Spanish Loanwords in Languages of the Southeastern United States

Home , Alabama language, Timucua language

SPANISH LOANWORDS IN LANGUAGESOF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES1

CECIL H. BROWN

NORTHERNILLINOIS UNIVERSITY

1. Introduction. Twenty Spanish words have yielded loans found in two or more of nineteen languages of the Southeastern (SE) United States. Distributional evidence indicates that for the most part these were not borrowed directly from Spanish, but rather diffused from one SE language to another, often in a strikingly unidirectionalmanner.2 While some aspects of this finding have been briefly explored by both Sturtevant(1962:50-54) and Martin (1994:17-18), it is here exhaustively investigated and fully described for the first time. This entails a detailed consideration of the role of Amerindian-language-based lingua francas in the spread of Spanish terms (cf. Brown 1996a; 1996b) and discussion of documented contacts facilitating diffusion. In addition, all known Spanish loanwords recordedfor SE languages (save those reported for Apalachee and Timucua) are assem- bled (Appendix A). Diffused French loanwords are discussed as well (Ap- pendix B). (Appendix C provides lexical sources.) Sturtevant(1962:50-54) identifies sixteen of the twenty diffused Spanish loanwords. However, for the most part, his analysis focuses on the transfer of these items between only two of the nineteen languages, Creek and Hitchiti, both of which belong to the Muskogean genetic grouping. Three other Muskogean languages, Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Apalachee, and non- Muskogean Cherokee and Timucua are also briefly noted as recipients of Spanish loans (Sturtevant 1962:54, 66-67). Martin (1994:17, 24) recognizes fewer (ten) of the twenty loanwords but charts their spread across more SE

1I am grateful for support provided for this research by the Center for Latino and Latin American Studies, the Department of Anthropology, and the Graduate School of Northern Illinois University and by the National Science Foundation through grants BNS-9020699 and SBR-9222311. I am a newcomer to research on languages of the Southeastern United States so I was particularly gratified by the number of scholars of the area who responded to a re- quest for comments on earlier drafts of this paper. These include W. L. Ballard, George Aaron Broadwell, Wallace Chafe, Emanuel J. Drechsel, John H. Hann, Heather Hardy, Clark S. Larsen, Jack Martin, Blair A. Rudes, Janine Scancarelli, William C. Sturtevant, and three anonymous reviewers-all of whom I am pleased to thank here. I would also like to thank Heather Hardy for supplying unpublished materials otherwise not available to me, and Pamela Brown and Jenny Tomkins for editorial comments. 2 Shipley (1962) describes a similar finding for languages of Central California.

TABLE 1 RECORDED LANGUAGES OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES (AFTER CRAWFORD 1975)

PIDGIN LANGUAGE:*Mobilian Jargon (Mbj) MUSKOGEAN FAMILY: *Alabama (Alb), *Apalachee (Apl), *Chickasaw (Chs), *Choctaw (Cht), *Creek (Crk), *Hitchiti (Hch), *Koasati (Kst), *Mikasuki (Mks), *Seminole (Sml) SIOUAN FAMILY: *Biloxi (Blx), Catawba (Ctb), Ofo (Ofo), *Quapaw (Qpw), Tutelo, Woccon IROQUOIANFAMILY: *Cherokee (Chr), Nottoway, Tuscarora(Tsc) ALGONQUIAN FAMILY:Pamlico, Powhatan, *Shawnee (Shw) CADDOAN FAMILY: *Caddo (Cdd) LANGUAGEISOLATES: Atakapa (Atk), *Chitimacha (Chm), Natchez (Ntz), *Timucua (Tmc), *Tunica (Tnc), *Yuchi (Ych)

*Language shows at least one Spanish loanword found in at least one other language of the area. languages. The latter include eight of the nineteen languages, all of which are Muskogean: Creek, Seminole, Mikasuki, Koasati, Alabama, Apalachee, Choctaw, and Chickasaw. Neither of these partial treatmentsmentions non- Muskogean languages, other than Cherokee and Timucua, which have par- ticipated in Spanish loanword diffusion (these include Biloxi, Quapaw, Shawnee, Caddo, Chitimacha,Tunica, and Yuchi). Nor do these studies dis- cuss the role of native-language lingua francas, such as Mobilian Jargon, in the diffusional process. Crawford (1975:1) describes the SE as a "cultural province" geographi- cally encompassing the area "from the Potomac and Ohio rivers to the At- lantic Ocean and Gulf of Mexico and westward beyond the Mississippi River for some two hundred miles or more." He (1975:5-6) lists twenty- nine recorded languages (about which more than merely a name is known today) spoken in the region at least as late as 1700 A.D. Twenty-two of these are associated with five different language families, six are language isolates, and one is a native-language-basedpidgin. These languages and their genetic affiliationsare given in table 1 and, with the exception of the pidgin, are located on the accompanying map in figure 1 according to where they are believed to have been spoken roughly between 1700 and 1800. Other languages of the area, perhaps many, became extinct during the postcontact era leaving little, if any, trace of their existence (Crawford 1975:1-2). Table 1 also identifies from among the twenty-nine languages (through use of *) all those languages, nineteen in number, which show at least one Spanish loanword also found in at least one other language of the area. (Abbreviations used for these nineteen languages and five others are keyed in table 1.) There are, then, ten recorded languages for which such loans have not been found. Sources for these ten, with the major exception of 150 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN IINGUITSTICS

FIG. 1.-Location of recorded Native American languages in the SE from roughly 1700 to 1800 (after Crawford 1975:x). that for Tuscarora(Rudes 1987), are typically highly incomplete and frag- mentary, possibly explaining in part why loanwords of interest are not forthcoming for them. In some instances, sources for the remaining nineteen languages are also inadequate, especially those for Apalachee, Caddo, Chitimacha, Hitchiti, and Quapaw and, somewhat less so, those for Mika- suki, Seminole, Shawnee, Timucua, and Yuchi-which should be kept in mind when evaluating data (or lack thereof) from these languages.

2. The data. The twenty Spanish words, each of which has UNAMBIG- UOUSLYyielded loans found in two or more SE languages, are listed in figure 2. Languages in which loans are found are also identified.3The loan-

3 Some European language loans in SE languages of possible Spanish origin may just as likely be from other European languages such as English or French. These ambiguous items SPANISH LOANWORDS 151

Espanol1'2 3, 6,78 Tnc Blx 7 l 2 7 vaca, 2, 3, Mbj arro 3 5Cht

capitdn, 3, 6 Alb chivato3 5 }Kst 5 naranja3' tocino3'5 trigo1'2 }Crk cimarronl 3, 5, 11 soldado3, 9, 10

aZulcar1,azucar 3, 4, 5 capa345capa3, 4, 5 Dios9 5 frasco3, jarro3 5 5 platano3,

caballo3, 4 7, 9 chinche1 (also in Cht) 7 miz(alo)2 Mexicano7, 12

FIG. 2.-Twenty Spanish words, each one yielding loans found in at least two SE languages. 1 = Chs; 2 = Chr; 3 = Mks; 4 = Hch; 5 = Sml; 6 = Ych; 7 = Cdd; 8 = Qpw; 9 = Tmc; 10 = Apl; 11 = Shw; 12 = Chm. words themselves are presented in Appendix A and discussed there when appropriate. While the Spanish loans indicated in figure 2 are not exhaustive of those occurring in SE languages, they constitute the only clear-cut loans from Spanish found in MOST of these languages. Spanish loans in addition to those derived from the twenty words of figure 2 are relatively common only in two SE languages, Timucua (Tmc), showing fifty such items, and Apalachee (Apl), with seven (see Sturtevant 1962:66-67 for respective lists). Sources for other SE languages only very occasionally attest to lexical items that are true or possible additional Spanish loanwords. The latter are also presented and evaluated in Appendix A. are not included among Spanish loans in figure 2. However, they are presented and discussed in Appendix A. 152 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

3. Analysis. Among the nineteen SE languages having Spanish loanwords indicated in figure 2, Creek (Crk) shows the largest number with sixteen, followed by Mikasuki (Mks) with fifteen, Koasati (Kst) and Seminole (Sml) with ten each, Alabama (Alb) and Chickasaw (Chs) with eight each, Choctaw (Cht) and Caddo (Cdd) with five each, Cherokee (Chr) with four, Mobilian Jargon(Mbj), Hitchiti (Hch), and Timucua (TMC) with three each, Biloxi (Blx) and Yuchi (Ych) with two each, and Chitimacha(Chm), Tunica (Tnc), Shawnee (Shw), Quapaw (Qpw), and Apalachee (Apl) with one each (see figure 2). A rough correlation between number of Spanish loans and language location is apparent:number of loans generally decreasing with a shift from southeasternlanguages of the region (e.g., Creek and Mikasuki) to western languages (e.g., Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Biloxi) and northern languages (e.g., Cherokee and Shawnee). Spanish loanwords (hereafter referring just to those of figure 2 unless otherwise indicated) in ten SE languages constitute PERFECTsubsets of the sixteen found in Creek. Thus, for example, ALL ten of Koasati's loans also occur among the sixteen pertaining to Creek, ALL eight of Alabama also occur among those of Creek, as do ALLthree of Mobilian Jargon. Another six languages show NEAR-PERFECT subsets of Creek loanwords wherein only one member of each respective set is not also found in Creek. Only one language, Caddo, shows a set of Spanish loans from among the twenty that is neither a perfect nor near-perfect subset of those in Creek. Since it is extremely unlikely that individual SE languages would have independently borrowed the same words from Spanish, the observed distri- bution for the greatest part must be due to diffusion of loanwords across SE languages (cf. Brown 1998). Thus, these languages have only rarely borrowed terms directly from Spanish (cf. Sturtevant 1962:51-52 and Martin 1994:17-18). Indeed, Spanish loanwords in the vast majority of instances appear to have diffused from Creek (directly or indirectly) to most other languages of the region. There is distributionalevidence of an impressively long diffusional chain involving Spanish loans. Figure 2 shows all loans in Koasati to be included among those in Creek, all loans in Alabama to be included among those in Koasati, all but one loan in Choctaw to be included among those in Ala- bama, all loans in Mobilian Jargon included among Choctaw loans, all Biloxi loans included among Mobilian Jargon loans, and the singleton loan in Tunica to be included among Biloxi loans. Distributional data, then, suggest that Creek donated Spanish loans to Koasati, Koasati donated loans to Alabama, Alabama donated loans to Choctaw, Choctaw to Mobilian Jar- gon, Mobilian Jargon to Biloxi, and Biloxi to Tunica.4 In addition, data suggest other (shorter)paths of diffusion not quite as apparentin figure 2 as

4 See Martin (1994:17-18) for a similar, but less detailed, observation. SPANISH LOANWORDS 153 that just described. Spanish loans in Seminole constitute a perfect subset of loans in Mikasuki, whose loans in turn constitute a near-perfect subset of loans in Creek, suggesting that Creek donated loans to Mikasuki, which in turn donated them to Seminole.5 Choctaw shows five Spanish loanwords, all of which are found among the eight loans in Chickasaw, its sister dialect, perhaps suggesting Chickasaw contributions to Choctaw.6

4. Historical context. Spanish exploration of the SE is thought to have begun with JuanPonce de Leon's voyage along the east Floridacoast in 1513. From then until around 1565, when St. Augustine (Florida) was founded, there were various Spanish expeditions into the SE interior,but none of these had any lasting effects on native peoples (Sturtevant 1962:46-47). In 1573 Spanish missions were established in northernFlorida among the Timucua and along the Georgia coast among the Indians of Guale. Missioning was extended westward to the Apalachee (in northern Florida) around 1633 (Sturtevant 1971:98). From this time onward, for about seventy years or so, speakers of Timucua and Apalachee and the Guale Indians were more or less continuously in contact with the Spanish; this accounts for most known Spanish loans in Timucua and Apalachee. To the best of our knowledge, the Spanish never succeeded in establishing viable missions among other SE groups east of the Mississippi River. Per- haps with this in mind, Martin (1994:17) proposes that Spanish loanwords spread from languages of the missionized groups to those of hinterland peoples, specifically first to speakersof Creek and Mikasuki (and later to others). With reference to speakers of Apalachee, John H. Hann (personal communication) cites Apalachee migrations to the Creek and Hitchiti country in the 1680s and in 1704 and 1715 which could have facilitated diffusion of Spanish loanwords to Creek speakers.7With reference to the Guale, Sturte- vant (1962:53) speculates, on the basis of admittedlyskimpy evidence, that at the end of the mission period (ca. 1700) Guale Indiansmoved west andjoined the Creek Confederacy;this would explain Spanish loanwords in Creek.8

5 Seminole is a dialect of Creek whose speakers migrated to Florida in historic times. 6 A possible way of investigating these proposals, not pursued here, is to flesh out diffusional paths taken by native loanwords across SE languages in proto-historic times. Presum- ably, in many instances, these should parallel those taken by Spanish loanwords. For a start in this research direction, see Martin (1994:15-18), Ballard (1983), and Brown (1996a). 7 John H. Hann (personal communication) also mentions the Apalachee who migrated to Mobile in 1704 and who could have donated Spanish words to native groups living there. Other such donations could have occurred when the Apalachee moved on to the Red River in 1765. 8Both Gatschet (1884) and Swanton (1922) considered the language of the Guale Indians to be a member of the Muskogean grouping on the basis of extremely limited evidence. Broadwell (1991) recently revived this proposal with a little more evidence. Sturtevant(1994) argues that the most evidence shows is that Guale Indians used Creek as a lingua franca, thus leaving the question of the genetic affiliation of their language unresolved. 154 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

Sturtevant (1962:50) discusses another possibility involving a consider- ably earlier date. In 1566, an exploration of the Georgia-Alabama interior was undertakenby Captain Juan Pardo and a Sergeant Boyano and a force of 125 soldiers. A group led by Boyano found its way to the Creek town of Chiaha where he and his men settled in for at least a few months, building a fort and "planting wheat and barley there and spent much time visiting the Indians in the neighborhood and contracting alliances with them" (Swanton 1946:65).9 Many of the loanwords in question could have entered Creek at that time. (Interestingly,the Spanish word for 'wheat',trigo, is included among the items in figure 2.) As Sturtevant(1962:53) furthernotes, if direct borrowing by Creek speakers from Spanish occurred in the interior, then it must have taken place before around 1675, since after that date Creek contact with Europeansprimarily involved English speakers. Although how and when Spanish loans entered Creek remains to be re- solved, scholars tend to agree that these spread from Creek to other languages of the SE interior (e.g., Kimball 1994, Martin 1994, and Sturtevant 1962).0l The source of Creek'sinfluence may relate to its wide use as a lingua franca by members of the Creek Confederacy who spoke a number of different SE tongues as first languages.11These languages included, from among those in figure 2, Hitchiti, Mikasuki, Apalachee, Alabama, Koasati, Choctaw, and Chickasaw (all Muskogean), Yuchi (an isolate), and Shaw-

9 Booker, Hudson, and Rankin (1992), based on analysis of place-name data, believe that sixteenth-century inhabitants of Chiaha primarily spoke Koasati rather than Creek. In any case, their general analysis allows for multilingualism in the community. '0 Sturtevant (1962:52) presents some possible phonological evidence for the movement of Spanish loans from Creek to other SE languages. The Spanish word for 'goat', chivato, is found in Creek, Seminole, Alabama, Koasati, and Mikasuki (see Appendix A). In all of the latter, save Seminole, the vowel of the initial syllable is o, e.g., Crk cowa:ta. Sturtevantpro- poses that the Creek word is likely the product of a blend of the Spanish term with Crk ico 'deer'.(Note the formation of the Creek term for 'horse',(i)colakko, literally, 'deer big'.) He argues further that since the Mikasuki term for 'deer' is different, i.e., i:c-i, its 'goat' word, i.e., cowa:t-i, came from Creek rather than directly from Spanish. However, by this argument the loans in question may just as well have come from Alabama or Koasati since these languages show the same term for'deer' found in Creek. In a personal communication, John H. Hann, a historian, notes that Hitchiti (of which Mi- kasuki is a dialect) may have been a more likely vehicle than Creek for the transmission of Spanish loanwords. He writes, "There were Tama-Yamasee resident in Apalachee and in Guale and the Hitchiti-speaking towns on the Chattahoochee were more friendly toward the Spaniardsand the Apalachee than were the Coweta or Kashihta, who were the two Muskogee- speaking towns." ll It has been generally assumed that Creek Proper or Muskogee (i.e., Creek) was adopted whole cloth as the lingua franca of the Creek Confederacy. Drechsel (1983) provides argu- ments, but no direct evidence, that lingua franca Creek, while based on Creek, was a true pidgin which differed from Creek in aspects of its lexicon, grammar,functions, etc. SPANISH LOANWORDS 155 nee (Algonquian) (Crawford 1975:37, Derrick-Mescua 1980:13, and Drech- sel 1979:45-56; 1983:392). In later historic times, speakers of Seminole (Muskogean) in Florida probably also used Creek as an auxiliary language (Drechsel 1979:47). Speakers of some of these languages are also known to have been in close proximity to Creek groups. Swanton (1946:145) reports that at least before 1686 part of the Koasati "had moved into the Creek country ... and most of the tribe soon gathered there."Some of the Chick- asaw in the eighteenth century moved eastward and settled for a while among the Creeks (Swanton 1946:117). Several Shawnee settlements were located in Creek territory in the second half of the eighteenth century and some Yuchi are known to have joined them there (Swanton 1946:184, 213). Creek was not used as a lingua franca by speakers of some SE languages to which Spanish loanwords nonetheless eventually diffused. These included, among the languages in figure 2, two isolates (Chitimacha and Tunica), two Siouan languages (Biloxi and Quapaw), an Iroquoian language (Cherokee), and a Caddoan language (Caddo). However, speakers of all of these languages except Cherokee and Quapaw are known to have also spoken Mobilian Jargon (Mbj), a now-extinct pidgin language (Drechsel 1979:129-30). At its peak period in the eighteenth century Mobilian Jar- gon was spoken in the lower Mississippi Valley from southern or central Illinois south to the delta region, west into eastern Texas, and east to the vicinity of the Alabama/Georgia border, including the northwestern Gulf coast of Florida (Drechsel 1979:131). Other users of Mobilian Jargon included speakers of five languages who also employed Creek as a lingua franca. These were groups who spoke Apalachee, Alabama, Koasati, Choc- taw, and Chickasaw as first languages (Drechsel 1979:129-30). Mobilian Jargon was almost certainly a vehicle through which Spanish loanwords diffused to languages whose speakers did not also speak Creek as a lingua franca (cf. Drechsel 1979:76, 169).12 These loans probably entered Mobil- ian Jargon (indirectly) from Creek, a transferplausibly facilitated by people who used both Mobilian Jargon and Creek as auxiliary languages, most likely speakers of Choctaw and/or Chickasaw.13

2 Emanuel Drechsel (1983 and personal communication) proposes-again without benefit of direct evidence-that lingua franca Creek may have been no more than an Eastern Muskogean-based variety of Mobilian Jargon. 13According to Drechsel (1979:65), Choctaw and/or its sister dialect Chickasaw is the pre- dominant source of Mobilian Jargon'svocabulary, with minor contributionscoming from Ala- bama, Koasati, some Algonquian languages, and Spanish, French, and English. More recently, Munro (1984) has presented evidence suggesting that Chickasaw was not the major contributor to Mobilian Jargon,that Choctaw (or at least a language more similar to Choctaw than to Chick- asaw) stands alone as the primary source of the pidgin's lexicon-although Drechsel (1987) raises some importantobjections to this argument. 156 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

Speakers of Biloxi and Tunica, both now extinct (Crawford 1975), used Mobilian Jargon as a lingua franca, consistent with the finding that Spanish loans in these languages are subsets of those found in the pidgin (see figure 2). Distributional evidence (see figure 2) suggests that Biloxi may have contributed a loan (modeled on Spanish Espanol) directly to Tunica. This transfer accords with what is known from historical accounts of contacts involving speakers of these languages. Haas (1968:81) reports that as late as the beginning of this century speakers of Biloxi and Tunica lived to- gether in the vicinity of Marksville, Louisiana. Speakers of Tunica settled in the Marksville area some time between 1784 and 1803 (Swanton 1946:198) and speakers of Biloxi may have arrived there around the same time (Swanton 1946:97). Of course, Tunica, whose speakers used Mobilian Jargon, could have incorporatedthe loan directly from the pidgin. While Caddo, whose speakers used Mobilian Jargon, shows five loans from Spanish (see figure 2), these do not constitute a perfect or even near- perfect subset of loans found in Mobilian Jargon, Creek, or in any other SE language. Some or all of these items may have been borroweddirectly from Spanish. The historical context dovetails with such a possibility. During the early years of the eighteenth century, Spaniards from posts in New Spain established missions in Caddo country in eastern Texas (Crawford 1975:16). While these were largely unsuccessful ventures, at least one, founded among the Nacogdoches, endureduntil around 1772 (Swanton 1946:75, 156). Phonological evidence is also suggestive. The Spanish loan for 'cow' in Caddo (wa:kas) differs from reflexes of Spanish vaca in other SE languages (see Appendix A) since it alone is modeled on the plural realization of the Spanish word (vacas) (Wallace Chafe, personal communication). This suggests an origin for the Caddo term independent of reflexes in other languages of the SE. In addition, the two 'cat' terms in Caddo are probably both based on Spanish miz(o/a) and, thus, differ from most 'cat' words in other SE languages which are derived from Spanish gato or English cat (see Appendix A). In fact, of the five Spanish loans in Caddo, only one, that based on Espanol, possibly was acquired directly from another SE language (but see discussion in Appendix A). If it were, Mobilian Jargon was the probable contributingagent. Cherokee shares with Caddo, and only with Caddo among SE languages, a 'cat' term probably based on Spanish miz(o/a). Given the considerable geographic removal of the two languages from one another, it is unlikely that one of these donated the word to the other. Both languages may have acquired their terms independently and directly from Spanish. Sturtevant (1962:54), citing a conversation with R. D. Fogelson, writes that a Chero- kee group at Chickamaugain Tennessee had trade contacts with the Span- ish at New Orleans and Pensacola in the late eighteenth century, this SPANISH LOANWORDS 157 possibly explaining the provenience of the loan in question. Another possible (but not probable) Spanish loan in Cherokee, a term conceivably based on ganado (see Appendix A), may have been acquired through such contacts. The other three Spanish loans in Cherokee (see figure 2) were probably directly donated to the language by Creek since the three items constitute a near-perfect subset of loans found in Creek. Finally, an explanation of the reported correlation between number of Spanish loans and language location should now be reasonably apparent. Spanish loans generally decrease in number with a shift from southeastern languages to western and northernones due to geographic removal of languages from the fount of Spanish influence in the southeasternpart of the region, i.e., in Florida and immediately adjacentareas. There was, of course, a Spanish presence in the western part of the SE. The area known today as French Louisiana was under Spanish dominion between 1763 and 1800. However, if Spanish loanwords are any indication, Spanish control of Lou- isiana had little enduring impact on the languages of native peoples of the region.14

5. A note on French loanwords. For much of the eighteenth century, the French were the dominantEuropeans in the western part of the SE. Con- sequently, some SE languages show French loanwords-for example, Haas (1947) discusses several of these in Tunica. French loans are not numerous in SE languages. Indeed, I have detected only eight French words used as models for loans found in two or more of the region's languages. These include (1) escalin 'sixpenny piece', yielding loans in Mobilian Jargon, Choc- taw, Alabama, Koasati, Tunica, Atakapa, Quapaw, and Ofo; (2) picaillon 'small coin', yielding loans in Mobilian Jargon, Choctaw, Alabama, Koasati, Tunica, Biloxi, and Quapaw; (3) alconand, an archaic term that probably referred to a type of garment worn by females, yielding loans in Mobilian Jargon, Choctaw, and Chickasaw; (4) chaussure 'footwear', yielding loans in Mobilian Jargon, Choctaw, and Chickasaw; (5) chapeau 'hat', yielding loans in Mobilian Jargon and Choctaw; (6) bonjour 'hello', yielding loans in Alabama, Koasati, and Biloxi; (7) bonne annee 'Happy New Year',yielding loans in Alabama and Koasati, and (8) samedi 'Saturday',yielding loans in Tunica and Atakapa (see Appendix B for a listing of these loanwords).

14 Spain pursued a relatively vigorous policy of colonization in Louisiana, for example, by bringing Spanish peasants from the CanaryIslands to colonize Lower Louisiana between 1778 and 1783 (West 1986:4). Nevertheless, the most important group to settle in the area during the Spanish period was actually French-speaking, i.e., Acadian refugees (West 1986:4). Dur- ing the nearly forty years of Spanish rule, the area remained almost entirely French in custom and language (West 1986:8). According to Swanton (1946:75), cession of Louisiana to Spain had "little immediate effect upon the Indians." 158 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

While Spanish loans spread from east to west, through many languages of the region, French loans, in contrast, were limited to western SE languages and their immediate neighbors to the east. Those loans from French that became reasonably widespread (see preceding paragraph)probably did so because they found their way into Mobilian Jargon, some possibly by diffusing first to Choctaw, the probable primary source of Mobilian Jargon lexical items. (The Choctaw were of considerable importanceto the French as a bulwark between them and the English to the east and north [Swanton 1946:121].) Plausibly, French loans did not diffuse to eastern languages such as Creek, Seminole, Mikasuki, Hitchiti, and Yuchi, in part because speakers of these did not employ Mobilian Jargon as a lingua franca. Thus, it may be that Spanish loans diffused to most SE languages because they managed to be incorporated into both major lingua francas of the region, i.e., Mobilian Jargon and Creek, while French loans were restricted to western languages since they found their way only into one of the two, Mobilian Jargon.

6. Conclusion. For the most part, the historical context accords with inferences about the provenience of Spanish loanwords in SE languages based on distributionalevidence. This evidence also suggests some devel- opments for which I have been unable to flesh out concurring-or, for that matter, contradictory-historical circumstances. It will be interesting to see if these suggestions hold up as research continues into the history and languages of the region's native peoples.

APPENDIX A LISTING AND DISCUSSION OF SPANISH LOANWORDS IN SE LANGUAGES

A normalized phonemic transcriptionis used here (and throughoutthis paper). If, in a lexical source, there is some ambiguity with regard to the phonetic value of a loanword, the original transcriptionis given in brackets.

Loans derived from the twenty Spanish words in figure 2. In the following listing, Spanish(Spn) wordsprecede loanwords derived from them: Spn Espaniol'Spanish, Spaniard'.Mbj (i)spani 'Spaniard',Crk ispa:ni 'Spaniard', Cht (i)spa:ni 'Spanish,Spain', Chs ospa:ni?'Mexican, Chicano, Latino, Hispanic person', Alb ispa:ni 'Mexican, Mexican-American, Latin American, Spaniard',Kst spani 'Spanish person',Mks ispa:n-i 'Spaniard,Spanish', Blx spani 'Spaniards',Qpw spayun( 'Mexican, Spaniard',Tnc ?ispani 'Spaniard, colonial Spanish people', Chr a2sgwa4ni'Spaniard, Mexican', Ych spaneha 'Spanish',Cdd ispayun 'Spaniard'.Cher- okee, which lacks bilabials, regularly realizes these as labiovelars in loanwords. Conceivably, Spanish Espaiia 'Spain' is the underlying model. While Haas (1953) suggests that the Tunica form could be from French (Espagne), and Sylestine et al. SPANISH LOANWORDS 159

(1993) propose English Spanish as the model used by Alabama, there seems little doubt that the item in question is from Spanish (cf. Munro 1992 and Sturtevant 1962:51). A possible furthermember of this set is Atk [Tsa'yon]'Mexican, Spaniard (?)'. The Atakapaword and above-cited loans from two other western SE languages, Caddo and Quapaw, are similar to one anotherand somewhat phonologically distinct from other loans of this set. This perhaps indicates diffusion of the loan across these three languages influenced by Spanish intrusion from areas west of the SE region. Spn vaca 'cow'. All designate 'cow': Mbj wak(a), Crk wa:ka, Sml wa:ka, Cht wa:k, Chs wa:ka?, Alb wa:ka, Kst wa:ka, Mks wa:k-i, Blx wa:ka, Chr wah2ga, Cdd wa:kas (see the text for discussion of the Caddo loan). Spn arroz 'rice'.Mbj onos(i), onos(i) 'rice',Crk alo:so, alo:sa, alo:swa 'rice', Sml alo:so 'rice', Cht onos 'wheat, rye, oats, English grain, small grain, corn', Chs onos 'barley, oats, rye, grain',ha:losi? 'rice', Alb o:nosi, onosi 'rice', Kst alo:so 'rice', Mks alo:s-i 'rice'. The second form in Chickasaw is probably a reborrowingthat entered the language after its original Spanish loan shifted in meaning from 'rice' to related referents. Spn capitdn 'captain'. Crk kapitani 'captain, centurion', Cht kapitani 'captain, centurion', Chs inkapittani? 'boss, head, president, general', Alb kapitani 'inter- preter, translator,captain', Kst kapitani 'captain',Mks kapita:n-i 'boss, leader', Ych kapitane 'captain' (this form is from Wagner 1931). Sylestine et al. (1993) suggest that the Alabama term could be either Spanish or English (captain) in origin. How- ever, there is little doubt that the form in question is a Spanish loan (cf. Munro 1992 and Sturtevant 1962:51). Spn chivato 'kid (goat)'. All designate 'goat': Crk cowa:ta, Sml cawa:ta, Alb cowa:ta, cowwata, Kst cowa:ta, Mks cowa:t-i. (For discussion of this item, see n. 10.) Most of these loans appearto be based on the feminine form of the Spanish term, i.e., *chivata, which may have been a feature of a Spanish dialect used in the region. Spn naranja 'orange (fruit)'. All designate 'orange': Crk yola:ha, yala:ha, Sml yila:ha, Alb yala:ha, Kst yilaha, yalaha, Mks yila:h-i. Spn tocino 'bacon'. All designate 'bacon': Crk tosi:na, Sml tosi:na, Alb tosi:na, Kst tosi:na, Mks tosi:n-i. Most of these loans appearto be modeled on the feminine form of the Spanish term, i.e., *tocina, which may have been a feature of a Spanish dialect used in the region. Spn trigo 'wheat'. Crk tiliko, tihiliko 'wheat', Chs tilliko?, tili?ko?'flour', Alb tiliko, tilko 'flour', Kst tilko, tiliko 'wheat', Chr [deligu] rice'. Byington (1915), in his Choctaw dictionary, lists [tiliko, taliko] followed by the gloss, 'wheat (a Chickasaw word)'. I assume that Byington is simply informing dictionary users of an interesting word in Chickasaw, a sister dialect of Choctaw, and is not, therefore, indicating that the item pertains to Choctaw per se (cf. Sturtevant 1962:54; see a parallel discussion below entailing loans based on Spn azucar 'sugar'). No other sources for Choctaw with which I am familiar (e.g., Nicklas 1974, Watkins 1892, and Wright 1880) give a Choctaw word for 'wheat' derived from trigo. An unambiguous word for 'wheat' in Choctaw is onos (from Spanish arroz 'rice'; see above). Janine Scan- carelli (personal communication) notes that DeBrahm's vocabulary, an eighteenth- century source, attests to the Cherokee form's original reference to 'wheat'.The latter gives [katt deliko] for 'Europeanbread', the word [kati] being the usual Cherokee term for 'bread'. 160 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

Spn cimarr6n 'runawayslave, wild'. Crk simano:li 'wild, strayed away, Seminole', simalo:ni 'Seminole', Sml simano:li 'wild, strayed away, Seminole', Chs simmano:- li?, simmano:li? 'Seminole', Kst simano:lin, simalo:lin 'to be wild', Mks holkof- simano:l-i 'wild apple, persimmon', batbisimano:l-i 'wild grapes', Shw simano:li 'Seminole'. (Natchez shows a related semantic loan in which its label for 'runaway', [tam kuyukup],is used to denote 'Seminole'.) Spn soldado 'soldier'. All designate 'soldier': Crk solita:wa, Kst solita:wa, Mks solita:w-i, Apl [soldadoh], Tmc [soldado]. A possible further member of this set is Cdd su:nda 'soldier'. However, the latter may be based on English soldier. Spn azuicar 'sugar'. All designate 'sugar': Crk aso:kola, Sml aso:kola, Chs so:kola?, Mks aso:kol-i, Hch [aso'kuli]. Byington (1915), in his Choctaw dictionary, gives [shokula] followed by the gloss, 'sugar, a Chickasaw word. ..'. Similar to the case of a 'wheat' term discussed above, I assume that Byington is merely informing dictionary users of an interesting word in Chickasaw, a sister dialect of Choctaw, and is not indicating that the item is found in Choctaw per se (an assump- tion apparently also held by Munro 1992). No other sources for Choctaw with which I am familiar (e.g., Nicklas 1974, Watkins 1892, and Wright 1880) give a Choctaw word for 'sugar' derived from azucar. Choctaw has a well-attested native term for 'sugar'. Spn capa 'cloak, coat'. Crk ka:pa 'coat, gown, hunting shirt', Sml ka:pa 'coat', Mks ka:p-i 'coat', Hch [kapa] 'coat'. Spn Dios 'God'. Crk tiyo:si: 'Jesus',Tmc [Diosi ] 'God'. Spn frasco 'flask, vial, bottle'. All designate 'bottle': Crkfala:sko, Sml fala:sko, Mks fala:sk-i. Spn jarro 'pitcher,jug, pot'. Crk ha:lo 'drinkingcup, tin cup, tin, a cup, bucket', Sml ha:lo 'tin can', Mks h.:l-i 'cup'. Spn pldtano 'banana'.All designate 'banana':Crk wilantana, Sml wilantalo, Mks wilintan-i. Spn caballo 'horse'. All designate 'horse': Mks kawa:y-i, Hch [kawa'yi], Tmc [caballo], Cdd kawa:yuh. Spn chinche 'bedbug'. All designate 'bedbug': Cht chichis (from Mississippi Choctaw, George Aaron Broadwell, personal communication), Chs chinchis. Spn miz, mizo, miza 'cat'.All designate 'cat'.Chr we23sa,Cdd mist'uhand ch'd:mis. This Spanish item has been widely incorporated into Latin American Indian languages (Landar 1959, Bright 1960, and Kiddle 1964). However, it is not a common term for 'cat' in languages of the SE. For more frequently occurring SE 'cat' words, see below. (Also consult discussion in the text.) Spn Mexicano 'Mexican'. Cdd ka:nush 'Frenchman',Chm [ka'nush] 'Frenchman' or 'French Creole'. Chafe (1983) notes that this truncated version of the Spanish term was lent by Tonkawa to Caddo, in which it apparentlywas first used in reference to Europeansof various kinds, eventually becoming restrictedin application to just those Europeans of French origin. Another, less likely, etymology proposed by Gatschet (1883:156) is linkage of the term to the geographic origin of French colo- nists of Louisiana, i.e., the Canadianlakes, the countries inhabited by "Kanucks."

Additional and possible additional Spanish loanwords in SE languages. For listings of Spanish loanwords (including additional ones beyond those in figure 2) SPANISH LOANWORDS 161

in Apalachee, see Sturtevant (1962:67) (cf. Kimball 1988), and in Timucua, see Sturtevant (1962:66) and Granberry(1993:274). While some or all of the following forms designating 'coffee' may derive from Spanish cafe, in some instances English coffee and French cafe may be equally plausible, if not more likely, sources; Mbj kafi, Crk ka:fi, Cht kafi, Chs ka:fi?, Alb kafi, Kst kafi, Mks ka:f-i, Blx kafi, kuxi, Tnc kafi, Atk [kapi'], Chr kah23wi,Tsc kdh- wih, Ych kafi, Ntz ka:Wih, Chm kahpi, Cdd kapi. 'Coffee' terms in Koasati, Biloxi, Tunica, and Mobilian Jargon are identified as French by Kimball (1994), Haas (1968), Haas (1953), and Crawford (1978), respectively, and forms in Choctaw and Alabama are identified as English by Byington (1915) and Sylestine et al. (1993). Drechsel (1979) allows the possibility that the Mbj 'coffee' term is either French or Spanish in origin. While some or all of the following forms designating 'cat' may derive from Span- ish gato, in some instances English cat may be an equally plausible, if not more likely, source: Mbj kati, kato, Crk kati, Cht kato, katos, Alb kati, Kst kati, Blx katu, Tmc [gato]. Sylestine et al. (1993) suggest that the Alabama form is from English and Munro (1992) entertains this possibility for all Muskogean manifestations, pro- posing, in addition, English kitty as an alternativemodel while recognizing that these items could be from Spanish as well. While the following two forms may derive from Spanish capote 'cloak with sleeves', French capote 'large cloak with a hood' is an equally plausible model: Alb kapo:ta 'coat', Kst kapo:ta 'coat'. Wallace Chafe (personal communication) states that Cdd kaput 'coat, jacket' is based on the Spanish word. While some or all of the following forms designating 'tomato' may derive from Spn tomate, in some instances English tomato may be an equally plausible, if not more likely, source: Crk toma:ta, Sml toma:ti, Kst tomi:to, Mks toma:t-i, Chr ta2ma2hli,[dumatli ], Tsc thume.tuhs. A set of loans possibly based on Spanish altar 'altar'is: Cht alta, Chs a:lta?, Crk alta, and Tmc [altar] or [altari], all denoting 'altar'. English loans for religious items and concepts are relatively numerous in the first three languages so that these terms are probably derived from English altar ratherthan from the Spanish word. Another religious concept, "baptism,"shows similar terms in SE languages, all or some of which may be modeled on Spanish bautismo 'baptism':Crk [paptisvme, paptesvm] 'baptism',Cht baptismo 'baptism',Chs baptismo 'baptism',Kst baptin 'be baptized', Tmc [baptismo] 'baptism'.This is a plausible Spanish set since, as Sturte- vant (personal communication) notes, baptismo is listed as an orthographicalterna- tive to bautismo in at least one eighteenth-century Spanish language dictionary known to him. However, this set is problematic with regard to the Spanish origin of some terms since European language loans for religious items and concepts in Creek, Choctaw, and Chickasaw are nearly always English (or at least non-Spanish) in origin. Perhaps, for these reasons, Munro (1992) writes that these terms are "[u]ltimately from French or English," not mentioning Spanish as a possible source. It is possible that neither French, English, nor Spanish is the source of some terms in question. Wright (1880:60) proposes that the Choctaw word is directly traced to Greek baptizo 'to baptize' (Greek baptisma 'baptism'). It was not an unusual prac- tice for missionaries to coin names for religious concepts lacking labels in native languages through use of words from Greek, Hebrew, or Latin (Brown 1981:98). 162 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

Kst botoya 'buttons' may be a loan from Spanish (bot6n 'button'), but English button is just as likely a model. A possible Spanish import into Alabama is kama:ya 'bell' which conceivably is based on Spn campana 'bell'. However, lack of a bilabial stop [p/b] in the Alabama form casts some doubt on this interpretation (Heather Hardy, personal communication). A word for 'money' in Mobilian Jargon and Alabama, respectively, sonak/sonak and sonok, is described by Crawford (1978) as a possible indirect Spanish loan through Algonquian, with several possible Spanish models including sol 'silver coin'. However, as Munro (1992) notes, the Mobilian Jargon and Alabama forms may be closer to Cht asonak 'brass kettle, a vessel made of brass or tin' and Chs asonnak/aso:nak 'tin' than to the Spanish word and, thus, may be Muskogean in origin. Possibly related words are Cdd sunah 'silver, money' and Ctb [sdnu?sk?] 'money'. For furtherdiscussions of this item, see Drechsel (1985; 1993). Chr ga2na'hla3?i'livestock' could be based on Spanish ganado 'livestock, cattle'. However, the prefix ga- is a common third-personsingular agent marker on nouns in the language and, thus, the form in question may actually be an internally derived construction. Haas (1953) identifies three Tunica words (in addition to Tunica terms for 'coffee' and 'Spaniard'noted above) that she believes could be Spanish in origin. One is a word for 'five', sinku, which is possibly modeled on Spn cinco 'five'. However, she (1953:257) notes a problem with this interpretationsince Tunica numerals for 'one', 'three','four', 'seven', and 'eight' also end in an element -hku or -ku. Haas (1953:220) identifies Tnc huraka 'hurricane'as being from Spanish (huraca'n'hurricane'). None- theless, words for 'hurricane'in either French (ouragan) or English (hurricane) could have served as a model for the Tunica term. In addition, a Tunica word for '(the wind) to blow', htri, conceivably could have been used as a native base for the derivation of the item. The third Spanish loan into Tunica proposed by Haas is ?ingrasa 'Englishman, Irishman, American', which presumably is based on Spn in- gles, inglesa 'English'. Again, European language models other than Spanish seem plausible, e.g., French Anglais 'English'. There is only one Spanish donation to Mobilian Jargon not found in other SE languages: plata 'silver, silver (money)', based on Spn plata 'silver' (Drechsel 1979:320). According to Sturtevant (1962:51), Creek shows two loans from Spanish not found in other SE languages: moti:sa 'jug' and taya:po:la 'devil', derived from Span- ish botija 'short-neckedjar' and diablo 'devil'. Another Creek item, mala:ta 'Creole, mulatto', is probably ultimately Spanish (mulato) in origin, but nonetheless could have entered the language directly from English (mulatto) ratherthan directly from Spanish. This calls attentionto Cdd minat 'mulatto'which Chafe (1983) says is based on French mulatre. Martin (1994:24) reports ali:na 'flour' for Seminole which is based on Spn ha- rina 'flour'. Mks manti:l-i 'flag' is Spanish in origin, based on either mantilla 'mantilla, sad- dlecloth, baby clothes' or on bandera 'flag' (cf. Sturtevant 1962:51). An anonymous reviewer of this paper suggests Crk tottolo:si 'chicken' to be a loan from Nahuatl (Mexico) through Spanish, subsequently passed on to Koasati SPANISH LOANWORDS 163

where it is realized as kol6:si 'chicken'.The Nahuatl term in question is totolin 'hen' which before contact probably denoted 'turkey'. Creek also shows 'tolo:si 'prairie chicken', a possible precontact word from which its word for the introducedchicken may have been derived. If so, the resemblance between Creek and Nahuatl terms is coincidental.

APPENDIX B LISTING OF FRENCH LOANWORDS IN TWO OR MORE SE LANGUAGES

In the following listing, French (Frn) words precede loanwords derived from them: Frn escalin 'sixpenny piece'. Mbj skali kono (?) 'dime', skali tokolo 'quarter (coin)', Cht iskali 'a dime, a ninepence, a bit, a 12.5-cent piece of money, a drachma, a penny', Alb iskali 'bit (money), a unit of money equal to 12.5 cents, any silver coin, metal', Kst skali 'bit, 12.5 cents', Tnc teskalahki 'a bit, i.e., 12.5 cents', Atk [skale] 'a bit, 12.5 cents, an escalin', Ofo [ska'lo] 'an escalin, a bit, 12.5 cents', Qpw skddi (precise referent not known). The source of this term in SE languages may in fact be Spanish. Read (1931:140) notes that Spanish borrowed escalin from French. While the term occurs in Louisiana French, this may be ascribed to Spanish influence since it is absent in Canadian French. Frn picaillon 'small coin'. Mbj pikoyo 'nickel', Cht pikayo 'a groat, a half-dime, half a bit', Alb pikayo 'nickel, five cents', Kst picayo 'nickel, five cents', Blx [pukiyan] 'five cents, a nickel', Tncpihkayu 'copper, a copper, a penny', Qpw ppikkdyQ(precise referent not known). Frn alconand (an archaic term that probably referred to a type of garment worn by females). Mbj [alcouna] 'woman's clothes', Cht alhkona 'a gown, a dress for a lady', Chs alhkona? 'skirt'.Consult Read (1931:80) for furtherinformation. Frn chaussure 'footwear, footgear'. Mbj solos 'shoe', Cht solos 'moccasin, sandal, shoe', silos 'shoe', Chs solos 'shoe'. The Choctaw word was brought to my attention by George Aaron Broadwell (personal communication) who notes that the form may have undergone metathesis of the second and third consonants. Frn chapeau 'hat'.Mbj sapo 'hat',Cht sapo 'a hat, a bonnet, a cap'. Frn bonjour 'hello'. Alb boso 'shake hands!, hello, how are you?,' Kst boso 'hello', Blx basu 'howdy' (said when shaking hands). Frn bonne annee 'Happy New Year'. Alb bonolee 'Happy New Year', Kst bonale 'Happy New Year!' Frn samedi 'Saturday'.Tnc samdi 'Saturday',Atk [Sa'medi] 'Saturday'. Other possible loans from French into SE languages are mentioned ad passim in Appendix A.

APPENDIX C LEXICAL SOURCES

These include mainly dictionaries, vocabularies, word lists, and glossaries. Munro (1992) served as a source for Muskogean languages in general. Sources for individual SE languages are as follows. Alabama: Sylestine et al. (1993); Apalachee: 164 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

Kimball (1988); Atakapa: Gatschet and Swanton (1932); Biloxi: Haas (1968), Dorsey and Swanton (1912); Caddo: Chafe (1983 and personal communication), Gallatin (1836), Parsons (1941); Catawba: Shea (1984); Chitimacha: Gatschet (1883), Haas (1947), Swanton (1919); Cherokee: Alexander (1971), Feeling (1975), Holmes and Smith (1976); Chickasaw: Humes and Humes (1973), Munro and Willmond (1994); Choctaw: George Aaron Broadwell (personal communication), Byington (1915), Nicklas (1974), Watkins (1892), Wright (1880); Creek: Sturtevant (1962), Haas (n.d.), Hardy (1988), Loughridge and Hodge (1890); Hitchiti: Sturtevant (1962), Williams (1992); Koasati: Kimball (1994); Mikasuki: Boynton (1982), Derrick- Mescua (1980), Jack Martin (personal communication), Sturtevant (1962 and personal communication); Mobilian Jargon: Crawford (1978), Drechsel (1979; 1996); Natchez: Haas (1947), Van Tuyl (1979); Ofo: Dorsey and Swanton (1912); Quapaw: Rankin (1988); Shawnee: Voegelin (1938a; 1938b; 1939; 1940a; 1940b); Seminole: Nathan (1977), William C. Sturtevant (personal communication); Timucua: Gran- berry (1993); Tunica: Haas (1953); Tuscarora: Rudes (1987); Yuchi: Blair A. Rudes (personal communication), Wagner (1931; 1933-38).

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