Politics of Sindh Under Zia Government by Amir Ali Chandio
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POLITICS OF SINDH UNDER ZIA GOVERNMENT BY AMIR ALI CHANDIO REPRODUCED BY SANI H. PANHWAR POLITICS OF SINDH UNDER ZIA GOVERNMENT1 AN ANALYSIS OF NATIONALISTS VS FEDERALISTS ORIENTATIONS By Amir Ali Chandio 2009 Reproduced by Sani H. Panhwar 1 A T hesisforDoctorofP hilosophy DepartmentofP oliticalS cience& InternationalR elations.T histhesisisthe resultofauthor'sown investigations,exceptw hereotherwisestated.O thersourcesareacknowledgedby giving explicitreferences.A bibliographyisappended.S upervisor:P rof.Dr.IshtiaqAhmedChaudhry Dedicated to: Baba Bullay Shah & Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai The poets of love, fraternity, and peace ABSTRACT The nationalist feelings in Sindh existed long before the independence, during British rule. The Hur movement and movement of the separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency for the restoration of separate provincial status were the evidence’s of Sindhi nationalist thinking. After the restoration of the provincial status of Sindh the politics of province dominated by the nationalist or provincial parties. The result of 1937 elections showed that country level parties such as All India Muslim League and Indian National Congress could not success to win the elections in Sindh. Even Muslim League did not achieve a single seat. After the guarantees of the provincial autonomy and sovereign status to the units in Lahore Resolution 1940, the politician of Sindh supported Pakistan with the hope that after the independence their identification as well as their legitimate rights would be protected. But unfortunately their hopes could not fulfill the requisites requirements of federalism such as grant of provincial autonomy to federating units, supremacy of constitution, democratic and participatory political system and independent judiciary. Unfortunately the parameters of the federation had been undermined by the civil and military bureaucracy of Pakistan since the day of its independence. Although the government of India Act 1935 was adopted as a first interim constitution of Pakistan but its federal part was not implemented upto 1956. All three constitutions of Pakistan lacked pre-requisites of a federation, making difficulties of the provinces to function in a proper manner under a settled formula to create a federal state. Nationalist feelings in Sindh upraised due to that flaws and also of the dominancy of the migrants in early years of independence. The feelings flourished as a result of unification of the four provinces of West Wing. During One Unit barrage lands were allotted to non Sindhis and large number of the people of Punjab and NWFP was settled in Sindh. After the separation of Bengal, the power was transferred to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. First time after the death of Quaidi-e-Azam a Sindhi speaking had succeeded to acquire the highest seat of the country. Bhutto government tried to compensate the Sindhis to involve them in government affairs. Due to such efforts the sense of alienation and deprivation of Sindhis was reduced. They felt Bhutto’s government as their own government. Therefore the affiliations and commitments of the people of Sindh were diverted temporarily towards the federation. The situation of Sindh changed when elected government of Bhutto was toppled down by General Zia through the military coup. It was big shock for the people of Sindh because during Bhutto's era Sindhis has found an opportunity to enter in the power structure. After ousting of Bhutto, a large number of Sindhis were terminated or suspended from their services. This situation accentuated the nationalist feelings. The case of the execution of Z. A. Bhutto increased sense of deprivation when four Punjabi judges of Supreme Court supported death sentence of Bhutto and three non Punjabis judges opposed it. Bhutto was executed, it was a big tragedy for the people of the Sindh. The people of Sindh launched a movement against the regime Zia regime on means to crush the democratic movement. Even Zia junta killed the number of the people and used air force. MRD movement actually was the first big threat to Zia regime but it was tackled with iron hands and subdued completely. If the people of Punjab had participated in the movement it would have become difficult for Zia to stay in power. Marginal participation of the Punjab in the MRD movement also increased the political gap in Punjab and Sindh. The study of the Zia period shows that Zia patronized the ethno nationalist organizations in Sindh such as Muhajir Quomi Movement. He established the relations with G. M. Sayed; as well, who was against the existence of Pakistan. The formation of Sindhi Baluch Pashtoon Front also the part of Zia's strategy. Of ‘Divided and rule policy’ which created the unending political enmity among the people of country. The policy of Zia government had also decreased the political sense when non party elections held in 1985. As a result the bradary, regional and religious thinking flourished and candidates got the support of the voters not on the ground of their political affiliations but on bradary, regional and religious basis. The quasi democratic government formulated after the elections of 1985 and Mohammad Khan Junejo became Prime Minister. Martial Law was lifted in December 1985 but in Sindh a military General was continued as a Governor of Province. It created many questions in the minds of the people. The authoritarian thinking of Zia even could not bear his handpicked Prime Minister Junejo and he dissolved his government and assemblies. This action of Zia increased the hatred thinking among the people of Sindh against the army as a whole. The rule of Zia regime was not good for the integrity and unity of the country. In the enmity of PPP he established the relations with separatists. Those actions of regime went against the interests of federation. The federal forces downed at that time due to Zia's interest in prolong his dictatorial rule and encouragement of secessionist and ethno nationalist organizations. At that time only PPP upheld the banner of federalism in Sindh. AKNOWLEDGEMENT In completing this study, I am honored for having Professor Dr. Ishtiaq Ahmed Choudhry as my supervisor, whose reputation as a scholar is well known and respected especially in the field of Political Science, International Relations and Local Government. I am greatly indebted to him for steering me through this difficult task, tolerating my moods, peculiarities and weaknesses, always sparing time to fit my demands. I am particularly grateful to him for the critical but constructive comments on my studies. I am sure that without his valuable suggestions, proper guidance and hard efforts, this study could not have been completed. I am thankful to all members of the Department of Political Science and International Relations, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan and particularly Chairman of the Department Professor Dr. Khawaja Sayed Alquama, Admn. Officer, Sayed Amir Ali Shah and Mahar Munir Ahmed the Superintendent. I have to pay special thanks to my friend Dr. Hakoomat Ali Associate Professor Agriculture College of BZU Multan. He always took extra care of me during my stay in Multan. I wish to acknowledge the extraordinary support and help of my colleagues of the University; specially Professor Dr. Ghulam Sarwar Markhand, Professor Dr. Abdul Majeed Chandio, Dr. Sayed Noor Shah Bukhari, Dr. Taj Mohammad Lashari , Ghulam Mustafa Buledi and Imdad Hussain Chandio who guided and supported me during research time. I owe profound thanks to all the faculty members of the Department of International Relations and Political Science, University of Sargodha, who fully cooperated and helped me during my frequent visits to the University when my supervisor moved there as Chairman of the Department and also as Dean Faculty of Arts, Social Sciences and Law. My special thanks go also to Mr. Ghulam Qadir Abbasi Assistant Librarian Central Library, Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur for his cooperation and help during the search material. I would like to pay special thanks to all politicians and intellectuals, who made me able to complete this work. Lastly I am appreciative to my family members, without their cooperation and support; it was difficult for me to complete this thesis. In this case I am in debated to my wives Shahida and Sardaran, both encouraged me for the completion of this work. I am especially in debated to my children for the completion of this study I spent precious moments which were purely for them. They were the source of my energy that inspired, pushed, motivated and drove me to finish what I started. I thank them dearly. I am also thankful to younger brother Rajib Ali who supported me in this work. CONTENTS Chapter No: 1 Introduction .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 Research Methodology .. .. .. .. .. 8 Organization of Study .. .. .. .. .. 9 Chapter No: 2 Political History of Sindh .. .. .. .. .. 10 Sindh during British Period .. .. .. .. 10 Sindh Azad Party .. .. .. .. .. .. 12 Sindh United Party .. .. .. .. .. 12 Sindh Muslim Political Party .. .. .. .. 12 Sindh Peoples Party .. .. .. .. .. 12 Sindh Maha Sabha .. .. .. .. .. 12 Sindh Congress Party .. .. .. .. .. 13 All India Muslim League .. .. .. .. 13 Politics of Sindh after Independence to 1955 .. .. 16 One Unit .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 17 Politics of Sindh during Z. A. Bhutto Government .. 22 Chapter No: 3 General Zia Phase I - Martial Law .. .. .. 30 Impacts of the Imposition of Martial Law .. .. 30 Alienation of Power .. .. .. .. .. 31 Termination of Sindhis from Services .. .. .. 31 Denationalization