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De Pierre Bayle études littéraires françaises • 22 études littéraires françaises collection dirigée par Wolfgang Leiner avec la collaboration de Jacqueline Leiner et d'Ernst Behler Essai sur le rôle des Allemands dans le Dictionnaire Historique et Critique (1697) de Pierre Bayle par Jean F. Goetinck Préface d'Ernst Behler Gunter Narr Verlag • Tübingen Editions Jean-Michel Place - Paris CIP-Kurztitelaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek Goetinck, Jean F. : Essai sur le rôle des Allemands dans le Dictionnaire historique et critique (1697) [mille six cent quatre-vingt-dix-sept] de Pierre Bayle / par Jean F. Goetinck. Préf. d'Ernst Behler. -Tubingen : Narr ; Paris : Place, 1982. (Etudes littéraires françaises ; 22) ISBN 3-87808-960-0 NE: GT @ 1982 - Gunter Narr Verlag • Tübingen Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Nachdruck oder Vervielfaltigung. auch auszugsweise. in allen Formen wie Mikrofilm, Xérographie, Mikrofiche. Mikrocard, Offset verboten. Tous droits de reproduction réservés pour tous pays. Druck : Müller + Bass - 7400 Tùbingen - Hechinger StraBe 25 ISBN 3-87808-960-0 PREFACE From Voltaire to Feuerbach, Marx, and far beyond, Pierre Bayle's Dictionnaire his- torique et critique of 1697 has again and again appeared as the arsenal of the Enligh- tenment providing the age of reason with that anti-religious and anti-authoritarian ammunition which eventually destroyed the foundations of the ancien regime. There is obviously no doubt how smoothly Bayle's thought fused with that part of rationa- lism which became identical with irreligiosity. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in The Holy Family of 1845 depicted Bayle as an author who not only discredited the metaphysics of the seventeenth century, but all metaphysics, and as one who became the historiographer of metaphysics in order to write the history of its death. With perhaps greater justice we would call Bayle «le prince de la critique» whose public attacks on superstition, intolerance, bad philosophy, and poor historiography derived from a highly developed critical consciousness, but who was simultaneously convinced that he knew too much to be a dogmatist. Winckelmann stressed this point during the Bayle reception in eighteenth-century Germany, which was stimulated by Bayle's intellectual relationship with Leibniz and Gottsched's German translation of the Dictionnaire from 1741 to 1744. As for many German authors of that time, Bayle was one of the great experiences for Winckelmann, who saw him as an antipode to scholastic study, to systems and parties, and as an ironist who traced every problem into its past with an eye on its future effect to make people aware of the vicissitudes of their lifes and their oscillating passions. The most solid assessment of Bayle's endeavor is certainly recognizing the search for truth and the idea of tolerance as the core of his ceuvre and personality. Both notions are indeed intertwined for him, in that the indefatigable search for truth and the impossibility of ever reaching it should make people more tolerant towards the opinions of others. It is precisely from this perspective that Jean F. Goetinck approaches Bayle's relationship to Germany in this book. To be sure, the theme of Germany had been dealt with before in French literature, in Montaigne's Journal de voyage or in Samuel Chappuzeau's Europe vivante. But aside from her encounter with Leibniz, France knew little about the intellectual and religious aspects of Germany towards the end of the seventeenth century, and it was precisely these domains which attracted Bayle's attention. The author of the Commen- taire philosophique sur les paroles de Jesus-Christ: Contrains-les d'entrer quite naturally became interested in a country where after the revocation of the edict of Nantes by Louis XIV, thousands of Huguenots had found refuge and which appear- ed as the mainspring of Protestantism and religious tolerance. Main themes of the romantic reception of Germany, especially in the vein of Madame de Stael, — the North versus the South of Europe, Protestantism, and tolerance — are already noti- ceably foreshadowed in Bayle's Dictionnaire historique et critique. It is still a very rudimentary image of Germany that emerges from the articles in this Dictionnaire. This is not only because of the depressed civilized state of a country recovering from the effects of a devastating thirty years of religious wars and present- ing no discernable cultural unity, but also stems from some old eccentricities of Bay- le himself. Voltaire already regretted that Bayle had inflated his Dictionnaire with some two hundred articles on Lutheran or Calvinist ministers and professors whom nobody knew any more. Jean F. Goetinck demonstrates that Bayle selected most of the German authors represented in the Dictionnaire — not only the ministers, but also the scientists, military representatives, and men of letters — not so much accord- ing to their actual importance in their own field, but with an eye on whether they had been persecuted for religious convictions. Bayle also had a strange predilection for those authors who, like he himself, had practiced «continence» and sacrificed earthly and even marital pleasures for the sake of an independent and unperturbed search for truth. And then there is his irresistible desire to correct in comprehensive footnotes, or rather fault as bad faith, the mistakes committed in German matters by Louis Moreri in Le Grand Dictionnaire of 1674, to engage in acute theological disputes and revengeful personal vedettas with his theological enemy Pierre Jurieu, and to expose that theologian's extravagancies of fanaticism. Yet in spite of these shortcomings, Bayle consciously devoted himself to the role Germany had played at the beginning of modern European history in the fields of education, religion, and science. It is his merit to have introduced Germany to what his periodical of 1684 to 1687 called in its title la Republique des Lettres. And it is Jean F. Goetinck's merit to have written this early chapter in the long-lasting history of Franco-German intellectual relationships. Ernst Behler University of Washington Je tiens à exprimer ma reconnaissance au doyen Paul Rosenblatt de la Faculté des Arts et Sciences de l'Université d'Arizona pour les subsides accordés qui ont permis cette publication. TABLE DES MATIERES Chapitre INTRODUCTION 11 I. BAYLE ET L'ALLEMAGNE 15 II. BAYLE ET CHAPPUZEAU A. Un précurseur du Dictionnaire: Samuel Chappuzeau 27 B. Bayle et Chappuzeau 30 C. Les deux dictionnaires 32 III. HOMMES DE SCIENCE A. Mathématiciens, botanistes, astronomes 41 B. Médecins 45 IV. MILITAIRES 55 V. HOMMES DE LETTRES 63 VI. RELIGIEUX A. Martin Luther, Catherine Bore 73 B. Le clergé, catholique et protestant 77 VII. LE CAS JURIEU 87 VIII. CONCLUSION 103 APPENDICE I 105 APPENDICE II 111 APPENDICE III 117 BIBLIOGRAPHIE CHOISIE .............................. 119 Abbreviations DHC: Dictionnaire Historique et Critique de Pierre Bayle OD: Oeuvres Diverses de Pierre Bayle, deuxième édition Inv.: Inventaire critique de la Correspondance de Pierre Bayle par Elisabeth Labrous- se, Paris, J. Vrin, 1961. B. S.H.P.: : Bulletin de la Société de l'histoire du Protestantisme français Là où je renvoie à un article du Dictionnaire (1697), j'emploierai uniquement l'indi- cation du tome et de la page afin d'éviter la répétition constante de DHC. INTRODUCTION Dans ses Etudes Critiques sur l'Histoire de la Littérature française1 Ferdinand Brune- tière, en traitant la critique de Bayle, cite les paroles bien connues de Voltaire: «M. de..., me disait que c'était dommage que Bayle eût enflé son Dictionnaire de plus de deux cents articles de ministres et de professeurs luthériens ou calvinistes; ...»2 La majorité de ces luthériens et calvinistes étaient des Allemands, et quoiqu'il existe dé- jà des études sur le rôle que jouent dans le DHC des pays tels que l'Angleterre, l'Es- pagne, l'Italie et la Hongrie, le rôle des Allemands n'a pas encore été étudié.3 Sans prétendre être exhaustive, la présente étude portera donc non seulement sur des mi- nistres et des professeurs luthériens Allemands, mais sur tous les Allemands auxquels Bayle a consacré un article dans le DHC (1697). D'ailleurs si je l'ai intitulée «Essai sur le rôle des Allemands dans le Dictionnaire Historique et Critique (1697) de Bay- le,» c'est que je chercherai dans cette étude non seulement à vérifier quels Allemands Bayle a inclus dans son Dictionnaire, mais aussi à suggérer pourquoi il a trouvé bon de les y inclure. Je me suis servi de l'édition de 1697, c'est-à-dire de la première, parce que, n'ayant pas la seconde, celle de 1702, à ma disposition, j'ai préféré travailler sur une édition parue du vivant de l'auteur. Quant au Moréri, je me suis servi de la cinquième édition du Grand Dictionnaire publié à Lyon par J.-B. de Ville en 1688, et que Bayle dit avoir employée, quoique dans le DHC il y ait aussi des références au «Moréri de Hol- lande.» Puisqu'à l'époque où Bayle écrivait l'Allemagne à proprement parler n'existait pas encore, seulement une confédération germanique, je ne m'occuperai — cela paraîtra peut-être arbitraire — que des personnes que Bayle cite comme étant Allemands. La répartition en groupes des articles consacrés aux Allemands dans le DHC ne paraîtra peut-être pas moins arbitraire. J'indique donc ici le système que j'ai adopté: j'ai choi- si de diviser mon étude en sept chapitres: le premier consacré aux rapports généraux de Bayle, huguenot et érudit, avec l'Allemagne; le second consacré à un concurrent et précurseur possible de Bayle, Samuel Chappuzeau, germanophile avant la lettre. Viennent ensuite les chapitres consacrés au DHC: Science et Médecine, Militaires, Hommes de Lettres, Martin Luther et sa femme Catherine Bore, ainsi que le clergé catholique ou protestant. Le dernier chapitre, où je traite des attaques contre Pierre Jurieu dans les articles étudiés et que, pour cette raison, j'ai intitulé «le cas Jurieu», a sa place ici parce que Bayle semble avoir inséré dans son œuvre tout un groupe d'Allemands uniquement pour pouvoir attaquer les extravagances religieuses du mi- nistre Jurieu.
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