not easily rouse cries of electoral malpractice. However, their effects are powerful. -
MCA - Three Strikes and You're Out! Malaysiakini.Com April 8, 2013 by K Temoc
MCA - three strikes and you're out! MalaysiaKini.com April 8, 2013 By K Temoc After the 1969 general election the late Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman, then deputy prime minister, was known to have said, “MCA dan MIC nampaknya tidak mahu hidup dan tidak mahu pula mati”, using a Malay idiom ‘hidup segan, mati tak mahu’ (figuratively ‘neither alive nor dead’) to sneeringly describe a virtually political-defunct Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA). MCA had then been dealt its first strike in the game of politics. Undoubtedly May 1969 was a bad time for the MCA, losing in disastrous measures to a loose coalition of the (original) Gerakan Party, a then very new Democratic Action Party (DAP), the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) (then under the Seenivasagam brothers), and even Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS). But embarrassing as it was for MCA, it wasn't its worst moment yet, because successes and failures are part and parcel of politics, and while depressing, we expected the MCA to pick itself up again. And it did. In 1985, during the acrimonious dispute for the party’s presidential post between Tan Koon Swan and Neo Yee Pan, MCA disgraced itself in no uncertain terms by having the then deputy prime minister, the late Ghafar Baba and a Malay, occupied the MCA’s top position to moderate a settlement between the two Chinese contenders. That incident would not have been disgracefully controversial if the MCA had been a multiracial political party. That it was, and still is, a Chinese race-based party, in having a Malay as its head, no matter how temporary it had been, was certainly a dubious Malaysian first, an utterly shameful indictment on MCA’s inability to represent itself, let alone the Chinese community. -
The Pilot Study on the Perception of the Society Towards the Federal Constitution from the Aspect of Racial Unity
International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences Vol. 8 , No. 11, Nov, 2018, E-ISSN: 2222-6990 © 2018 HRMARS The Pilot Study on the Perception of the Society towards the Federal Constitution from the Aspect of Racial Unity Fairojibanu, Nazri Muslim, Abdul Latif Samian To Link this Article: http://dx.doi.org/10.6007/IJARBSS/v8-i11/4899 DOI: 10.6007/IJARBSS/v8-i11/4899 Received: 16 Oct 2018, Revised: 02 Nov 2018, Accepted: 16 Nov 2018 Published Online: 26 Nov 2018 In-Text Citation: (Fairojibanu, Muslim, & Samian, 2018) To Cite this Article: Fairojibanu, Muslim, N., & Samian, A. L. (2018). The Pilot Study on the Perception of the Society towards the Federal Constitution from the Aspect of Racial Unity. International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, 8(11), 273–284. Copyright: © 2018 The Author(s) Published by Human Resource Management Academic Research Society (www.hrmars.com) This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) license. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this license may be seen at: http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode Vol. 8, No. 11, 2018, Pg. 273 - 284 http://hrmars.com/index.php/pages/detail/IJARBSS JOURNAL HOMEPAGE Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://hrmars.com/index.php/pages/detail/publication-ethics 273 International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences Vol. -
The Perak Development Experience: the Way Forward
International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences December 2013, Vol. 3, No. 12 ISSN: 2222-6990 The Perak Development Experience: The Way Forward Azham Md. Ali Department of Accounting and Finance, Faculty of Management and Economics Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris DOI: 10.6007/IJARBSS/v3-i12/437 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.6007/IJARBSS/v3-i12/437 Speech for the Menteri Besar of Perak the Right Honourable Dato’ Seri DiRaja Dr Zambry bin Abd Kadir to be delivered on the occasion of Pangkor International Development Dialogue (PIDD) 2012 I9-21 November 2012 at Impiana Hotel, Ipoh Perak Darul Ridzuan Brothers and Sisters, Allow me to briefly mention to you some of the more important stuff that we have implemented in the last couple of years before we move on to others areas including the one on “The Way Forward” which I think that you are most interested to hear about. Under the so called Perak Amanjaya Development Plan, some of the things that we have tried to do are the same things that I believe many others here are concerned about: first, balanced development and economic distribution between the urban and rural areas by focusing on developing small towns; second, poverty eradication regardless of race or religion so that no one remains on the fringes of society or is left behind economically; and, third, youth empowerment. Under the first one, the state identifies viable small- and medium-size companies which can operate from small towns. These companies are to be working closely with the state government to boost the economy of the respective areas. -
I Haven't Forgotten MCA Malaysiakini.Com Jun 1, 2014
Najib: I haven't forgotten MCA MalaysiaKini.com Jun 1, 2014 Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak, while euphoric over BN candidate Mah Siew Keong's win at the Teluk Intan by-election yesterday. said he has not forgotten MCA in his promise of cabinet posts. According to Bernama, when asked by one of the journalists if there will two presidents of BN component parties in the cabinet referring to MCA president Liow Tiong Lai, Najib broke into laughter and said they could not forget the MCA president. "Must not forget the MCA President.... (they) also contributed (to the win)," the national news agency reported Najib saying last night from Beijing. He was telling reporters there that he plans to honour his promise of giving Mah the ministership made at the last moments of the campaign. Meanwhile Bernama also reported BN leaders today hailing the coalition's recapture of the Teluk Intan parliamentary seat in the by-election today as a meaningful victory and a major boost for the party. They attributed the victory largely to the personality of the BN candidate, whom they described as wise and experienced and one who does not give up easily. 'BN-friendly parties important' Perak Menteri Besar Zambry Abdul Kadir said the BN had learned a great deal from the by-election in terms of a systematic working relationship between the BN and BN-friendly parties with total focus on the by-election and no misunderstanding whatsoever. Zambry, who is also the Perak BN chairman, said Mah's victory was a major boost for the BN though the majority was just 238 votes in the closely-fought contest. -
Satu Malaysia
1 ‘1 MALAYSIA’ The new initiative put forth by new Prime Minister YAB Dato Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak is called ‘1 Malaysia.’ The new PM has chosen 1 Malaysia as his guide and goal for his premiership, to take this young nation of 27 million to new and greater heights; to forge a new level of nationhood out of the various races that comprise this land. His goal is admirable, yet will not be achieved without greater understanding of what it means to be a nation united, and the sacrifices necessary to achieve it. Despite the last 50 years of rapid development, relative peace and prosperity, Malaysia has miles to go before it can call itself a nation united. There are those that say that the peace that exists is fragile; that all it takes is one major incident to re-ignite the racial riots of 1969. However, it is not fear of such a tragedy that drives the quest for 1 Malaysia. Rather, it is the knowledge that to achieve its goal of being a nation on par with the rest of the global community, Malaysia must rely on its people – all of them – and make full use of its human capital to achieve its potential. Only when this occurs can an achievement like Vision 2020 become a reality. Interdependence has always been Malaysia’s secret to success, however, it has never been truly embraced. Now, with 1 Malaysia, our new Prime Minister has decided that it is time to stop apologizing for who we are as a nation and begin exploiting it as the vehicle to drive the nation to its next phase of success. -
Perak Appoints 20 BN Assemblymen to Committees Chaired by State Exco Members Bernama 18 Sept, 2013
Perak Appoints 20 BN Assemblymen To Committees Chaired By State Exco Members Bernama 18 Sept, 2013 IPOH, Sept 18 (Bernama) -- Perak has appointed 20 assemblymen from Barisan Nasional (BN) to the committees chaired by the state executive council (exco) members to ease government administration. Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir said the appointments were part of the transformation initiatives to further smoothen administration and implementation of the decisions made by the state exco. "All these 20 assemblymen will assist the state exco members in carrying out their tasks more effectively. We have appointed them based on their experience and inclinations," he said after handing out the letters of appointment to the assemblymen, here, Wednesday. Zambry said the state government had also agreed to form three special committees involving policies and public interest, namely women's development, public transportation and crime prevention comprising BN and opposition assemblymen. He said the three special committees whose effectiveness would be monitored, also involved the participation of non-governmental organisations as members to give views towards providing the best public service delivery. "Although the appointment of the assemblymen is to smoothen administration, important decisions which need the state government's attention are to be brought to the state exco meetings," he added. Zambry said all the 10 state exco members including himself had their respective jurisdiction to ensure the exco decisions were implemented by -
View the Table of Contents for This Issue: Https
http://englishkyoto-seas.org/ View the table of contents for this issue: https://englishkyoto-seas.org/2018/12/vol-7-no-3-of-southeast-asian-studies/ Subscriptions: http://englishkyoto-seas.org/mailing-list/ For permissions, please send an e-mail to: [email protected] SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES Vol. 7, No. 3 December 2018 CONTENTS Divides and Dissent: Malaysian Politics 60 Years after Merdeka Guest Editor: KHOO Boo Teik KHOO Boo Teik Preface ....................................................................................................(269) KHOO Boo Teik Introduction: A Moment to Mull, a Call to Critique ............................(271) ABDUL RAHMAN Ethnicity and Class: Divides and Dissent Embong in Malaysian Studies .........................................................................(281) Jeff TAN Rents, Accumulation, and Conflict in Malaysia ...................................(309) FAISAL S. Hazis Domination, Contestation, and Accommodation: 54 Years of Sabah and Sarawak in Malaysia ....................................(341) AHMAD FAUZI Shifting Trends of Islamism and Islamist Practices Abdul Hamid in Malaysia, 1957–2017 .....................................................................(363) Azmi SHAROM Law and the Judiciary: Divides and Dissent in Malaysia ....................(391) MAZNAH Mohamad Getting More Women into Politics under One-Party Dominance: Collaboration, Clientelism, and Coalition Building in the Determination of Women’s Representation in Malaysia .........................................................................................(415) -
Countries at the Crossroads 2012: Malaysia
COUNTRIES AT THE CROSSROADS Countries at the Crossroads 2012: Malaysia Introduction Malaysia has over 28 million people, of whom approximately 63 percent are ethnic Malay, 25 percent Chinese, 7 percent Indian, and 4 percent Ibans and Kadazan-Dusun.1 Much of this diversity was created through the British formation of an extractive colonial economy, with the “indigenous” Malay community ordered into small holdings and rice cultivation, while the “non-Malays” were recruited from China and India into tin mining and plantation agriculture. Further, in preparing the territory for independence in 1957, the British fashioned a polity that was formally democratic, but would soon be encrusted by authoritarian controls. Throughout the 1960s, greater urbanization brought many Malays to the cities, where they encountered the comparative prosperity of the non-Malays. They perceived the multiethnic coalition that ruled the country, anchored by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), but including the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC), as doing little to enhance their living standards. At the same time, many non-Malays grew alienated by the discrimination they faced in accessing public sector resources. Thus, as voters in both communities swung to opposition parties in an election held in May 1969, the UMNO-led coalition, known as the Alliance, was gravely weakened. Shortly afterward, Malays and Chinese clashed in the capital, Kuala Lumpur, sparking ethnic rioting known as the May 13th incident. Two years of emergency rule followed during which parliament was closed. As the price for reopening parliament in 1971, UMNO imposed new curbs on civil liberties, thereby banning any questioning of the Malay “special rights” that are enshrined in constitution’s Article 153.