DOCSLIB.ORG

The Curious Case of Belarusian Nationalism

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Curious Case of Belarusian Nationalism Per Anders Rudling. The Rise and Fall of Belarusian Nationalism, 1906-1931. Pitt Russian East European Series. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2015. Illustrations. 448 pp. $29.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-8229-6308-0. Reviewed by Magdalena Waligorska Published on H-Nationalism (August, 2016) Commissioned by Cristian Cercel (Ruhr University Bochum) “People must be carefully and attentively cul‐ ed ... because it does not enjoy liberty of con‐ tivated the way a gardener tends a favorite tree,” science (freedom of religion), liberty of move‐ believed Josef Stalin (pp. 209-210). And if his ment, etc. Give it these liberties and it will cease metaphor sounds more benign than the way it to be discontented” (p. 126). And so, Soviet Be‐ was historically applied, we can certainly say that larus (BSSR), in its inception, promised equality the amount of experimental “gardening” that Be‐ for all of the country’s ethnic groups and carried larus received in the early twentieth century has out the policy of quadrilingualism (with Belaru‐ made it a rather exceptional case in the European sian, Russian, Polish, and Yiddish as official lan‐ orchard of nations. Given that Stalin the gardener guages). Not only was education, the militia, the did not refrain from brutal pruning, Per Anders legal system, the post, and the telegraph to be op‐ Rudling’s story of the slow birth and rapid decline erational in all four languages, but the policy of of Belarusian nationalism in the frst decades of sblizhenie (rapprochement) also was to ensure the twentieth century is also a fascinating history that each ethnic group had a chance to acquaint of collective traumas that continue to shape Be‐ itself with the languages and the cultures of the larusian society till this day. others. Stereotypes, ethnic animosities, and igno‐ The Rise and Fall of Belarusian Nationalism, rance were thus to become the past. 1906-1931 is “a history full of paradoxes,” as the That a multicultural utopia could have ended author puts it (p. 317). And indeed, the Belarusian in a wave of brutal repression against the very nationalist project initiated under the aegis of the national activists who had been carrying it out is Soviets was based on such admirable multicultur‐ not the only paradox in this story. Belarusian na‐ al principles that one can only wonder how it tionalism developed from the very beginning in could have failed so badly. Stalin himself, in 1913, rather unconducive conditions. Already at the was of the opinion that a “minority is discontent‐ turn of the twentieth century, some observers H-Net Reviews were declaring Belarusian a dead language, and, ground of constantly shifting borders that the in the frst decades of the twentieth century, an‐ emergent Belarusian state (or rather, states) were thropologists tasked with mapping ethnically Be‐ adopting. The next chapters focus on the policies larusian lands faced a real puzzle. The surveyed that both the Soviet Union and the newly reborn peasants identified themselves as tuteishyia (from Polish state applied vis-à-vis Belarusians. While here), some of them explaining, in perfect Belaru‐ the BSSR encouraged a nationalist revival of the sian, that they speak only Russian. The question of different ethnic groups within the country to gen‐ the Belarusian capital was equally complex. Al‐ erate support for the Communist government and though most national activists saw Vilnius, the the new social order, Poland abandoned the ini‐ historic seat of the Great Duchy of Lithuania, as tial ideas of a multiethnic federation, expecting its the principal symbolic reference point, Belaru‐ Belarusian minority to Polonize. sians constituted only a tiny minority of the city’s Chapter 6 returns to the ambitious Soviet inhabitants, and, apart from short episodes in project of Belarusization in the phase of its de‐ 1918 and 1919, the city was never to form part of cline, as an increasing number of people opposed the Belarusian state.[1] Minsk’s population, in the nationalizing measures imposed by the state. turn, was only 9 percent Belarusian, while 51.2 Rudling discusses here why the affirmative action percent of its inhabitants spoke Yiddish (data policies did not reverberate in the way the Soviets from 1897, p. 17). Adding a very high illiteracy had hoped for and how the Communist authori‐ rate to the picture makes the nationalist project in ties eventually realized that supporting local na‐ Belarus appear doomed from the beginning. tionalisms did not serve the internationalist goals Rudling’s research question of how to explain of world revolution. Chapters 7 and 8 picture the the relative weakness of nationalism in Belarus end of the Belarusian nationalist endeavor on and the particularities of its “political landscape” both sides of the Polish-Soviet border. Following brings him to illuminate all these paradoxes. He the 1926 coup, Poland intensified its attempts to tries to pinpoint the motivations and agendas of curtail Belarusian nationalism, closing down Be‐ different actors, including Belarus’s neighbor larusian papers, extending Polonizing policies (es‐ states, its exiled intellectuals, various political pecially via the Catholic Church), and prosecuting groups in and outside of the country, and its eth‐ Belarusian political activists. At the same time, the nic minorities. After having set the stage by pro‐ so-called War Scare of 1927 triggered a similar viding the definitions of key terms, such as “na‐ turn of events in the BSSR, marking the end of the tion,” “state,” and “nationalism,” Rudling moves policy of quadrilingualism, the beginning of on to the case study at hand. tighter party control over Belarus, and the start of Chapter 2 spans the time frame from the Kali‐ a brutal wave of repression. nouski Uprising (1863), through the tsarist repres‐ Rudling’s monograph is an important contri‐ sions in its aftermath, to 1906, when Nasha Niva, bution to the debate on Belarusian nationalism the frst legal paper in the Belarusian language, because it sheds light on a period that generated appeared. Chapter 3 addresses the most turbulent myths that prevail in the collective political imagi‐ period for the Belarusian nationalist movement nation to this day.[2] Looking at the Belarusian (1917-20), in which dramatic geopolitical changes nationalist movement in a comparative perspec‐ brought about no less than six different declara‐ tive, and in relation to other nationalist projects tions of independence in just three years. Rudling in the region (in particular, the Polish, Lithuanian, sketches here the rivaling visions for the country’s Ukrainian, and Jewish ones), Rudling’s mono‐ allegiances and political system against the back‐ graph is the best compendium on Belarusian na‐ 2 H-Net Reviews tionalism in the English language to date and a region were less volatile than others. At times, must-read for anyone interested not only in Be‐ this essentializing approach brings the author larusian history but also in its current political sit‐ some difficulty, for example, while referring to uation, memory politics, and identity building Kastus' Kalinouski, one of the leaders of the anti- processes. Russian uprising of 1863, venerated as a national The Rise and Fall of Belarusian Nationalism hero both in Belarus and in Poland (where he is will also be an eye-opening position for Polish known as Wincenty Konstanty Kalinowski). On readers, as it addresses some difficult subjects page 37, for instance, Rudling claims that Kali‐ that still remain under-researched in Polish histo‐ nouski “never referred to himself as a Pole” but, riography, such as pogroms of Jews by the advanc‐ on page 132, states that he was “of Polish national‐ ing Polish troops in the Polish-Soviet war ity.” Perhaps, if the author had not adopted the (1919-21) or repressions of the Belarusian minori‐ policy of providing all proper names exclusively ty in interwar Poland. Now that the mythologizing in Belarusian transliteration, the seeming contra‐ narrative of the Polish eastern borderland is once dictions, ambiguities, and simultaneities of identi‐ again ascendant, Rudling’s book, which ruthlessly ties in this fascinating region would have come debunks the nostalgic myth of the Kresy, should more to the fore. be obligatory reading for every historian of the While the study of nationalism (as nationalist region. Having said that, it seems that in investi‐ discourse itself) rests on the assumption that na‐ gating how the concept of national identity is be‐ tionalist discourse can generate clear dichotomies ing instrumentalized by different political actors, of “us” and “them,” the study of identities Rudling does not fully avoid the pitfall of essen‐ (whether national or ethnic) calls for a fner grain tializing the categories he is analyzing. Going to of description. National identification in early lengths to explain the difficulty of establishing the twentieth-century Belarus was no doubt a dynam‐ eastern boundaries of BSSR, where border shifts ic category that embraced hybridity, simultane‐ based on ethnographic research met with resis‐ ousness, and perhaps also what Jonathan Y. Oka‐ tance of the local population, when it comes to the mura labeled “situational identity.” Okamura ob‐ territories that found themselves within the served, for instance, that individuals might boundaries of the Second Polish Republic after choose between a number of ethnic categories “in the Treaty of Riga in 1921, he seems to be rather accordance with their belief that such a selection unequivocal, operating with the term “West Be‐ of ethnic identity will be to their advantage.” [3] larus.” The dramatic shifts in the national censuses, in Moreover, Rudling’s examples clearly demon‐ which the size of a given ethnic group differed de‐ strate that ascribing national identities to people pending on how one formulated the questions, or inhabiting the multiethnic and multidenomina‐ the curious case of the 1926 Soviet poll, in which tional area of the former Great Duchy of Lithua‐ only every third person who declared their na‐ nia was a rather precarious endeavor.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Evolution of the Belarusian National Movement in The
    EVOLUTION OF THE BELARUSIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE PAGES OF PERIODICALS (1914-1917) By Aliaksandr Bystryk Submitted to Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Advisor: Professor Maria Kovacs Secondary advisor: Professor Alexei Miller CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2013 Abstract Belarusian national movement is usually characterised by its relative weakness delayed emergence and development. Being the weakest movement in the region, before the WWI, the activists of this movement mostly engaged in cultural and educational activities. However at the end of First World War Belarusian national elite actively engaged in political struggles happening in the territories of Western frontier of the Russian empire. Thus the aim of the thesis is to explain how the events and processes caused by WWI influenced the national movement. In order to accomplish this goal this thesis provides discourse and content analysis of three editions published by the Belarusian national activists: Nasha Niva (Our Field), Biełarus (The Belarusian) and Homan (The Clamour). The main findings of this paper suggest that the anticipation of dramatic social and political changes brought by the war urged national elite to foster national mobilisation through development of various organisations and structures directed to improve social cohesion within Belarusian population. Another important effect of the war was that a part of Belarusian national elite formulated certain ideas and narratives influenced by conditions of Ober-Ost which later became an integral part of Belarusian national ideology. CEU eTD Collection i Table of Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1. Between krajowość and West-Russianism: The Development of the Belarusian National Movement Prior to WWI .....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Number 120 the Western Borderlands of The
    NUMBER 120 THE WESTERN BORDERLANDS OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE, 1710-1870 Edward Thaden Colloquium Paper presented June 30, 1980, at Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies The Wilson Center THE WESTERN BORDERLANDS OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE, 1710-1870 I The Podolian cycle of Wlodzimierz Odojewski chronicles the futile efforts of two young noblemen in the extreme southeastern corner of interwar Poland to fight during 1943-44 for what they thought was the Polish cause. A P~lish trilogy on this theme, published in 1962, 1964, and 1973, reminds us of the fascination the borderlands, or kresy, have had for Poles and of the domination they and other non-native elites and rulers once exercised over a vast region stretching from the Gulf of Bothnia in the north to the Dniester River in the south and from the Baltic Sea in the west to the Dnieper in the east. Great Russians, Poles, Germans, and Swedes competed for the control of this area since the thirteenth century. In it the major religions of Europe--Roman Catholicism, Eastern Orthodoxy, and Protestantism--clashed. Its indigenous population consisted of Estonian, Finnish, Latvian, Lithuanian, Belorussian, Polish, and Ukrainian peasants, who were generally serfs or at least economically dependent on landowners alien to them in language and culture. Only in certain areas of Finland and P·oland did the peasants speak the language of the local nobility. Between 1710 and 1815 the Russian Empire annexed western borderlands that, in 1815, accounted for about one-fifth of the land area of European Russia exclusive of the Caucasus. From the very beginning Russian rulers and their officials wanted to bring this area closer to the rest of the empire, and under Catherine II and, again, under Nicholas I a concerted effort was made to introduce Russian laws, institutions, and language.
    [Show full text]
  • International Reports 2/2020
    KONRAD-ADENAUER-STIFTUNG 2|2020 INTERNATIONAL REPORTS Nationalism Nationalism Between Identity Formation, Marginalisation, and INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 2|2020 REPORTS INTERNATIONAL Isolation INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 2 | 2020 Editorial Dear Readers, “It is very important to us that together we find a strong response to the coronavirus. It knows no borders, it knows no nationalities.” These are the words of Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, with regard to the coronavirus crisis. The outbreak of COVID-19 and the subsequent sustained pandemic have created a new level of global emergency in early 2020. This includes the closure of borders and introduction of border controls within the European Union. Narratives of threat and crisis can play into the hands of populists, as has been the case during the coronavirus pandemic. Political actors, who assert that belonging to a nation or state is based on descent, seek to exploit such situations to rationalise their policies of exclusion and isolationism. Of course, nationalism can also come in other guises. The idea of national unity within a society can, in principle, serve as a cohesive element that creates identity in a positive sense. However, particularly for democracies, nationalists and populists who exaggerate the idea of national unity pose a real challenge. They follow a familiar pattern by looking for scapegoats and spouting supposedly simple solutions. Over recent years, many parts of Europe have also seen the rise of right-wing, populist, and Eurosceptic parties. These parties have their differences, particularly as regards their stance towards the EU, but they have been gradually gaining seats in national parliaments and the Euro- pean Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reconstruction of Nations
    The Reconstruction of Nations The Reconstruction of Nations Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999 Timothy Snyder Yale University Press New Haven & London Published with the assistance of the Frederick W. Hilles Fund of Yale University. Copyright © by Yale University. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections and of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Snyder, Timothy. The reconstruction of nations : Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, ‒ / Timothy Snyder. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN --- (alk. paper) . Europe, Eastern—History—th century. I. Title. DJK. .S .—dc A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. For Marianna Brown Snyder and Guy Estel Snyder and in memory of Lucile Fisher Hadley and Herbert Miller Hadley Contents Names and Sources, ix Gazetteer, xi Maps, xiii Introduction, Part I The Contested Lithuanian-Belarusian Fatherland 1 The Grand Duchy of Lithuania (–), 2 Lithuania! My Fatherland! (–), 3 The First World War and the Wilno Question (–), 4 The Second World War and the Vilnius Question (–), 5 Epilogue:
    [Show full text]
  • INTERNATIONAL PRESSURES and REGIME EXPEDIENCY: SHIFTING the IDENTITY PATTERNS Identity Dynamics in Post-Soviet Belarus
    INTERNATIONAL PRESSURES AND REGIME EXPEDIENCY: SHIFTING THE IDENTITY PATTERNS Identity Dynamics in post-Soviet Belarus By Monika Kubová Submitted to Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Advisors: András L. Pap, Erin K. Jenne Budapest, Hungary 2017 CEU eTD Collection ABSTRACT This thesis tackles the question of a broader pattern of Belarusian identity shifts in the post- Soviet period and implications of international pressures which combine to produce different identity dynamics. The research explores Belarusian identity dynamics by embedding the question of national identity in the theoretical frameworks of competitive authoritarianism and situational nationalism. The example of Belarus illustrates the implications that forces on the international level can have on domestic ideational arrangements. Coalescence of distinct types of international pressures in a fluid and competitive identity setting can enhance and weaken particular types of national identity campaigns. A combination of different levels of democratizing pressure and alternative support from a hegemonic power providing the means of the authoritarian regime sustainment has two effects. Firstly, it affects how the national identity discourse is constructed, and secondly, it creates different patterns of self-identification among the society. The stronger the support of an alternative hegemonic power is, the stronger the appeal of particular identity campaign is for the population.
    [Show full text]
  • Gidas EN.Pdf
    MAP OF THE LEFT AND RIGHT BANKS OF NEMUNAS 1 Kaunas Cathedral 8 Gelgaudiškis 2 Kaunas Vytautas Magnus Church 9 Kiduliai 3 Raudondvaris 10 Kulautuva 4 Kačerginė 11 Paštuva 5 Zapyškis 12 Vilkija 6 Ilguva 14 Seredžius 7 Plokščiai 15 Veliuona 1 2 3 THE ROAD OF THE SAMOGITIAN BAPTISM A GUIDE FOR PILGRIMS AND TRAVELERS LITHUANIAN CATHOLIC AcADEMY OF SCIENCE, 2013 4 5 UDK 23/28(474.5)(091)(036) CONTENTS Ro-01 Funded by the State according Presenting Guide to the Pilgrimage of the Baptism to the Programme for Commemoration of the Baptism of Samogitia of Samogitia to the Hearts and Hands of Dear and the Founding of the Samogitian Diocese 2009-2017 Readers Foreword by the Bishop of Telšiai 7 The project is partly funded Kaunas Cathedral 15 by THE FOUNDATION FOR THE SUPPORT OF CULTURE Kaunas Vytautas Magnus Church 20 Raudondvaris 23 Kačerginė 27 Zapyškis 30 Texts by mons. RImantas Gudlinkis and Vladas LIePUoNIUS Ilguva 33 Project manager and Special editor Vytautas Ališauskas Plokščiai 36 Assistant editor GIeDRė oLSeVIčIūTė Gelgaudiškis 39 Translator JUSTINAS ŠULIoKAS Kiduliai 42 editor GABRIeLė GAILIūTė Kulautuva 45 Layout by VIoLeta BoSKAITė Paštuva 47 Photographs by Vytautas RAzmA, KeRNIUS PAULIUKoNIS, Vilkija 50 TOMAS PILIPONIS, Arrest Site of Priest Antanas Mackevičius 52 also by ARūNAS BaltėNAS (p. 119), VIoLeTA BoSKAITė (front cover, Seredžius 54 p. – 105, 109 top, 112 top, 113 bottom, 114, 125, 128, 129, 130, 133 bottom, 134 top, 141), Klaudijus Driskius (p. 85 bottom), Veliuona 57 PAULIUS SPūDyS (p. 48 bottom), AntanAS ŠNeIDeRIS (p. 37), Gėluva. Birutkalnis 60 SigitAS VarnAS (p.
    [Show full text]
  • National Identity Against External Pressure
    Source: © Vasily Fedosenko, Reuters. Fedosenko, Vasily © Source: Nationalism National Identity Against External Pressure Will Belarus Reconcile Its Contradicting Narratives? Jakob Wöllenstein 26 Viewed dispassionately, the pro-Russian and pro-European poles of the Belarusian national identity, however much they disagree in questions of content, are both part of Belarus in its modern form. From the identity politics perspective, this realisation represents an opportunity to reconcile internal narratives and resolve internal tensions. This insight can ultimately lead to the heightening of the country’s profile at the international level – especially in the West, where Belarus is still often perceived as a mere Russian appendage because of the way it has positioned itself for years. A Hero’s Funeral demonstratively, not the most senior, since Pres- ident Aliaksandr Lukashenka was presiding over 22 November 2019 was a cold, windy day in Vil- regional agricultural deliberations at the time.1 nius, Lithuania. Yet the crowd that had gathered His compatriots, meanwhile, had travelled to in front of the cathedral welcomed the gusts. Vilnius and consciously assembled not under the They proudly held up their flags and the squared official red-green national flag, but under the his- blazed white and red – the most common motif torical flag from the early 1990s, which in turn was the old Belarusian flag with its red stripe on refers back to the short-lived Belarusian People’s a white field. The occasion of the gathering was a Republic ( BNR) of 1918
    [Show full text]
  • Belarusian State Ideology: a Strategy of Flexible Adaptation
    Belarusian State Ideology: A Strategy of Flexible Adaptation Katsiaryna Yakouchyk∗ Jean Monnet Chair for European Politics, University of Passau, Germany Abstract While in some Eastern European countries a wave of colored revolutions challenged existing political orders, Belarus has remained largely untouched by mass protests. In Minsk, the diffusion of democratic ideas leading to the mobilization of population meets a stable authoritarian regime. Nevertheless, the stagnating democratization process cannot be only attributed to the strong authoritarian rule and abuse of power. Indeed, Belarusian president Alexander Lukashenko still enjoys popularity by a large part of the population. Although international observers report that elections in Belarus have never been free and fair, few commentators doubt that Lukashenko would not have won in democratic elections. This evidence suggests that the regime succeeded in building a strong legitimizing basis, which has not been seriously challenged during the last two decades. This paper explores the authoritarian stability in Belarus by looking at the patterns of state ideology. The government effectively spreads state ideology since the early 2000s. Ideology de- partments have been created in almost all state institutions. The education sector has been affected by the introduction of the compulsory course “The Fundamentals of Belarusian State Ideology” at all universities, and increasing attention to the patriotic education at schools. Based on document analysis, I trace the creation of “ideological vertical” in Belarus and focuse on the issue of ideology in education and youth policy sectors. 1 Introduction Authoritarian stability has attracted growing scholarly attention in the recent years, not less because of evident failures of Western democracy promotion initiatives (e.g., Grimm, 2015).
    [Show full text]
  • Belarusian Yearbook 2016
    WEBSITE OF THE EXPERT COMMUNITY OF BELARUS NASHE MNENIE 1 (‘OUR OPINION’) AGENCY FOR SOCIAL AND POLITICAL EXPERT APPRAISAL BELARUSIAN YEARBOOK 2016 A survey and analysis of developments in the Republic of Belarus in 2015 Lohvinaŭ Vilnius 2016 2 BELARUSIAN YEARBOOK 2016 3 CONTENTS EDITORIAL FOREWORD 7 Compiled and edited by: Anatoly Pankovsky and Valeria Kostyugova STATE AUTHORITIES Nikolai Burov English version translated by Mark Bence, Volha Hapeyeva, Andrey Kuznetsov, Vladimir Kuznetsov, Taciana Tuluš Presidential Administration: English version edited by Max Nuijens Guarding the bankrupt ‘Belarusian way’ 13 Scientific reviewers and consultants: Ina Ramasheuskaya Oleg Manaev, Doctor of Sociology (Independent Institute of Socio- Economic and Political Studies); Andrei Vardomatski, Doctor of Sociology The Kobyakov Cabinet: Circular firing squad 20 (Laboratory of Axiometrical Research NOVAK); Alexei Pikulik, Doctor of Political Sciences (Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies — BISS), Irina Andrei Porotnikov Dounaeva, Ph. D. (independent expert); Olga Shparaga, Ph. D., Associate National defense in the context of regional threats 26 Professor (European College of Liberal Arts in Belarus (ECLAB)); Andrey Kazakevich, Doctor of Political Sciences (Institute of Political Studies Dzmitry Kukhlei Political Sphere); Pavel Daneiko (Belarusian Economic Research and Outreach Center — BEROC); Miroslav Kollar (Institute for Public Affairs, Representative bodies: The parliament Program Director of the Slovak annual Global Report). of foreign affairs
    [Show full text]
  • K. Kakareko.Pdf
    Ksenia KAKAREKO Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza, Poznañ To¿samoœæ Bia³orusinów ojêcie to¿samoœci, w rozumieniu filozoficznym, definiowane jest jako P„relacja miêdzy ka¿dym przedmiotem a nim samym, tzn. ka¿dy przed- miot jest to¿samy (identyczny) z samym sob¹. Poczucie to¿samoœci to po- czucie bycia sob¹, pomimo zmian zachodz¹cych w czasie”1. W literaturze na gruncie filozofii podkreœla siê, ¿e to¿samoœæ nigdy nie jest dana, przyjêta lub osi¹gniêta, a jest jedynie niekoñcz¹cym siê procesem2. W ujêciu fi- lozoficznym, to¿samoœæ to zespó³ wzajemnie powi¹zanych cech, które jednostka przepisuje sobie samej. Pojêcie to¿samoœci wystêpuje tutaj w kontekœcie relacji cz³owieka do siebie oraz do innych ludzi, a zarazem do kultury i tradycji. W tradycji socjologicznej, teoria to¿samoœci wi¹¿e siê z interakcjonizmem symbolicznym w ujêciu Georga Herberta Meada3. We wspó³czesnej socjologii trudno mówiæ o istnieniu jasnego pojêcia to¿- samoœci. Pojêciem tym pos³uguj¹ siê badacze w szeroki i swobodny spo- sób w odniesieniu do czyjegoœ poczucia jaŸni, czyichœ uczuæ i pogl¹dów, dotycz¹cych jego samego (w tym znaczeniu mowa o to¿samoœci p³ci lub to¿samoœci klasowej)4. Czasami uwa¿a siê, ¿e to¿samoœæ jest pochodn¹ oczekiwañ przypisanych do ról spo³ecznych lub ¿e konstruujemy to¿sa- moœci w sposób aktywny, korzystaj¹c z materia³ów, z którymi mamy kon- takt w toku socjalizacji5. 1 A. Podsiad, A. Wiêckowski, Ma³y s³ownik terminów i pojêæ filozoficznych, Warszawa 1983, s. 217. 2 J. Derida, Jednojêzycznoœæ innego czyli proteza oryginalna, „Literatura na Œwiecie” 1998, nr 11/12, s.
    [Show full text]
  • 8-13 Belarus and Belarusians
    Belarus and its Neighbors: Historical Perceptions and Political Constructs BelarusBelarus andand itsits Neighbors:Neighbors: HistoricalHistorical PerceptionsPerceptions andand PoliticalPolitical ConstructsConstructs InternationalInternational ConferenceConference PapersPapers EDITED BY ALEŚ Ł AHVINIEC TACIANA Č ULICKAJA WARSAW 2013 Editors: Aleś Łahviniec, Taciana Čulickaja Project manager: Anna Grudzińska Papers of the conference “Belarus and its Neighbors: Historical Perceptions and Political Constructs”. The conference was held on 9–11 of December 2011 in Warsaw, Poland. The conference was sponsored by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Belarus Office, National Endowment for Democracy and Open Society Institute. Translation: Vieranika Mazurkievič Proof-reading: Nadzieja Šakun (Belarusian), Katie Morris (English), Adrianna Stansbury (English) Cover design: Małgorzata Butkiewicz Publication of this volume was made possible by National Endowment for Democracy. © Copyright by Uczelnia Łazarskiego, Warsaw 2013 Oficyna Wydawnicza Uczelni Łazarskiego 02-662 Warszawa ul. Świeradowska 43 tel. 22 54-35-450, 22 54-35-410 [email protected] www.lazarski.pl ISBN: 978-83-60694-49-7 OPEN SOCIETY FOUNDATIONS Implementation of publishing: Dom Wydawniczy ELIPSA ul. Infl ancka 15/198, 00-189 Warszawa tel./fax 22 635 03 01, 22 635 17 85 e-mail: [email protected], www.elipsa.pl Contents Foreword ...................................................................................................... 7 Andrzej Sulima-Kamiński – Quo Vadis, Belarus? Instead of an
    [Show full text]
  • Programs for Students
    Warsaw East European Conference 2011 Warsaw Warsaw East European Conference 20 11 20 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE OF POST-SOVIET MEDIA PARTNERS: COUNTRIES DAY 1 – Friday – July 15 Friday, July 15 4:00 p.m. OPENING CEREMONY 4:00 PM OPENING CEREMONY 5:00 p.m. Round Table I INAUGURAL SESSION 1 BY VALDAS1 ADAMKUS DAY 2 – Saturday – July 16 „From Common History to Common Future” 10:00 a.m.–12:00 p.m. Session I 1 12:30-2:30 p.m. Session II 4:00-6:00 p.m. Session III Friday, July 15, 5 p.m. 7:00 p.m. Round Table II Round Table I 1 The Soviet Union Collapse – the Greatest Geopolitical Catastrophe of the Twentieth Century DAY 3 – Sunday – July 17 10:00 a.m.–12:00 p.m. Session I Saturday, July 16, 7 p.m. 12:30-2:30 p.m. Session II Round Table II 4:00-6:00 p.m. Session III 7:00 p.m. Round Table III Years of Independence – the Balance of Profits and1 Losses. What remains of the Independence of the Former Socialist Camp? DAY 4 – Monday – July 18 10:00 a.m. – 12:00 p.m. Session I Sunday, July 17, 7 p.m. 12:30-2:30 p.m. Session II Round Table III 7:00 p.m. CLOSING CEREMONY Old and New1 Divisions in Europe: how to avoid a new Iron Curtain? Monday, July 18 7:30 PM CLOSING CEREMONY University of Warsaw – Main Campus Main Gate of the University 1 Old Library (Stara Biblioteka) 2 Kazimierzowski Palace 1 2 (Pałac Kazimierzowski) 1 3 3 Auditorium Maximum 1 Centre for East European Studies 4 (Studium Europy Wschodniej) 5 St.
    [Show full text]