Malaysia Program Summary Political Party Strengthening Public Opinion
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Malaysia's 14Th General Election and UMNO's Fall; Intra-Elite Feuding
4 Electoral boundaries in Malaysia’s 2018 election Malapportionment, gerrymandering and UMNO’s fall Kai Ostwald Introduction Malaysia’s General Election 14 (GE14) on 9 May 2018 broke with the previ- ous thirteen in a fundamental way: the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and its coalition partners were defeated for the first time, bringing about an unprecedented transition of power after over six decades of political dominance. Despite the unpopularity of UMNO Prime Minister Najib Razak and widespread frustrations with the cost of living, the outcome was not anticipated. This is largely due to the extensive partisan manipulation of Malaysia’s electoral process, which provided the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition with far- reaching advantages in electoral competition. Of the many advantages, perhaps the most powerful came through biased elec- toral boundaries that use malapportionment and gerrymandering to provide the BN with a reliable and significant seat bonus over the opposition. This bias was enough to fundamentally distort outcomes, for example in the 2013 general elec- tion (GE13) where the BN lost the popular vote by 4% but still emerged with a 20% seat advantage in parliament (Wong 2018 ; Lee 2015 ; Ostwald 2013 ). Rede- lineation exercises concluded just prior to GE14 increased malapportionment further and showed signs of extensive gerrymandering. Critics from the opposi- tion and civil society feared that they would make a turnover of power through the ballot box nearly impossible. Relative to brazen manipulations like phantom voting or ballot box stuffing, biased electoral boundaries do not easily rouse cries of electoral malpractice. However, their effects are powerful. -
Sejarah Dan Dasar Perjuangan Keadilan
Sejarah Parti 3 SEJARAH DAN DASAR PERJUANGAN KEADILAN Syed Husin Ali Sejarah Parti 5 PARTI KEADILAN RAKYAT Sejarah dan Dasar Perjuangan 6 Parti Keadilan Rakyat: Sejarah dan Dasar Perjuangan Sejarah Parti 7 1 SEJARAH PARTI 1. Teras utama dasar perjuangan Parti terletak pada namanya, iaitu Keadilan Rakyat. Konsep Keadilan bukannya baru. Ia sudah lama wujud dan mempunyai asas pada (a) ajaran agama, (b) leluhur dan legenda, dan (c) sejarah bangsa dan kemanusiaan. 2. Semua agama besar tegas mengajar dan mengutamakan nilai tentang Keadilan. Bagi Islam, terdapat banyak ayat dalam Al- Quran berhubung dengannya. Misalnya, “InnalLaha ya’murukum bil adl wal ihsan”. Nabi Musa menentang kuasa Firaun lambang keangkuhan, yang disokong Qarun penindas (ekonomi) dan Haman (kepercayaan), demi keadilan dan kebebasan. Mereka yang berniaga disuruh adil dalam timbangan mereka. 3. Antara legenda Melayu yang penting ialah pertarungan antara Hang Tuah dengan Hang Jebat yang juga menetapkan asas siasah pemerintahan adil ditaati (sembah); pemerintah (Raja) zalim disanggah. Jebat dilambangkan sebagai seorang pahlawan yang mahu memperjuangkan keadilan bagi sahabatnya Tuah, yang dilihatnya sebagai dizalimi raja. Malangnya, bila mendapat kuasa, Jebat menjadi curang dan korup. Itu salah satu sebab dia kecundang. 4. Dalam sejarah manusia berulang kali terdapat contoh golongan rakyat tertindas berjuang untuk menegakkan keadilan serta 8 Parti Keadilan Rakyat: Sejarah dan Dasar Perjuangan kebebasan. Hamba berontak melawan tuan, rakyat jelata bangkit menentang Raja, pekerja bangun mencabar pemodal dan rakyat berjuang menghalau penjajahan. Kesemuanya mahukan keadilan dan pembebasan dalam pelbagai bidang. Zaman Penjajahan 5. Di bawah penjajahan, negara ditekan dan rakyat ditindas. Kekayaan negara diangkut keluar untuk membangun ekonomi penjajah dan tidak digunakan untuk faedah dan kesejahteraan rakyat. -
The Transformation of Political Party Opposition in Malaysia and Its Implications for the Electoral Authoritarian Regime Ufen, Andreas
www.ssoar.info The transformation of political party opposition in Malaysia and its implications for the electoral authoritarian regime Ufen, Andreas Postprint / Postprint Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich. / This publication is with permission of the rights owner freely accessible due to an Alliance licence and a national licence (funded by the DFG, German Research Foundation) respectively. Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Ufen, A. (2009). The transformation of political party opposition in Malaysia and its implications for the electoral authoritarian regime. Democratization, 16(3), 604-627. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510340902884804 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. -
Federal-State Relations Under the Pakatan Harapan Government
FEDERAL-STATE RELATIONS UNDER THE PAKATAN HARAPAN GOVERNMENT Tricia Yeoh TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ISSN 0219-3213 TRS12/20s ISSUE ISBN 978-9-814951-13-5 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace 12 Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 4 9 5 1 1 3 5 2020 TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 20-J07166 01 Trends_2020-12.indd 1 5/10/20 2:25 PM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 20-J07166 01 Trends_2020-12.indd 2 5/10/20 2:25 PM FEDERAL-STATE RELATIONS UNDER THE PAKATAN HARAPAN GOVERNMENT Tricia Yeoh ISSUE 12 2020 20-J07166 01 Trends_2020-12.indd 3 5/10/20 2:25 PM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2020 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Will Pakatan Harapan's Hold on Selangor Continue?
WILL PAKATAN HARAPAN’S HOLD ON SELANGOR CONTINUE? Tricia Yeoh TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ISSN 0219-3213 TRS3/21s ISSUE ISBN 978-981-4951-43-2 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace 3 Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 4 9 5 1 4 3 2 2021 TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 21-J07406 01 Trends_2021-03.indd 1 19/1/21 10:14 AM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 21-J07406 01 Trends_2021-03.indd 2 19/1/21 10:14 AM WILL PAKATAN HARAPAN’S HOLD ON SELANGOR CONTINUE? Tricia Yeoh ISSUE 3 2021 21-J07406 01 Trends_2021-03.indd 3 19/1/21 10:14 AM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2021 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Reproduced from the Defeat of Barisan Nasional: Missed Signs Or
The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC) and the Singapore APEC Study Centre. ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 19-J06064 00a The Defeat of Barisan Nasional.indd 2 28/11/19 11:23 AM First published in Singapore in 2019 by ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. © 2019 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore The responsibility for facts and opinions in this publication rests exclusively with the authors and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or the policy of the publisher or its supporters. -
Malay Politics and Nation State in Malaysia
Asian Social Science; Vol. 9, No. 8; 2013 ISSN 1911-2017 E-ISSN 1911-2025 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education Malay Politics and Nation State in Malaysia Suhana Saad1, Lyndon N.1, S. Selvadurai1, M. S. Sarmila1, R. Zaimah1 & A. M. Azima1 1 School of Social, Development & Environmental Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences & Humanities, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi, Malaysia Correspondence: Suhana Saad, School of Social, Development & Environmental Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences & Humanities, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi, Selangor, Malaysia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: February 16, 2013 Accepted: March 29, 2013 Online Published: April 25, 2013 doi:10.5539/ass.v9n8p96 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v9n8p96 Abstract Malaysia is a multi-ethnic country comprising three main ethnics, namely Malay, Chinese and Indian. As one of the multi-ethnic countries, construction of nation state becomes the government’s crucial agenda. After Malaysia achieved independence, the first endeavor towards integrity was uniting political parties, explicitly United Malay National Organization (UMNO), Malaysia Chinese Association (MCA) and Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC). However, this latest advancement creates upheavals particularly in Malay political parties which are UMNO, PAS (Pan-Malaysia Islamic Party) and PKR. If Malay political parties are dispersed, then how about the attempt to construct nation state? This research is about the nation state’s challenges affected by the upheavals in Malay political parties. This research uses secondary sources and interview with Malaysia’s political leaders. In these most recent uproars, media play an important role by worsening the existing crisis. All those scenarios have shown that civil movements also claim for a more democratic ruling system and election which challenges the government on the issues of unity and nation state. -
Electing Reform Barisan Nasional Neopatrimonialism As Impetus for and Challenge to Malaysia’S Democratic Transition
Taiwan Journal of Democracy, Volume 15, No. 1: 41-61 Electing Reform Barisan Nasional Neopatrimonialism as Impetus for and Challenge to Malaysia’s Democratic Transition Meredith L. Weiss Abstract Malaysia’s May 2018 general elections saw the Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition voted out of office after more than six decades of rule. Key to that electoral upset was the extent to which corruption-specifically, a self-serving, far-reaching, neopatrimonial form-had pervaded the polity, notwithstanding a fairly elaborate anticorruption institutional architecture. The Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope) coalition now in power, and especially its determined prime minister, the nonagenarian Mahathir Mohamad, placed governance and anticorruption at the top of its reform agenda and took immediate steps toward institutional reform upon assuming office. However, the nature of a transition by election, in which the state apparatus, as well as a significant share of politicians, are holdovers from the old regime; the imperative to distribute the unavoidable costs of reform so as not to irritate too many voters; and the fact that opposition to former Prime Minister Najib Razak may have been more a “push” factor than institutional reform was a “pull” in Pakatan Harapan’s win complicate the invariably dicey and protracted task of democratic consolidation. At least some extent of meaningful governance reform is all but certain; how deep or far that remaking will reach is less clear at this stage in Malaysia’s transition. Keywords: Anticorruption, corruption, democratization, Malaysia, neopatrimonial, reform. Chief among the reasons for the stunning loss of Malaysia’s Barisan Nasional (National Front, BN) in the May 2018 general elections-after an unbroken run of over sixty years since independence-was corruption. -
Malaysian Political Engagement 1945-2013
International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences Vol. 9 , No. 2, Feb, 2019, E-ISSN: 2222 -6990 © 2019 HRMARS Malaysian Political Engagement 1945-2013 Ishak Saat, Mohd Kasri Saidon, Ruhaizan Sulaiman To Link this Article: http://dx.doi.org/10.6007/IJARBSS/v9-i2/5524 DOI: 10.6007/IJARBSS/v9-i2/5524 Received: 17 Jan 2019, Revised: 13 Feb 2019, Accepted: 02 March 2019 Published Online: 03 March 2019 In-Text Citation: (Saat, Saidon, & Sulaiman, 2019) To Cite this Article: Saat, I., Saidon, M. K., & Sulaiman, R. (2019). Malaysian Political Engagement 1945-2013. International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, 9(2), 93–105. Copyright: © 2019 The Author(s) Published by Human Resource Management Academic Research Society (www.hrmars.com) This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) license. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this license may be seen at: http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode Vol. 9, No. 2, 2019, Pg. 93 - 105 http://hrmars.com/index.php/pages/detail/IJARBSS JOURNAL HOMEPAGE Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://hrmars.com/index.php/pages/detail/publication-ethics 93 International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences Vol. 9 , No. 2, Feb, 2019, E-ISSN: 2222 -6990 © 2019 HRMARS Malaysian Political Engagement 1945-2013 Ishak Saat Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris Mohd Kasri Saidon Universiti Utara Malaysia Ruhaizan Sulaiman Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin Abstract In the history of Malaysia's politics, consensus is an approach adopted by all political parties. -
In Malaysia: Pakatan Rakyat’S Mobilization of Dissent Between Reformasi and the Tsunami
Networks in Pursuit of a “Two-Coalition System” in Malaysia: Pakatan Rakyat’s Mobilization of Dissent between Reformasi and the Tsunami Khoo Boo Teik* In Malaysia’s 12th general election, in March 2008, three opposition parties col- lectively cracked the hegemony of the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (BN, or National Front). As the opposition parties formed a coalition called Pakatan Rakyat (PR, or People’s Alliance), a two-coalition system appeared to have taken shape. This essay analyzes how PR reached that electoral outcome by moving from “imagin ing” to “realizing” dissent. Imagining and realizing dissent are not treated as disparate acts here but as tasks borne by qualitatively different networks that helped PR to overcome its structural, organizational, and resource disadvantages. The first networks considered are the cyber-networks that used ICT-sited or -enabled links to construct an alternative media linking PR’s organizers and sup- porters in an imagined community of dissent. PR’s second type of network con- sisted of physical coalitions—groups and organizations that connected the PR parties with their allies in civil society and their supporters at large. Their common objective was to mobilize dissent for electoral contestation. Even after 2008, how- ever, PR was vulnerable to regime harassment and blandishments because it was missing a third type of network that would link party structures and social, com- munity, and civic associations. By analyzing PR’s networks, this essay offers a fresh perspective on the travails of building a two-coalition system. Keywords: Malaysia, 2008 general election, Pakatan Rakyat, cyber-networks, two-coalition system In Malaysia’s 12th general election, held on March 8, 2008, 49 percent of the electorate voted for the non-formalized opposition coalition—made up of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR, or People’s Justice Party), Parti Islam (PAS, or Islamic Party), and Democratic Action Party (DAP)—and finally cracked the hegemonic hold of the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (BN, or National Front). -
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www.ssoar.info Opposition in transition: pre-electoral coalitions and the 2018 electoral breakthrough in Malaysia Ufen, Andreas Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Ufen, A. (2020). Opposition in transition: pre-electoral coalitions and the 2018 electoral breakthrough in Malaysia. Democratization, 27(2), 167-184. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1666266 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-68370-1 DEMOCRATIZATION 2020, VOL. 27, NO. 2, 167–184 https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1666266 Opposition in transition: pre-electoral coalitions and the 2018 electoral breakthrough in Malaysia Andreas Ufen GIGA Institute of Asian Studies, Hamburg, Germany ABSTRACT In May 2018, the Malaysian opposition coalition Pakatan Harapan or Hope Alliance won the federal elections for the first time in the history of the country. The electoral authoritarian system is now in a state of transition. The electoral breakthrough was the result of longer-term socio-economic transformations, but the formation of a strong pre-electoral coalition was ultimately decisive for the victory. The article compares various coalitions and their performance during seven elections since 1990. -
Potential Role of Social Impact Bond and Socially Responsible
Editorial Board INTELLECTUAL DISCOURSE, 26:1 (2018) 207–228 Copyright © IIUM Press ISSN 0128-4878 (Print); ISSN 2289-5639 (Online) Malaysia’ 14th General Election: End of an epoch, and beginning of a new? M. Moniruzzaman* Kazi Fahmida Farzana** Abstract: The 14th general election in Malaysia held on May 9, 2018 is an historic event that altered the political landscape of the nation. For the first time over sixty years this election has caused to change the government from Barisan Nasional (national front) coalition to another coalition named Pakatan Harapan (Coalition of Hope), formed in 2015. This article has analysed the election results and the probable factors that might have contributed to the historic change. It argued that since 1999 the ruling Malay elites have become permanently divided challenging the dominance of United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) in politics and the prospect for a viable alternative became consolidated with the rise of Parti KeAdilan Rakyat (PKR) offering an avenue for a new generation politics. The return of Mahathir Mohamad to politics and a strategic coalition mainly between his party and PKR, party of the jailed leader Anwar Ibrahim, made an alternative to BN/UMNO a reality through winning the election. Keywords: The 14th General Elections, Malaysia, Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional, PKR, UMNO Abstrak: Pilihan raya umum ke-14 di Malaysia yang diadakan pada 9 Mei 2018 merupakan satu peristewa yang bersejarah yang dapat mengubah landskap politik negara tersebut. Buat pertama kalinya setelah lebih enam puluh tahun, * M. Moniruzzaman is an Associate Professor of Political Science at International Islamic University Malaysia. Email: mmzaman@iium.