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K. Kakareko.Pdf Ksenia KAKAREKO Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza, Poznañ To¿samoœæ Bia³orusinów ojêcie to¿samoœci, w rozumieniu filozoficznym, definiowane jest jako P„relacja miêdzy ka¿dym przedmiotem a nim samym, tzn. ka¿dy przed- miot jest to¿samy (identyczny) z samym sob¹. Poczucie to¿samoœci to po- czucie bycia sob¹, pomimo zmian zachodz¹cych w czasie”1. W literaturze na gruncie filozofii podkreœla siê, ¿e to¿samoœæ nigdy nie jest dana, przyjêta lub osi¹gniêta, a jest jedynie niekoñcz¹cym siê procesem2. W ujêciu fi- lozoficznym, to¿samoœæ to zespó³ wzajemnie powi¹zanych cech, które jednostka przepisuje sobie samej. Pojêcie to¿samoœci wystêpuje tutaj w kontekœcie relacji cz³owieka do siebie oraz do innych ludzi, a zarazem do kultury i tradycji. W tradycji socjologicznej, teoria to¿samoœci wi¹¿e siê z interakcjonizmem symbolicznym w ujêciu Georga Herberta Meada3. We wspó³czesnej socjologii trudno mówiæ o istnieniu jasnego pojêcia to¿- samoœci. Pojêciem tym pos³uguj¹ siê badacze w szeroki i swobodny spo- sób w odniesieniu do czyjegoœ poczucia jaŸni, czyichœ uczuæ i pogl¹dów, dotycz¹cych jego samego (w tym znaczeniu mowa o to¿samoœci p³ci lub to¿samoœci klasowej)4. Czasami uwa¿a siê, ¿e to¿samoœæ jest pochodn¹ oczekiwañ przypisanych do ról spo³ecznych lub ¿e konstruujemy to¿sa- moœci w sposób aktywny, korzystaj¹c z materia³ów, z którymi mamy kon- takt w toku socjalizacji5. 1 A. Podsiad, A. Wiêckowski, Ma³y s³ownik terminów i pojêæ filozoficznych, Warszawa 1983, s. 217. 2 J. Derida, Jednojêzycznoœæ innego czyli proteza oryginalna, „Literatura na Œwiecie” 1998, nr 11/12, s. 52. 3 Zob. G. H. Mead, Umys³, osobowoœæ i spo³eczeñstwo, Warszawa 1975, s. 267 i n. 4 Zob. S³ownik socjologii i nauk spo³ecznych, red. G. Marshall, Warszawa 2004, s. 402–403; M. Jarymowicz, T. Szustrowa, Poczucie w³asnej to¿samoœci – Ÿród³a, funkcje regulacyjne,w:Osobowoœæ a spo³eczne zachowanie siê ludzi, red. J. Reykow- ski, Warszawa 1980, s. 26; M. Melchior, Spo³eczna to¿samoœæ jednostki (w œwietle wywiadów z Polakami pochodzenia ¿ydowskiego w latach 1944–1955), Warszawa 1990, s. 26; B. Szacka, Wprowadzenie do socjologii, Warszawa 2003, s. 149–152; P. L. Berger, Zaproszenie do socjologii, Warszawa 1995, s. 98–99 i 102. 5 E. Goffman, Cz³owiek w teatrze ¿ycia codziennego, Warszawa 1991, s 25 i n. 272 Ksenia Kakareko SP 3 ’09 Pojêcie to¿samoœci ma jednak przede wszystkim swoje Ÿród³o w bada- niach psychologicznych, gdzie pojmowane jest jako „nawarstwione do- œwiadczenie zdolnoœci integrowania wszystkich identyfikacji”, jako „naros³e zaufanie, i¿ wewnêtrzna identycznoœæ i ci¹g³oœæ, nabyta w przesz³oœci, odpowiadaj¹ identycznoœci i ci¹g³oœci, jakie s¹ przeznaczone innym”6.Na gruncie nauk spo³ecznych, w szczególnoœci politologii, istnieje tendencja do rozpatrywania to¿samoœci w p³aszczyŸnie indywidualnej i grupowej, zw³aszcza tej ostatniej. Podkreœla siê przy tym, ¿e to¿samoœæ indywidual- na kszta³towana jest w procesie socjalizacji, osadzona jest w kulturze, zwi¹zana z ideologi¹7. Przede wszystkim badania nad to¿samoœci¹ kon- centruj¹ siê wokó³ problematyki to¿samoœci narodowej8. Fakt, ¿e problematyka to¿samoœci le¿y w polu zainteresowania kilku dyscyplin, doprowadzi³ jednak do szeregu nieporozumieñ, które utrud- niaj¹ zrozumienie treœci pojêcia „to¿samoœæ narodowa”. Dochodzi do tego brak nale¿ytej dyscypliny heurystycznej oraz niezbyt precyzyjne ustalanie kategorii pojêciowych. Podkreœliæ nale¿y, ¿e do schy³ku lat osiemdziesi¹tych w rozwa¿aniach naukowych, dotycz¹cych problematy- ki to¿samoœci narodowej, badacze chêtnie pos³uguj¹ siê terminami „œwia- domoœci spo³ecznej” lub „œwiadomoœci historycznej”, o tyle od pocz¹tku lat dziewiêædziesi¹tych, wraz z widoczn¹ w Polsce eksplozj¹ badañ socjo- logicznych – w szczególnoœci tych, których obiektem sta³o siê pojêcie „narodu” – coraz czêœciej pojawia³ siê w publikacjach termin „to¿samoœæ narodowa”. Skutki takiej postawy widoczne s¹ po dzieñ dzisiejszy w pra- cach niektórych politologów rosyjskich, bia³oruskich, ukraiñskich, nie wspominaj¹c ju¿ o badaczach z dawnych republik radzieckich Azji Cen- tralnej. Oczywiœcie dotyczy to starszego pokolenia uczonych, ale ono ci¹gle jeszcze ma ogromny wp³yw na postawy badawcze swoich uczniów, zw³aszcza w oœrodkach prowincjonalnych, pozbawionych szerszego kon- taktu z nauk¹ i literatur¹ zachodni¹. 6 E. H. Erikson, Dzieciñstwo i spo³eczeñstwo, Poznañ 2000, s. 272. 7 Na to¿samoœæ etniczn¹, wg Dawida Robertsona, sk³adaj¹ siê elementy natury rasowej, kulturowej i historycznej, w³aœciwe grupom ludzkim, chocia¿ mo¿na je oprzeæ tak¿e o takie podstawy jak religia i jêzyk. Widzi siê tak¿e zwi¹zek to¿samoœci etnicznej ze spo³eczno-polityczn¹ kwesti¹ to¿samoœci narodowej. Zob. D. Robertson, S³ownik polityki, Warszawa 2009, s. 454–455. 8 S. Ossowski, Przemiany wzorów we wspó³czesnej ideologii narodowej,w:ten- ¿e, Dzie³a, t. III, Warszawa 1967, s. 239; J. Jedlicki, Nacjonalizm, patriotyzm i inicja- cja kulturowa, „Znak” 1997, nr 3(502), s. 60 i n. Zob. tak¿e K. Pomian, Europa i jej narody, wyd. poszerzone, Gdañsk 2004, s. 217 i n. SP 3 ’09 To¿samoœæ Bia³orusinów 273 Nie mo¿na oprzeæ siê wra¿eniu, ¿e wielu uczonych, tak¿e polskich, stoi na stanowisku, i¿ okreœlenia: „œwiadomoœæ narodowa” i „to¿samoœæ narodowa” – to synonimy9. Nie wdaj¹c siê w spór, czy tego typu za³o¿enie jest s³uszne, wypada zauwa¿yæ, ¿e oba pojêcia s¹ niezbyt ostre, oba tak¿e bywa³y ró¿nie rozumiane i t³umaczone. „To¿samoœæ” to potocznie rzecz bior¹c: „bycie tym samym”, „identycznoœæ” b¹dŸ „œwiadomoœæ siebie, swoich cech i odrêbnoœci”. To wreszcie „fakty, cechy i dane personalne pozwalaj¹ce wyró¿niæ, rozpoznaæ i zidentyfikowaæ jak¹œ osobê”. W od- niesieniu do spo³ecznoœci, to¿samoœæ to „œwiadomoœæ wspólnych cech i poczucie jednoœci”10. W s³ownikowych definicjach wyraŸnie pojêcie to¿- samoœci definiowane jest przy pomocy terminu œwiadomoœæ, a miêdzy tymi okreœleniami stawia siê znak równoœci. „Œwiadomoœæ” to potocznie ujmuj¹c: „wiedza o czymœ”, „uœwiadomienie sobie czegoœ”, „zdawanie sobie sprawy z czegoœ”. To tak¿e „wspólne dla okreœlonej grupy ludzi idee, pogl¹dy, przekonania i cele”11. Zauwa¿aj¹c synonimicznoœæ obu po- jêæ nie sposób jednak nie stwierdziæ, ¿e pierwsze z nich (tj. „to¿samoœæ) zdaje siê akcentowaæ pewien stan „biernoœci”, „nieuchronnoœci”. Nato- miast „œwiadomoœæ” charakteryzuje siê pewnym ³adunkiem emocjonal- nym. W treœci tego ostatniego terminu zdaje siê dochodziæ do g³osu przekonanie, i¿ œwiadomoœæ jest rezultatem pewnego procesu, wynikiem d¹¿enia do poznania przez okreœlony podmiot swojej przynale¿noœci, jest efektem nieprzypadkowej identyfikacji. Pojêcie to¿samoœci, w tym to¿samoœci narodowej jest terminem, który na dobre zadomowi³ siê w polu dociekañ nauk spo³ecznych. Edmund Wnuk-Lipiñski podkreœla, ¿e „to¿samoœæ narodowa to definiowanie i in- terpretowanie siebie w kategoriach wiêkszej wspólnoœci, która ma cechy 9 Stanowisko takie wydaje siê prezentowaæ m.in. Hieronim Kubiak. Zob. H. Ku- biak, Œwiadomoœæ i to¿samoœæ narodowa. Swobodny wybór czy wymuszone zobo- wi¹zanie?,w:Socjologia: Teoria i dzia³anie. Ksiêga pami¹tkowa ku czci W³adys³awa Markiewicza, red. K. Doktór, W. Kwaœniewicz, A. Kwilecki, Warszawa 1997, s. 265–284; przedr. H. Kubiak, U progu ery postwestfalskiej, Kraków 2007, s. 214. W literaturze istnieje wiele rozpraw poœwiêconych wy³¹cznie analizie definicji to¿sa- moœci, wœród nich m.in. prace: Z. Bokszañski, To¿samoœæ, integracja, grupa. To¿sa- moœæ jednostki w perspektywie socjologicznej, £ódŸ 1989; T. Paleczny, Typy to¿samoœci kulturowej a procesy globalizacji,w:W³adza, naród, to¿samoœæ, red. K. Gorlach, M. Niezgoda, Z. Serêga, Kraków 2004; P. Schlesinger, On National Identity: Some Conceptions and Misconceptions Criticized, „Social Science Information” 1997, vol. 26. 10 Uniwersalny s³ownik jêzyka polskiego, red. S. Dubisz, t. 4, Warszawa 2003, s. 96. 11 Ibidem, t. 3, s. 1595. 274 Ksenia Kakareko SP 3 ’09 narodu”. Naród ten mo¿e byæ pojmowany jako wspólnota polityczna, kul- turowa i wreszcie: etniczna. To¿samoœæ etniczna, podobnie jak kulturowa, nie potrzebuje pañstwa, aby istnieæ i trwaæ. Zauwa¿a przy tym, ¿e naród definiowany w kategoriach kulturowych jedynie w wyj¹tkowych przy- padkach pokrywa siê z narodem definiowanym politycznie12. Wielu bada- czy podkreœla, ¿e „to¿samoœæ narodowa” to termin w tym samym stopniu niezbêdny, co niejasny13. Do krytyków pojêcia to¿samoœci nale¿y zarów- no Erik H. Erikson14, jak i znamienity socjolog Leon Wieseltier, wyœmie- waj¹cy fascynacje koncepcj¹ to¿samoœci, ale przyznaj¹cy, ¿e zjawisko to jest niezmiernie ciekawe i wszechogarniaj¹ce15. Zdaniem Samuela Hun- tingtona, to¿samoœæ jest samoœwiadomoœci¹ jednostki lub grupy. Jest kon- sekwencj¹ wiedzy, a w³aœciwie przekonania, ¿e takowa jednostka b¹dŸ grupa posiada szczególne cechy, które odró¿niaj¹ j¹ od innych16. Innymi s³owy, to¿samoœæ „odnosi siê do wizerunków indywidualnoœci i odrêbnoœci («jaŸni»), posiadanych i projektowanych przez jednostkê oraz kszta³to- wanych i z czasem modyfikowanych w skutek relacji ze znacz¹cymi «innymi»”17. To¿samoœæ przys³uguje – jak ju¿ stwierdzono – zarówno jednostkom, jak i grupom, przy czym jednostki, bêd¹c cz³onkami wielu grup, posiadaj¹ wiele to¿samoœci o bardzo ró¿nym charakterze (wœród nich: narodowe spo³eczne, polityczne, kulturowe, ekonomiczne, teryto- rialne, zawodowe). To¿samoœci s¹ okreœlane przez ich posiadaczy, ale s¹ przy tym wynikiem okreœlonych interakcji spo³ecznych. Ludzie kszta³tuj¹ swoj¹ to¿samoœæ w wyniku rozmaitych nacisków, zachêt, uwarunkowañ, jak równie¿ – z w³asnej woli. Jednostki i grupy mog¹ aspirowaæ do pew- nych to¿samoœci, mog¹ identyfikowaæ siê z tak¹ „wyobra¿on¹” to¿samo- œci¹, ale to nie oznacza, ¿e tak¹ to¿samoœæ posiedli. W tym sensie pojêcie to¿samoœci splata siê ze znanym z socjologii pojêciem grupy. Dla osi¹g- niêcia przynale¿noœci nie wystarczy samoidentyfikacja. Konieczna jest akceptacja cz³onków takiej grupy. Deklaruj¹cy okreœlon¹ to¿samoœæ nie 12 E. Wnuk-Lipiñski, Œwiat miêdzyepoki. Globalizacja, demokracja, pañstwo na- rodowe, Kraków 2004, s. 215–218. 13 S. Huntington, Kim jesteœmy? Wyzwania dla amerykañskiej to¿samoœci narodo- wej, Kraków 2007, s. 32. 14 E.
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