Visegrad Countries in an Enlarged Trans-Atlantic Community
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC AFFAIRS This publication appears thanks to the generous support of the German Marshall Fund of the United States (Grant No. DC–0043030) and is one of the outputs of a project entitled “EU Enlargement, NATO Enlargement, and the Future of Trans−Atlantic Relations” MAREK ŠŤASTNÝ editor VISEGRAD COUNTRIES IN AN ENLARGED TRANS-ATLANTIC COMMUNITY Authors Martin Brusis Petr Drulák Ján Figeľ Serena Giusti Gunther Hauser Oľga Gyárfášová Radek Khol Pavol Lukáč Tamás Réti Tomáš Valášek INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC AFFAIRS Bratislava, 2002 4 VISEGRAD COUNTRIES IN AN ENLARGED TRANS−ATLANTIC COMMUNITY Marek Šťastný editor © Institute for Public Affairs, Bratislava 2002 © Martin Brusis, Petr Drulák, Serena Giusti, Oľga Gyárfášová, Gunther Hauser, Radek Khol, Pavol Lukáč, Tamás Réti, Tomáš Valášek 2002 ISBN 80−88935−38−5© IVO – Inštitút pre verejné otázky, Bratislava 2002 ISBN 80–88935–33–4 TABLE OF CONTENTS 5 FOREWORD Visegrad – Not Only a Symbol, but a Challenge for the Future ................................................................................................. 7 (Ján Figeľ) CHAPTER I Role of History and Identity in Shaping Trans−Atlantic Relations ........................................................................................................ 11 (Oľga Gyárfášová and Pavol Lukáč) CHAPTER II When Does Regional Cooperation Make Sense? ................................. 47 (Petr Drulák) CHAPTER III Prospects of Visegrad Cooperation in an Enlarged European Union ........................................................................................... 67 (Martin Brusis) CHAPTER IV Visegrad – Balancing Between United States and European Union? ......................................................................................... 85 (Serena Giusti) CHAPTER V Visegrad and Austria – Comprehensive Relations ........................... 113 (Gunther Hauser) CHAPTER VI Visegrad Economies – Heading for European Union ....................... 139 (Tamás Réti) CHAPTER VII European Union’s Security Policy – Room for Improvement ........ 167 (Tomáš Valášek) 6 CHAPTER VIII The Changing Role and Position of Visegrad Four in the Area of Security and Defence ........................................................................... 193 (Radek Khol) AFTERWORD .............................................................................................. 219 (Marek Šťastný) Ján Figeľ 7 Foreword VISEGRAD NOT ONLY A SYMBOL, BUT A CHALLENGE FOR THE FUTURE Ján Figeľ Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, National Council of the Slovak Republic Main Negotiator with the EU Attempts at peaceful coexistence and cooperation by the Visegrad countries date back almost seven centuries. This long−standing set of relations between the Visegrad countries finally took concrete form after 1990 when the first summit attended by heads of governments of the four countries was held in Bratislava, followed by a similar gathering in Visegrad, Hungary in Febru− ary 1991. Visegrad became not only a symbol, but a challenge to countries, which have regained their freedom. They stood up to this challenge by coop− erating in overcoming their totalitarian past and dismantling the structures of the old regime on their way to building democratic institutions and mod− ern, market−oriented economies, as well as rejoining Euro−Atlantic structures Ján Figeľ 8 and the “new Europe”. The similarities in goals and transition paths chosen to reach these set goals put the same tasks before these countries. Therefore, cooperation did not only represent a logical realization of national interests of individual countries, but it was an expression and proof of the maturity for pursuing a common path – a path to a united Europe. It is up to the Visegrad countries – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia – to accomplish this historic task on their own. Integration begins at home, continues through good−neighbourly relations and leads to sharing respon− sibility for European unity and security in the Euro−Atlanic area. The first set of goals defined by the Visegrad meeting was fulfilled. Commu− nism, along with its international tools is a thing of the past, even if mar− ginal sentiments toward it in this region are still present. The political trans− formation brought with it pluralistic civic societies on a regional and sub− regional level. All four countries meet the criteria of a functioning market economy, have signed up to the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) and are members in the Organization for Cooperation and Devel− opment in Europe. Three Visegrad countries are members of NATO. All four countries are on the right track to finishing negotiations with the European Union and in so doing to contribute to this community of shared values. Com− pleting this step will complete the process begun over a decade ago. But co− operation of the four countries should not end after they become members of the EU; regional cooperation will serve only as a complimentary tool in the context of a broader cooperation within the enlarged Union. V4 never was, and never will be, an alternative to European integration, but rather act as its catalyst. It is true, especially for Slovakia that its road to Euro−Atlantic structures leads through Visegrad cooperation. Slovakia is the only country that shares its borders with the other three Visegrad countries and thus has the unique potential to be the “glue” for this group of nations. At the same time Visegrad represents for Slovakia an important concept because, of the four countries, it is the smallest country, and for this reason the most vulnerable. By join− ing forces with its neighbours, Slovakia gains in international recognition and importance. It takes on a role of “unifier”of Central Europe. Similarly, Slovakia’s three neighbours, by participating in this cooperation project the image of solid partners, thus improving their international standing. The Visegrad cooperation is informal in nature, which is the reason behind its dynamism and usefulness. The only formal institution is the International Foreword Visegrad Fund that sponsors activities in the area of culture, education, 9 sports and cross−border projects. Secretariats and bureaucracy do not play a decisive role – rather it is the spirit of togetherness and common interest. Visegrad cooperation has been noted outside of the region: representatives of Germany, Austria, Slovenia, Great Britain, United States, Ukraine, the countries of Benelux, France and others have attended V4 meetings at vari− ous levels. The group has also coordinated steps within the framework of the United Nations, including the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Eu− rope. Investment flows to this part of Europe with a potential market of 65 million have had a stimulating effect. Members of Visegrad do not approach the prospects of future cooperation in a static and reserved way. The project of building a “new Europe” represents a historic challenge. Therefore, the architecture of the future united Europe calls for a political and cultural dimension. Accession of more countries of Central and Eastern Europe to CEFTA, enlargement of NATO, entry into the EU, cooperation with Ukraine and Russia, participation in rebuilding the Balkans, convergence with the Schengen system in the area of justice and home affairs, the fight against organized crime, assistance to victims of en− vironmental catastrophes, initiation of new projects in cross−border regional cooperation, construction of integrated infrastructure, improvement in the environment, cultural exchanges, cooperation between administrations and non−governmental organizations on a municipal level – are all part of a broad agenda for close cooperation between the four countries. Visegrad cooperation will continue to thrive by focusing on agenda shared by all members. Disinterest, unilateralist approaches or inappropriate de− mands will weaken its potential. V4 is as much to the benefit of the coun− tries that make it up, as it is to Euro−Atlantic structures. Intensive coopera− tion will bear fruit if its not characterized simply by communication at the highest level (i.e. between presidents, ministers, etc.), but if it creates last− ing bonds between the people of these countries. If the shared sense of togeth− erness is reinforced, it will lead to a greater degree of shared responsibility for the common future of the people of Visegrad 4, as well as Europe as a whole. The meeting of the three kings who ruled the Visegrad region in 1335 intro− duced a period of peace, stability, and progress to the region. If the Visegrad spirit of togetherness and shared responsibilities becomes incorporated into the common interests of democratic representations of individual Visegrad Ján Figeľ 10 countries and finds a place in everyday contacts between the citizens of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, it will continue the founda− tion for mutual understanding, tranquility and progress, not only for this region, but also for areas beyond it. Pavol Lukáč and Oľga Gyárfášová 11 Chapter I THE ROLE OF HISTORY AND IDENTITY IN SHAPING TRANS-ATLANTIC RELATIONS INTRODUCTION Recent years witnessed an increasingly lively debate among politicians and intellectuals on future relations between the United States and its allies in Western Europe. This debate will probably not remain merely on the level of security and economic relations, but is to include issues of culture. Of course, none of these issues represent a new problem, as they