Imago Temporis Ii 2008

Home , Agrestes, Monastery of Leyre, The Dark Avenger, Tudela Cathedral, Vic Cathedral

IMAGO TEMPORIS Medium Aevum

2008

Lleida

European Union

Anglès.indd 1 08/06/2009 8:24:52 Editor

Flocel Sabaté

Scientific board

David Abulafia, François Avril, Thomas N. Bisson, Marc Boone, Franco Cardini, Claude Carozzi, Enrico Castelnuovo, Giovanni Cherubini, Alan D. Deyermond, Peter Dronke, Paul Freedman, Claude Gauvard, Jean-Philippe Genet, Jacques Grand’Henry, Christian Guilleré, Eleazar Gutwirth, Albert G. Hauf, Hagen Keller, Dieter Kremer, Eberhard König, Peter Linehan, Georges Martin, Valentino Pace, Adeline Rucquoi, Teófilo Ruiz, Gennaro Toscano, Pierre Toubert, André Vauchez, Chris Wickham, Joaquín Yarza, Michel Zimmermann

Editorial board

Julián Acebrón, Stefano Asperti, Màrius Bernadó, Hugo O. Bizzarri, Maria Bonet, Joan J. Busqueta, Brian Catlos, Josep Antoni Clua, Pietro Corrao, Rita Costa Gomes, Ottavio Di Camillo, Luis Miguel Duarte, Francisco Javier Faci, Francesc Fité, Isabel Grifoll, Ariel Guiance, Amancio Isla, Nikolas Jaspert, Henrik Karge, Peter Klein, Adam Kosto, Matías López, Igor Philippov, Josefina Planas, Olivier Poisson, Philip D. Rasico, Jesús Rodríguez Velasco, Karen Stöber, Xavier Terrado, Marie-Claire Zimmermann

Secretariat

Ferran Arnó, Jesús Brufal, Laia Messegué, Gemma Ortiz

Linguistic correction

Chris Boswell

Published by

‘Espai, Poder i Cultura’ Consolidated Medieval Studies Research Group (Universities of Lleida and Rovira i Virgili) www.medieval.udl.cat

Anglès.indd 2 08/06/2009 8:24:52 IMAGO TEMPORIS. MEDIUM AEVUM

Aims to contribute to a renewal of medieval studies with particular attention to the different conceptual aspects that made up the medieval civilisation, and especially to the study of the Mediterranean area.

Aims to promote reflection about the Middle Ages and the ways to approach it the period —1st part: “the past interrogated and unmasked”—; In-depth discussion of leading research themes —2nd part: “the past studied and measured”—; including the analysis of the ways of diffusion and popularising ideas and cultures —3rd part: “the past explained and recreated”—.

Is offered annually as a vehicle for exchanges among medievalists all over the world, in the context of a globalised planet, stimulated by intellectual plurality, open to debate on ideas and faithful to scientific rigour.

Will publish in the format of articles those texts that pass a rigorous evaluation with independent and separate analyses by at least two leading experts, who are not part of the editorial board of the journal.

Anglès.indd 3 08/06/2009 8:24:54 The articles published in Imago Temporis. Medium Aevum will be indexed in the following data bases:

Ac a d e m i c Re s e ar c h Pr e m i e r Di a l n e t H.W. Wi l s o n In d e x Is l a m i c u s In d i c e Hi s t ó r i c o Es pa ñ o l In t e r n a t i o n a l Me d i e v a l Bi b l i o g rap h y Is o c Is t i t u t o Da t i n i Ml a In t e r n a t i o n a l Bi b l i o g rap h y Re g e s t a Im p e r i i

We are working so that articles published in this new Journal could also to be indexed in the following data bases:

Ar t s & Hu m a n i t i e s Ci tat i o n In d e x Cu rr e n t Co n t e n t s Fra n c i s In t e r n a t i o n a l Bi b l i o g rap h y Of Pe r i o d i c a l Li t e ra t u r e In Th e Hu m a n i t i e s An d So c i a l Sc i e n c e s (Ib z ) Sc i e n t i f i c Co m m o n s Sc o p u s

Imago Temporis Medium Aevum wishes to be evaluated by:

Car h u s Di c e Er i h Jc r La t i n d e x Re s c h Sjr

Imago Temporis. Medium Aevum has an internet home page at: www.medieval.udl.cat

Anglès.indd 4 08/06/2009 8:24:55 INSTITUTIONAL AFFILIATIONS

Editor

Flocel Sabaté. Professor in Medieval History. Departament d’Història, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat de Lleida. Plaça Víctor Siurana 1, 25003 Lleida (Spain).

Scientific board

David Abulafia. Professor in Mediterranean History. History Faculty, Gonville and Caius College, University of Cambridge. Trinity Street, Cambridge CB2 1TA (United Kingdom). François Avril. Conservator of the Department of Manuscripts. Bibliothèque National de France. 58 rue Richelieu, 75002 Paris (France). Thomas N. Bisson. Professor in Medieval History. Harvard College, Harvard University. 213 Robinson, Cambridge, 02138 Massachussets (USA). Marc Boone. Professor in Urban, Social and Political History. Department of Medieval History, Faculty of Arts and Philosophy, Ghent University. Blandijnberg 2, 9000 Ghent (Belgium). Franco Cardini. Director of Medieval Historical Research. Istituto Italiano de Scienze Umane. Piazza degli Strozzi, 1 (Palazzo Strozzi), 50123 Florence (Italy). Claude Carozzi. Professor in Medieval History. Département d’Histoire, Univer- sité de Provence-Aix-Marseille. 29 avenue Robert Schumann, 13621 Aix-en-Pro- vence cedex 01 (France). Enrico Castelnuovo. Emeritus Professor in Medieval Art History. Classe di Let- tere, Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Piazza dei Cavalieri 7, 56126 Pisa (Italy). Giovanni Cherubini. Professor in Medieval History. Facoltà di Lettere e Filoso- fia, Università degli Studi di Firenze. Via S. Gallo 10, 50129 Florence. (Italy). Alan D. Deyermond. Professor in Medieval Hispanic Philology. Department of Hispanic Studies and Italian, Queen Mary and Westfield College, University of London. Mile End Road, London E1 4NS (United Kingdom). Peter Dronke. Emeritus Professor of medieval Latin Literature. Faculty of Modern and Medieval Languages, University of Cambridge. Sidgwick Avenue, Cambridge CB3 9DA (United Kingdom). Paul Freedman. Chester D. Tripp Professor in Medieval History. Department of His- tory, Yale University. P.O. Box 208324 New Haven, Connecticut 06520-8324 (USA). Claude Gauvard. Professor in Medieval History. Laboratoire de Médiévistique Occidentale de Paris, Université Panthéo-Sorbonne (Paris I). 17 rue de la Sorbonne, 75005 Paris; Institut Universitaire de France. 103 boulevard Saint-Michel, 75005 Paris (France). Jean-Philippe Genet. Professor in Medieval History. Laboratoire de Médiévis- tique Occidentale de Paris, Université Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris I). 17 rue de la Sorbonne, 75005 Paris (France). Jacques Grand’Henry. Professor of Islamic History. Institut Orientaliste, Collège Erasme, Catholic University of Louvain. Place Blaise Pascal 1, B-1348, Louvain-la- Neuve (Belgium).

Anglès.indd 5 08/06/2009 8:24:55 Christian Guilleré. Professor in Medieval History. Département d’Histoire, Uni- versité de Savoie. 27 rue Marcoz BP 1104, 73011 Chambéry (France). Eleazar Gutwirth. Professor in Medieval History. Faculty of Humanities, Tel Aviv University. Renat Aviv, 69978 Tel Aviv (Israel). Albert G. Hauf. Professor in Catalan Philology. Departament de Filologia Catalana, Universitat de València. Avinguda Blasco Ibáñez 32, 46010 Valencia (Spain); Emeritus Professor. Departament of Hispanic Studies, University of Wales. 30-36 Newport road, Cardiff (United Kingdom). Hagen Keller. Emeritus Professor in Medieval History. Facultät fur Geschichte, West- fälische Wilhems-Universität Münster. Domplatz 20-22, D-48143 Münster (Germany). Dieter Kremer. Professor in Romanesque Philology. Department of Romanesque Philology, Universität Trier. Universitatsring, 15, D-54286 Trier (Germany). Eberhard König. Professor in Art History. Kunsthistorisches Institut, Freie Uni- versität Berlin. Koserstrasse, 20, 14195 Berlin (Germany). Peter Linehan. Professor in Medieval History. St. John’s College, University of Cambridge. St. John’s Street, Cambridge CB2 1TP (United Kingdom). Georges Martin. Professor in Medieval Hispanic Philology. UFR d’Etudes Ibéri- ques et Latino-Américaines, Université Paris Sorbonne (Paris IV). 1 rue Victor-Cou- sin, 75230 Paris (France). Valentino Pace. Professor in Art History. Dipartamento di Storia e Tutela dei Beni Culturali, Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia. Università degli studi di Udine. Vicolo Florio 2/b, 33100 Udine (Italy). Adeline Rucquoi. Director of Research. Centre des Recherches Historiques, Centre Nationale de Recherches Scientifiques. 54 boulevard Raspail, 75006 Paris (France). Teófilo Ruiz. Professor in Medieval History and Early Modern Europe. Depart- ment of History, University of California, Los Angeles. 6265 Bunche Hall, P. O. Box 951473, Los Angeles, California 90095-1473 (USA). Gennaro Toscano. Professor in Civilisation and Renaissance Art History. UFR Arts et Culture, Université Charles de Gaulle (Lille III). Rue de Barreau, BP 60149, 59653 Villeneuve d’Ascq (France). Pierre Toubert. Professor in the History of the Western Mediterranean in the Middle Ages. Collège de France. 11 place Marcelin Berthelot, 75231 Paris (France). André Vauchez. Emeritus Professor in Medieval History. Department d’Histoire, Université Paris-Nanterre (Paris X). 200 avenue de la République, 92001 Nanterre (France). Chris Wickham. Professor in Medieval History. All Souls College, Faculty of His- tory, University of Oxford. The Old Boy’s High School, George Street, Oxford 0X1 2RL (United Kingdom). Joaquín Yarza. Emeritus Professor in Art History. Departament d’Art, Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Edifici B, Campus de la UAB, 08193 Bellaterra, Cerdanyola del Vallès (Spain). Michel Zimmermann. Professor in Medieval History. UFR des Sciences Sociales et des Humanités, Université de Versailles-Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines. 47 boulevard Vauban, 78047 Guyancourt cedex (France).

Anglès.indd 6 08/06/2009 8:24:55 Editorial board

Julián Acebrón. Professor titular in Spanish Philology. Departament de Filologia Clàssica, Francesa i Hispànica, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat de Lleida. Plaça Víctor Siurana 1, 25003 Lleida (Spain). Stefano Asperti. Professor in Philology. Dipartimento di studi romanzi, Univer- sità degli Studi di Roma “La Sapienza”. Piazzale Aldo Moro 5, 00185 Roma. (Italy). Màrius Bernadó. Professor in History of Music. Departament d’Història de l’Art i Història Social, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat de Lleida. Plaça Víctor Siurana 1, 25003 Lleida (Spain). Hugo O. Bizzarri. Professor in Hispanic Philology. Mediävistisches Institut der Universität Freiburg. Avenue de l’Europe 20, CH-1700 Freiburg (Switzerland). Maria Bonet. Professora titular in Medieval History. Departament d’Història i Història de l’Art, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat Rovira i Virgili. Plaça Imperial Tarraco 1, 43005 Tarragona (Spain). Joan Josep Busqueta. Professor titular in Medieval History. Departament d’Història, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat de Lleida. Plaça Victor Siurana 1, 25003 Lleida (Spain). Brian Catlos. Associate Professor in Medieval History. Department of History, University of California Santa Cruz. 201, Humanities 1, 1156 High St., Santa Cruz CA 95064 California (USA). Josep Antoni Clua. Professor in Greek Philology. Departament de Filologia Clàssica, Francesa i Hispànica, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat de Lleida. Plaça Victor Siurana, 1 25003 Lleida (Spain). Pietro Corrao. Professor in Medieval History. Dipartamento di Studi Storici e Artistici, Università di Palermo. Via G. Pascoli 6, 90144 Palermo (Italy). Rita Costa Gomes. Assistant Professor in Medieval History. Department of His- tory, Towson University. 8000 York Road, Towson, Maryland 21252-0001 (USA). Ottavio Di Camillo. Professor in European Literature and Latin Middle Age. Center for Latin American, Caribbean, and Latino Studies, The Graduate Center, The City University of New York. 365 Fifth Avenue, New York 10016 (USA). Luis Miguel Duarte. Professor in Medieval History. Departamento de História e de Estudios Políticos e Internacionais, Faculdade de Letras, Universidade do Porto. Via Panorâmica s/n, 4150-564 Porto (Portugal). Francisco Javier Faci. Professor in Medieval History. Departament d’Història i Història de l’Art, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat Rovira i Virgili. Plaça Imperial Tar- raco 1, 43005 Tarragona (Spain). Francesc Fité. Professor titular in Medieval Art. Departament d’Història de l’Art i Història Social, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat de Lleida. Plaça Víctor Siurana 1, 25003 Lleida (Spain). Isabel Grifoll. Professora titular in Catalan Philology. Departament de Filologia Catalana i Comunicació Audiovisual, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat de Lleida. Plaça Víctor Siurana 1, 25003 Lleida (Spain). Ariel Guiance. Scientific Researcher. Instituto Multidisciplinar de Historia y Ciencias Humanas, Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Saavedra 15, 5º, 1083 Buenos Aires (Argentina).

Anglès.indd 7 08/06/2009 8:24:55 Amancio Isla. Professor in Medieval History. Departament d’Història i Història de l’Art, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat Rovira i Virgili. Plaça Imperial Tarraco 1, 43005 Tarragona (Spain). Nikolas Jaspert. Professor in Medieval History. Lehrstuhl für die Geschichte des Späten Mittelalters, Rurh-Universität Bochum. Universitätsstrasse 150, Gebäude GA 4131, 44801 Bochum (Germany). Henrik Karge. Professor in Medieval History. Philosophische Fakultät, Institut für Kunst-und Musikwissenschaft. Technische Universität Dresden. 01062 Dresden (Germany). Peter Klein. Professor in Art History. Facultät für Kulturwissenschaften Zen- trum für Allgemeine Kulturwissenschaften; Kunsthistorisches Institut, Tübingen Universität. Bursagasse 1, 72070 Tübingen (Germany). Adam Kosto. Associate Professor in Medieval History. Department of History, Columbia University. 501 Fayer weather Hall, 2504, 2960 Broadway, New York (USA). Matías López. Professor titular in Latin Philology. Departament de Filologia Clàs- sica, Francesa i Hispànica, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat de Lleida. Plaça Víctor Siurana 1, 25003 Lleida (Spain). Igor Phillipov. Professor in Medieval History. Faculty of History, Lomonosov Mos- cow State University. 117571 Prospekt Vernadskago, Moscow (Russian Federation). Josefina Planas. Professor in Medieval Art History. Departament d’Història de l’Art i Història Social, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat de Lleida. Plaça Víctor Siurana 1, 25003 Lleida (Spain). Olivier Poisson. Inspector General of Historic Monuments. Direction de l’Archi- tecture et du Patrimoine, Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication. 182, rue Saint-Honoré, 75001 Paris (France). Philip D. Rasico. Professor in Spanish and Catalan. Department of Spanish and Portuguese, Vanderbilt University. P. O. box 35-1617 Station B, Nashville, Tennes- see 37235-1617 (USA). Jesús Rodríguez Velasco. Professor in Hispanic Literature. Department of Spanish and Portuguese, University of California, Berkeley. 5317 Dwinelle, Berke- ley, California (USA). Karen Stöber. Lecturer in Medieval History. Department of History & Welsh History, Aberystwyth University. Hugh Ower Building. Aberystwytch, Ceredigion SY23304 (United Kingdom). Xavier Terrado. Professor in Hispanic Philology. Departament de Filologia Clàs- sica, Francesa i Hispànica, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat de Lleida. Plaça Víctor Siurana 1, 25003 Lleida (Spain). Marie-Claire Zimmermann. Professor in Catalan Philology. UFR d’Études Ibériques et Latino-Américaines, Université Sorbonne (Paris IV). 2 rue Francis de Croisset, 75018 Paris (France).

Anglès.indd 8 08/06/2009 8:24:55 Authors Volume II

Frédéric Alchalabi. Maître de Conférences. UFR Histoire, histoire de l’art, archéologie, Département d'histoire de l’art et archéologie, Université de Nantes. Chemin de la Censive du Tertre, 44300 Nantes (France). Frederic.Alchalabi@univ- nantes.fr. Main lines of research: The pseudo-historical speech in Castilla in the 15th century, the Crónica Sarracina by Pedro de Corral, the Crónica Troyana of 1490, the Històries e conquestes dels reys d’Aragó e comtes de Barcelona by Pere Tomich. Main publications: L’écriture de l’Histoire dans les «Chroniques» de Pierre Ier et de Pierre III, Lille, 2004; «La fin de l’errance. Le jardin dans les ‘Milagros de Nuestra Señora’ de Gonzalo de Berceo», Le jardin: figures et métamorphoses, Anne-Marie Brevot, Bernard Cottret, dirs. Dijon: PU Dijon, 2005: 38-49; «La plume et le pinceau: la technique de l’autoportrait dans la Chronique de Pierre III (représentation et mise en scène)», Revue d’Etudes Catalanes, VIII- IX (2005- 2006): 7- 35; «Des vertus de personnages du Tirant lo Blanc et de leur appétit: réflexions sur le rôle de la nourriture dans l’œuvre de Joanot Martorell», Les Langues Néo-Latines, CCCXLI/2 (2007): 17-36. Julia Baldó Alcoz. Scientific researcher in Medieval History. Departamento de Historia, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Navarra. Campus de Pamplona (edificio central), 31080 Pamplona (Spain). [email protected]. Main lines of research: Death in the Middle Ages, Funerary rites, Funerary liturgy, Suicide, Illness, Popular religion, Black Death, Old age, Social History in the Middle Ages, History of Mentalities, Military Orders (Order of Saint John of Jerusalem). Main publications: “Un aspecto de los funerales a través de la legislación civil en la Navarra bajomedieval: el uso de antorchas durante el cortejo”, Grupos sociales en Navarra. Relaciones y derechos a lo largo de la historia, Carmen de Erro Gasca, Iñigo Mugueta Moreno, dirs. Pamplona: Ediciones Eunate, 2002: 197-210; “Registrar la muerte (1381-1512). Un análisis de testamentos y mandas pías contenidos en los Protocolos Notariales Navarros”, Hispania. Revista Española de Historia, LXV/1, 219 (2005): 155- 226; “Segunt a mi estado fazer pertenesce. Imagen y memoria de los grupos sociales privilegiados en la Navarra bajomedieval: el cortejo funerario”, Navarra: Memoria e Imagen: actas del VI Congreso de Historia de Navarra. Pamplona: Ediciones Eunate, 2006: 385-402; “Las misas post mortem: simbolismos y devociones en torno a la muerte y el más allá en la Navarra bajomedieval”, Zainak. Cuadernos de Antropología- Etnografía. Formas de religiosidad e identidades, 28 (2006): 353-374. Juan Antonio Barrio Barrio. Professor titular in Medieval History. Departament de Història Medieval i Moderna, Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, Universidad de Ala- cant. Carretera Sant Vicent del Raspeig s/n, 03690 Sant Vicent del Raspeig (Spain). [email protected]. Main lines of research: Border, oligarchies, Orihuela, Urban World, cinema. Main publications: ed. (with Vicente Cabezuelo Pliego) La Fortaleza Medieval. Realidad y Símbolo Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 1997; ed. Los cimientos del Estado en la Edad Media, Alcoy: editorial Marfil, 2005;Gobierno municipal durante el reinado de Alfonso V 1416-1458, Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 1995; Finanzas municipales y mercado urbano durante el reinado de Alfonso V, 1416-1458, Alicante: Instituto de Cultura Juan Gil-Albert, 1998; “La articulación de una oligarquía fronteriza en el mediodía valenciano. El patriciado de Orihuela. Siglos XIV-XV”. Revista d'Història Medieval, 9 (1999): 105-126.

Anglès.indd 9 08/06/2009 11:26:42 Howard B. Clarke. Professor emeritus of Medieval Socio-economic History. School of History and Archives, University College Dublin. Belfied, Dublin, 4 (Ireland). [email protected]; member of Royal Irish Academy. 19, Dawson Street, Dublin, 2. Main lines of research: Comparative urban history, Medieval Dublin, English surveys 900-1200, Evesham Abbey, the Bayeux Tapestry. Main publications: ed. (with Simms, Anngret), The Comparative History of Urban Origins in Non-roman Europe: Ireland, Wales, Denmark, Germany, Poland and Russia from the Ninth to the Thirteenth Century. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 1985; Irish cities. Dublin: Mercier Press, 1995; “Proto-towns and towns in Ireland and Britain in the ninth and tenth centuries”, Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age, Howard B. Clarke, Máire Ní Mhaonaigh, Raghnall Ó Floinn, eds. Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1998: 331-380; “Decolonization and the dynamics of urban decline in Ireland, 1300-1550”, Towns in Decline, AD 100-1600, Terence R. Slater, ed. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000: 157-192; (with Dent, Sarah; Johnson, Ruth) Dublinia: The story of Medieval Dublin. Dublin: The O’Brien Press, 2002; Dublin, Part I, to 1610. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 2002. Francisco Franco Sánchez. Professor in Arabic and Islamic Studies. Departa- ment de Filologies integrades, Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, Universitat d’Alacant. Carretera de Sant Vicent del Raspeig s/n, 03080 Alacant (Spain). [email protected]. Main lines of research: Social and religious history of Al-Andalus, Medieval and Modern Arabic Historiography, Ancient and Arabic geography and cartography, Moslem urbanism, Arabic medicine. Main publications: Vías y defensas andalusíes en la Mancha Oriental, Alicante: Instituto de Cultura Juan Gil-Albert, 1995; (with Maria Sol Cabello) Muhammand As-Safra. El médico y su época, Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 2004; Rábitas islámicas. Alicante-Sant Carles de la Ràpita, Alicante: Uni- versidad de Alicante-Ajuntament de Sant Carles de la Ràpita, 1997; (with Míkel de Epalza) La rábita en el islam. Estudios interdisciplinares, Sant Carles de la Ràpita- Alicante: Universidad de Alicante-Ajuntament de Sant Carles de la Ràpita, 2004. Analie Germain. Scientific researcher in Medieval History. Maison Méditer- ranéennee des Sciences de l’Homme, Département des Sciences de l’Antiquité, Uni- versité de Provence. 5 rue du Château de l’Horge, BP 647 13094 Aix-en Provence (France). [email protected]. Main lines of research: Notion of friendship in the medieval letters on 10th-12th centuries, like Gerbert of Reims, Fulbert of Chartres, and how these relations influence the medieval society. Main publications: “Societas, foedus, amicitia: la société des ’princes’ dans la correspondance de Gerbert d’Aurillac”, Vivre en société au Moyen Age: Occident chrétien, VIe-XVe siècles, C. Carozzi, D. Le Blévec et H. Taviani-Carozzi, eds. Aix-en-Provence: Publications de l’Université de Provence, 2008: 57-78. Catalina Girbea. Senior Lecturer in Medieval French Literature. Department of French Language and Literature, Faculty of Foreing Languages and Literatures, University of Bucharest. Edgar Quinet 5-7 sect I, 70106 Bucharest (Romania); associated member of the Centre d’Études Supérieures de Civilisation Médiévale. 24 rue de la Chaîne, BP-603 86022 Poitiers (France). [email protected]. Main lines of reserche: Arthurianism and religion and the problem of conversion, the individual in the Middle Age, arthurian heraldry. Main publications: La couronne ou

Anglès.indd 10 08/06/2009 11:26:42 l’auréole: Royauté terrestre ou chevalerie celestielle dans la légende arthurienne, Turnhout: Brepols, 2007; ed. (with Martin Aurell, Denise Turell, Christine Manigand, Jérôme Grévy, Laurent Hablot), Signes et couleurs des identités politiques. Rennes: Presses Uni- versitaires de Rennes, 2007. José Marín. Professor in Medieval History. Instituto de Historia, Facultad de Filosofía y Educación, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso. Avenida El Bosque 1290, Viña del Mar, Valparaiso (Chile); Scientific researcher in Medieval History, Centro de Estudios Griegos, Bizantinos y Neohelénicos, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades, Universidad de Chile. Paseo Valle 396, Viña del Mar (Chile). jmarin@ ucv.cl. Main lines of research: Late Antiquity, Byzantine History. Main publications: Cruzada, Guerra Santa y Jihad. La Edad Media y Nosotros, Valparaíso: ediciones de la Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, 2003; Textos Históricos. Del Imperio Romano al siglo VIII. Santiago: Ril editores, 2003; “Noticias bizantinas en España. El caso de San Isidoro de Sevilla”, Instituçôes, poderes e jurisdiçôes. I Seminario Argentina-Brasil-Chile de Historia Antiga e Medieval, Marcella Lopes Guimaraes, Renan Frighetto, coord. Sao Pablo: Juruà, 2007: 27-50; “Notas para una reconsideración del concepto de guerra santa”, Atas do III Encontro Internacional de Estudos Medievais, María do Amparo Tavares Maleval, ed. Rio de Janeiro: Ed. Àgora da Ilha, 2001: 431-440. Germán Navarro Espinach: Profesor titular in Medieval History. Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas y Estudios Arabes e Islámi- cos, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, Universidad de Zaragoza. Calle Pedro Cerbuna 12, 50009 Zaragoza (Spain). [email protected]. Main lines of research: Aragon Medi- eval, General States, social elites, comparative structures in the Crown of Aragon in the Late Medieval Ages. Main publications: Los orígenes de la sedería valenciana (siglos XV-XVI). Valencia: Ayuntamiento de Valencia, 1999; (with David Igual). La tesorería general y los banqueros de Alfonso V el Magnánimo. Castellón de la Plana: Sociedad Castellonense de Cultura, 2002; (with José Luis Corral; Carmen García Herrero). Taller de Historia. El oficio que amamos. Barcelona: Edhasa, 2006; Cuentas del concejo de Mirambel (1472-1489). Saragossa: Universidad de Zaragoza, 2008; Cortes del Reinado de Martín I, ed., Saragossa: Gobierno de Aragón, Ibercaja, 2008. Maria-Milagros Rivera Garretas. Professor in Medieval History. Departament d’Història Medieval, Paleografia i Diplomàtica, Facultat de Geografia i Història, Uni- versitat de Barcelona. Montalegre 6, 08001 Barcelona (Spain). milagrosrivera@ ub.edu. Main lines of research: Medieval History, Women’s History, Women’s Writ- ting. Main publications: Textos y espacios de mujeres: Europa, siglos IV-XV. Barcelona: Icaria, 1990; Mujeres en relación. Feminismo 1970-2000. Barcelona: Icaria, 2001; Juana de Mendoza (h. 1425-1493). Madrid: Ediciones del Orto, 2004; La diferencia sexual en la historia. Valencia: Universitat de València, 2005; coord., Las relaciones en la historia de la Europa medieval, Valencia: Tirant lo Blanch, 2006. Albert Sierra Reguera. Scientific Researcher in Art History. Direcció General del Patrimoni Cultural. Departament de Cultura i Mitjans de Comunicació de la Generalitat de Catalunya, Portaferrissa 1 (Palau Moja), 08002 Barcelona (Spain). [email protected]. Main lines of research: Museums and Internet, Cultural heritage difussion and new technologies, History of the Architecture and the architec- tonical restoration, Pinture Renaissance painting on the Pirenean Valleys. Main

Anglès.indd 11 08/06/2009 11:26:43 publications: “Una nova figura del davallament de Durro: Nicodem”. Revista d’art, 3 (2003): 125-132; (with Domènec Ferran) “Leer las iglesias de Sant Pere de Ter- rassa: arqueología, arquitectura y arte”, II Congreso Internacional sobre musealiza- ción de yacimientos arqueológicos: nuevos conceptos y estrategias de gestión y comunicación, Julia Beltrán de Heredia, Isabel Fernández del Moral, coords. Barcelona: Museu d'Història de la ciutat, 2003: 61-66. Jill Webster. Professor emeritus in Medieval History. St. Michael’s College, Uni- versity of Toronto. 81 St. Mary Street, Ontario, M5S1J4, Toronto (Canada). Jill. [email protected]. Main lines of research: Medieval Franciscans, Poor Clares, and Carmelites, especially in Vic. Main publications: Els menorets: the franciscans in the realms of Aragon from St. Francis to the black death. Toronto: Pontificial Institute of Medieval Studies, 1993; Per Déu o fer diners. Els mendicants i el clergat al País Valencià. Catarroja-Barcelona: Afers, 1998; Carmel in Medieval Catalonia. Leiden: Brill 1999; Els Franciscans catalans a l’Edat Mitjana. Lleida: Pagès editors, 2000.

Anglès.indd 12 08/06/2009 11:26:43 CONTENTS Imago Temporis. Medium Aevum. Volume 2. Year 2008

I Pa r t . Th e Pa s t Interrogated a n d Un m a s k e d

17-25 History that rescues and redeems the present María-Milagros Rivera-Garretas

27-43 Joining the Club: a spanish historic towns atlas? Howard B. Clarke

45-55 “Who is who” in Spanish medieval studies Germán Navarro

II Pa r t . Th e Pa s t St u d i e d a n d Me a s u r e d

59-82 Byzantium and the dark ages. A civilization on trial José Marín

83-112 The andalusian economy in the times of Almanzor. Administrative theory and economic reality through juridical and geographic sources Francisco Franco-Sánchez

113-132 loyalty, friendship and love in the letters of fulbert of chartres Analie Germain

133-160 The Christian message in Josep d’Abarimatie and Demanda del Santo Grial: conversion and charity through dialogue Catalina Girbea

161-175 the establishment of a modus vivendi between the franciscans and the clergy: vic - 1280-1357 Jill Webster

177-189 A Chronicler King: Rewriting History and the Quest for Image in the Catalan Chronicle of Peter III (1319- 1336/ 1387) Frédéric Alchalabi

191-225 Quonstituido en estrema vejez. Old age and life expectancy in Late Medieval Navarre Julia Baldó

Anglès.indd 13 08/06/2009 8:24:56 III Pa r t . Th e Pa s t Ex p l a i n e d a n d Re c r e a t e d

229-260 The Middle Ages in USA Cinema Juan Antonio Barrio

261-287 Medieval internet: research, knowledge and play, the new time travel Albert Sierra

Or i g i n a l s o f t h e Te x t s n o t Wr i t t e n i n En g l i s h

291-298 La historia que rescata y redime el presente María-Milagros Rivera-Garretas

299-308 ¿Quién es quién en el medievalismo español? Germán Navarro

309-329 Bizancio y la época oscura. Una civilización puesta a prueba José Marín

330-344 La economía andalusí en época de Almanzor. Teoría administrativa y realidad económica a través de las fuentes jurídicas y geográficas Francisco Franco-Sánchez

345-361 Fidelité, amitié et amour dans la correspondance de Fulbert de Chartres Analie Germain

362-386 Le message chretien dans le Josep d’Abarimatie et la Demanda del Santo Grial: conversion et charite a travers le dialogue Catalina Girbea

387-395 Un roi chroniqueur: réécriture de l’Histoire et quête de l’image politique dans la Chronique catalane de Pierre III (1319-1336/1387) Frédéric Alchalabi

396-425 Quonstituido en estrema vejez. Ancianidad y esperanza de vida en la Navarra bajomedieval Julia Baldó

426-452 La Edad Media en el cine de Estados Unidos Juan Antonio Barrio

453-465 Medieval Internet: recerca, coneixement i joc, la nova màquina del temps Albert Sierra

Anglès.indd 14 08/06/2009 8:24:56 I PART THE PAST INTERROGATED AND UNMASKED

Anglès.indd 15 08/06/2009 8:24:57 Anglès.indd 16 08/06/2009 8:24:57 HISTORY THAT RESCUES AND REDEEMS THE PRESENT

Ma r í a -Mi l a g r o s Ri v e r a -Ga r r e t a s Un i v e r s i t a t d e Ba r c e l o n a Spa i n

Date of reception: 8th of March, 2007 Final date of acceptance: 18th of December, 2007

Ab s t r a c t

I ask myself if the thinking of experience serves to untie a knot that oppresses and darkens current scientific historiography. The feminist historiography of equality of the sexes or gender has not found a new beginning that gives it its own originality and sense, but rather has adopted as its own that of western masculine historiography, that is the paternal genealogy, which, from the erudite movement of the 17th century, has considered objectivity as its touchstone. Not having found a new beginning has meant that feminist historiography of equality or gender has limited itself to repeating existing interpretations of the past. Because of this, the pain, protest and indignation of the women’s political movement in the 1970s at the absence of women in History is still valid thirty years later, with no greater response than the corroboration of the absence, that is the absence of the meta-narratives and the memory, not the documentation or the history. How can we find a new beginning for the history that is written today? How can we find a beginning that rescues and redeems me from the traumas of the past, such as the Spanish Civil War, the Holocaust, the disappearance of women and men under the dictatorships, the systematic rape of women in many contemporary wars, including those committed by troops from the UN, which my country belongs to? How can we avoid vengeance or political paralysis, while maintaining the historical memory alive?

Ke y w o r d s

Sexual difference, Philosophy of history, Spanish Civil War, Historical memory, True history.

Ca pi t a l i a v e r b a

Sexualis differentia, Historiae philosophia, Hispanicum civile bellum, Memoria historica, Vera historia.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 17-25. ISSN 1888-3931 17

Anglès.indd 17 08/06/2009 8:24:57 18 Mar í a -Mi l a g r o s Ri v e ra -Garr e t a s

1. The thinking of experience in the writing of history1

In this paper, I ask myself if the practice setting out from the self —in other words, the thinking of experience— can shed some light on the knot which oppresses and obscures current scientific historiography, including feminist historiography whose horizon of meaning is the principle of sexual equality, that is, gender history. Let us not forgetting that feminist historiography and the history of women are not synonymous. The knot of which I am speaking lies in the fact —an undeniable fact, after thirty- five years of historiographical studies generated by programmes of Women’s Studies or Gender Studies in hundreds of universities all around the world— that feminist historiography regarding equality or gender has not found a new beginnig to express itself in an original way, a voice which could be its source of meaning; rather it has adopted the discourse of Western male historiography, which is patriarchal, and which, since the 17th century, has considered objectivity to be its touchstone, which, with the help of one or several ideologies, has been used to guarantee the veracity of historical accounts. In patriarchal genealogy, historical veracity is established by paternity itself: the legitimacy of the son or daughter depends, not on trust upon their mother, but on methods which are beyond the sentimental relationship of the couple, objective and external methods such as the ordeal by hot iron, which was used in Europe as conclusive legal evidence in charges of female adultery until at least the 11th century, or the DNA test (deoxyribonucleic acid) —that traces the genetic map— of our own time. Perhaps this analogy helps to explain why, in debates about objectivity, female historians have scarcely intervened. The fact that no new beginning has been found has meant that feminist historiography regarding equality or gender has been forced to repeat existing interpretations of the past. Against these interpretations, they have simply contrasted feminine experience, without opening contradictions that could enrich and sharpen the political vocabulary. In other words, without contributing to putting conflicts between the sexes that can be documented nowadays, into words. That is why the cry of pain, protest and indignation from the women’s political movement of the 1970s due to the absence of women from History, thirty years on, is still present in this historical writing, with no answer but the corroboration of this absence, which is the absence of metanarratives and memory, not documentation or history. Let us look at an example. There is an event in Spanish contemporary history that has aroused, and still generates, a great deal of interest, one that is only exceeded by accounts of the discovery of America or the Inquisition.2 That event was the Civil War of 1936-1939. In the last few decades, many feminist historians have published scientifically impeccable research into the participation of women in this

1. I presented a oral of this paper in the XII Symposium of the Internationale Assoziation von Philosophinnen (Rome, 31st August — 3rd September 2006), dedicated to Il pensiero dell’esperienza, in the section Storia e memoria. 2. Dupláa, Christina. Memoria sí, venganza no en Josefina R. Aldecoa: ensayo sociohistórico de su narrativa. Bar- celona: Icaria, 2000: 57.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 17-25. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 18 08/06/2009 8:24:58 Hi s t o r y t h a t Re s c u e s a n d Re d e e m s t h e Pr e s e n t 19

terrible event. However, their interpretations repeat the male model of winners/ losers, fair war/unfair war, in a female way, and the nostalgia for a world which, in fact, never existed because of that war. In other words, women are included in history without finding a new beginning. There is no substantial difference: being a woman is not a source of meaning. Moreover, women’s presence in history books becomes an obstacle, since now we are in history without actually being in history. Teresa de Jesús, a great politician and interpreter of the sexual politics of her time, wrote that: “there’s a big difference between being and being”. What led university feminism to accept objectivity and paternal genealogy when it started to write history? If I narrate my own experience and that of women of my time, I would say that it was because of the hope with which we went to university: the hope of learning to express ourselves. We thought that at university history was made correctly, honestly, without cheating or the bitterness of treachery. And that is why we did not think about the necessity of a new beginning: we did not realise that, without a new beginning, our writing of history would lack originality and origin. However, some of us already sensed this at the time. I remember, at that time, more than twenty-five years ago, the most significant conflict that was discussed in the small feminist historians’ groups that were being founded in universities at that time. It was a conflict relating to practice. Some female historians wanted to separate history writing and political practice. “At university,” they said “we make history, and outside, we do politics”. Others wanted history writing to be a life experience. This conflict ended frequently because the groups split into two, abandoned by a lot of women who were anxious about the double bind. Hence it was the hope at the university such as it was what deprived feminist historiography of equality or gender of its originality. Many years later, I read a poem by Emily Dickinson about how misplaced hope can do much harm to a woman, which runs:

Had I presumed to hope — The loss had been to Me A Value — for the Greatness’ Sake — As Giants — gone away —

Had I presumed to gain A Favor so remote — The failure but confirm the Grace In further Infinite —

‘Tis failure — not of Hope — But Confident Despair — Advancing on Celestial Lists — With faint — Terrestrial Power —

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 17-25. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 19 08/06/2009 8:24:59 20 Mar í a -Mi l a g r o s Ri v e ra -Garr e t a s

‘Tis Honor — though I die — For That no Man obtain Till He be justified by Death — This — is the Second Gain —.3

“Giants gone away”, “further Infinite”, “Confident Despair”, “Celestial Lists with faint Terrestrial Power”, death as the second gain... The divide between thought and practice has caused the death of history connected with experience at universities. In this way, feminist historiography guided by the principle of equality has become history tamed, with no surprises, without the surprise of the truth. This can be seen, as mentioned previously, in the way their interpretations follow the model of confrontation, of the fair and the unfair war and, therefore, of the winners and the losers, female or male. And it is particularly noticeable in the fact that the present persists in demanding explanations from history which are free from the model of confrontation, explanations which “do not reopen wounds”, as we read occasionally in the press, almost always voiced by a woman. Because the significant events of the past, especially the traumatic ones, interpreted only within this model, often become recurring ghosts, if by ghosts we understand “a piece of detached reality..., a nucleus of it”.4 Even though history does not consist mainly of traumatic events, it is these that the present, at the end of the patriarchy, insists most vehemently on interpreting from a new beginning, other than that based on objectivity and paternal genealogy. Returning to the example of the Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939, when the dictatorship finished at the end of 1975, the ghost of the Civil War and fear of its repetition continued to darken the political life of my country. In order to avoid this and make a peaceful transition to democracy, the political parties of the time signed what was known as “the pact of forgetting”.5 This pact restrained the ghost of the Civil War but created another one: that of the lack of historical memory of this traumatic event which, without the memory of their experience, people cannot redeem nor rescue in order to obtain the “no to revenge, yes to memory”, which novelist Josefina Aldecoa —a “girl of the War”— was still asking for in 1997.6 In 2006, on the seventieth anniversary of the outbreak of the Civil War, many ceremonies were held and a large number of texts were published demanding historical documentation to rectify the consequences of the pact of forgetting. How- ever, these repeated the model of confrontation without finding a new beginning. Examples are the texts by Carmen Zulueta, daughter of a civil servant of the Repub- lic in Rome, who wrote in “El País” on 19th July 2006:

3. Dickinson, Emily. The Poems of Emily Dickinson, ed. Ralph W. Franklin. Cambridge (Mass.): The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1998: nº 669, Johnson 522. 4. Zambrano, María. Algunos lugares de la pintura, ed. Amalia Iglesias. Madrid: Acanto and Espasa Calpe, 1991: 65. 5. Dupláa, Christina. Memoria sí, venganza no…: 9. 6. Aldecoa, Josefina R. La fuerza del destino. Barcelona: Anagrama, 1997; quote in Dupláa, Christina. Memoria sí, venganza no ...: 68.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 17-25. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 20 08/06/2009 8:25:00 Hi s t o r y t h a t Re s c u e s a n d Re d e e m s t h e Pr e s e n t 21

The Republic did not create a state of disorder or crime. This was created by the military and the completely politicised church which favoured the fascists” (p. 14), or the text by Gregorio Marañón and Beltrán de Lis and Antonio López Vega in the same newspaper, that said, The drama of the Civil War could only be brought to a close forty years later, when those who made the transition achieved national reconciliation and recovered freedom. Those men did not sign a pact of forgetting, on the contrary, they could remember very well and that is why they were convinced that a past when, as Azaña wrote, ‘all Spanish people were sick with hatred’, was not a good foundation for a peaceful future for all concerned.7

Forgetting and remembering are, however, the same thing: there is no free interpretation, free from the given model mechanically repeated over and over again, repeated because, although it is not useful, it helps to remind us of the need for research. It is repeated because nobody has found a new beginning, a beginning that generates reality today, which signifies the political strength of experience in the place where experience finds itself today. A reality that does not follow the winners/ losers model nor looks for synthesis in reconciliation —“national reconciliation”, as they say in Spain (although we do not know how many nations there are) and, in Argentina, “Full Stop Law”, 8 because today this model seems abstract and ideological, distant from experience. People, myself included, feel that this is an interpretation which does not rescue or redeem the burden left by the traumatic historical event: because we are not seeking forgiveness, but meaning and internal change which can open me to a different order of relationships.

2. A new beginning that redeems the traumas of the past while keeping the memory alive

How can we find a new beginning for the history that is written today? How can we find a beginning for history which rescues and redeems me from the traumas of the past, such as the Spanish Civil War, the Holocaust, the disappearance of women and men under dictatorships, the systematic rape of women in the many current wars, including those committed by UN soldiers,9 an organisation of which my country is a member? How can we avoid revenge or political paralysis while keeping historical memory alive?

7. Marañón y Beltrán de Lis, Gregorio; López Vega, Antonio. “Cartas de la memoria: julio 1936”. El País, 19th July 2006: 13-14, 14. 8. Padoan, Daniela. Le pazze. Un incontro con le Madri di Plaza de Mayo. Milan: Bompiani, 2005: 261-262. 9. See, for example, “Cascos azules y agresiones sexuales”. Boletín de AFESIP. June 2006: 2-3. Asociación Somaly Mam-AFESIP España. 8 February 2007 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 17-25. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 21 08/06/2009 8:25:01 22 Mar í a -Mi l a g r o s Ri v e ra -Garr e t a s

Without trying to deny, in any way, that there are winners and losers in traumatic historical events, and having established this, I propose to look for a personal movement which allows the historical memory to be rescued from the dichotomous destiny which has weighed it down from generation to generation, like a recurring ghost, and prevents us from discovering the sense of the conflicts which ended in tragedy when it was no longer possible to use words, relations and the relational conflict. I think that this movement, which is an internal change, can be born out of the experiences of today’s female historians, as an unexpected but necessary movement which does not distance itself from the reality of historical events, which does not result in metanarrative. Thirty years ago, in the political movement of women, many female historians focussed on a sentence by Virginia Woolf in A Room of One’s Own, which said: “All these infinitely obscure lives remain to be recorded, I said”.10 We understood then that the infinitely dark lives were those of common women, especially from the southern hemisphere, lives that nobody had bothered to document, reconstruct and narrate. So we set to work and recovered the history of many female figures and feminine relationship contexts; but we did so through social history and left-wing thinking in general, without finding a beginning that would be a source of meaning and originality for our works. Today I understand that the infinitely dark lives are those of us female historians ourselves: my life when I write history. I discovered this whilst reflecting on a recent book by Marirì Martinengo, a short book that has taken her whole life to write, entitled La voce del silenzio. Memoria e storia di Maria Massone, donna ‘sottratta’.11 The title “The voice of silence” is not new (I would say that most languages have at least one book about the history of women with this title) but the meaning suggested by the title is new. Until now, a title like this meant that the female historian gave a voice to other women who had not had one. Now, however, it means that it is the female historian who is no longer silent, talking about her own history and, thereby and from her own experience, she questions and interprets history. “There is a living history inside every one of us, writes Marirì Martinengo, comprised of memories, emotions and unconscious signals; I do not think that only those things on the outside have historical value, that which someone else has certified, the famous objective history. I narrate a living history which does not reject imagination, an imagination which has its roots in personal experience, a truer history because it does not remove the reasons for love, it does not dismiss the relationships of its cognitive process.”12 I believe that it is the living history inside every female historian that is still infinitely dark when a university woman writes history. Bringing out that history and putting it into words, like demons were released from the body in exorcisms and ca- thartic therapy, is a very interesting way of writing history setting out from the self.

10. Woolf, Virginia. “A Room of One’s Own”. ebooks@Adelaide. 15 March 2006: ch. 5. The University of Ad- elaide Library. 8 February 2007 . 11. Martinengo, Marirì. La voce del silenzio. Memoria e storia di Maria Massone, donna “sottratta”. Ricordi, immagini, documenti. Genova: ECIG, 2005. 12. Martinengo, Marirì. La voce del silenzio…: 21 (her italics).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 17-25. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 22 08/06/2009 8:25:02 Hi s t o r y t h a t Re s c u e s a n d Re d e e m s t h e Pr e s e n t 23

This opens up some old wounds in me and creates an explicit and fearsome conflict with my closest genealogy, my origins, my mother and father. If politics is born of contradiction and conflict, I think that history is also born there, true history and the symbolic in history writing. This is because I think that the conflict arises from my idealisation of my mother, from not wanting to remember anything else other than the happiness of childhood, without confronting the negative aspect of my relationship with her,13 without facing up to what led me to contribute in the end to the patriarchy, separating myself from her for years. At the same time, I recognise that creation and creativity are born from a link to the sources of childhood —from the adult’s connection with one’s origin. The question about true history is a very female question. It contrasts with the question about objectivity, which, as I have said, is of little interest to us. María Zambrano said about true history, “... apochyphal history —which is no less accurate— [...] hides true history. In this way, apochyphal history almost constantly suffocates true history, that which philosophical reason tries to reveal and establish, and poetic reason tries to rescue”.14 Marirì’s book constantly talks about rescue: rescue not to add to or to fill an existing vacuum in existing history, nor to judge —as she says she was tempted to do at first— but rather to redeem, thinking with love, to dedicate oneself to loving conversation, to bring love into the vocabulary of history, and hence into the vocabulary of politics. I think that in each human life there is a thread which connects us to our first love —the love of a mother giving me body and word— and that this thread can be felt in the gut call. “She has called me ever since; as the dead call, of course”, is how the book La voce del silenzio begins. How can we put into words and narrate the living history hidden inside each of us? Marirì Martinengo proposes that we start from the shortages, negligences and gaps in the interpretation of what already exists (p. 88), without ignoring the silence of her character and the silence around her, amalgamating it all with the mercury of her own relationship with Her, with the gut call that She left. She writes:

I base my work on specific and controllable documents: the images which I have, of her and the family, the photography of the places where she lived, the objects she held in her hands, the information from the civil register; in my narration memories and memories of memories converge, both mine and those of others, I assert psychological characteristics hidden in the creases of the portraits, without disdaining the use occasional of imagination anchored in practical knowledge; I collect all the elements, make them come alive with interpretations and reinter- pretations, and I melt them in the fire of my relationship withHer (p. 90).

Rescuing and redeeming the history that lies in me is not an attempt to revalue a woman or a common past experience, rather it is, or could be, a mediation which

13. On negativity: Diótima. La magica forza del negativo. Naples: Liguori, 2005. 14. Zambrano, María. “La tumba de Antígona”, Senderos. Los intelectuales en el drama de España. La tumba de Antígona. Barcelona: Anthropos, 1986: 199-265; 201.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 17-25. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 23 08/06/2009 8:25:03 24 Mar í a -Mi l a g r o s Ri v e ra -Garr e t a s

redeems me and some of my contemporaries from a recurring ghost, from a past crime which still burdens us in the present, from a historical event captive of ideological interpretations. In other words, it is an attempt to absolve myself —to absolve my time— from ghosts and crimes of the past. Or to be absolved from them by the grace of a political relationship. I have learned this from the countess of Barcelona, Dhuoda, a 9th-century writer who wrote in the Liber manualis dedicated to her two sons, who her husband had taken from her:

Although I am unworthy and fragile, exiled, sunk in mud and always tending towards the lowest, a trust wortly and friendly female consort is always with me to absolve the sins of your people. (Epigram)15

The crime to be absolved in this fragment is that of her husband and his friends, who were using Dhuoda’s sons as hostages in power struggles between Charle- magne’s grandchildren. But not in order to absolve or forgive them (the offenders), but in order to free herself, to absolve herself, to liberate herself —Dhuoda— from this crime, which would not let her live in peace. And to be able to create. Bringing the history that lies in each of us to light, and doing so with a method which combines critical erudition with thought that can decipher feelings (María Zambrano), can, in my opinion, be a symbolic revolution moment which does not perpetuate hatred and revenge, which draws the attention of male and female readers, lovers of history, back to historical writing. These readers who, since the end of the 80s, have preferred to look to the historical novel for accounts of traumatic events that historical writing based on objectivity and the winners/losers model has been unable to rescue or redeem. If I look at my experience, I find that the history that lies inside me is the necessity to bring to the world a peace, which has as a reference neither war nor the absence of war. Therefore, my irreducible is not “No War”, but rather how to make war unthinkable. I can say that I have been involved in this my whole life, and the origins for this are the stories about the Spanish Civil War heard at home during my childhood, stories of a war which cut off the life plans of my mother and father —who were twenty-three and twenty-two when it broke out— and which cut them off not because they lost the war, but despite the fact that they won it. This history manifested itself in me, firstly, in my incapacity to learn and explain the history of wars in class. Later, this appeared as a symptom of distress and frustration when trying to explain the history of the Shoah or the Holocaust. For several years, I taught the Current Historiographical Trends in my university department. When I came to the historiography of the Holocaust, the participation

15. “Licet sim indignans, fragilis et exul, limo revoluta, trahens ad imma, / est tamen michi consors amica fidaque, de tuis relaxandi crimina”, in Dhuoda. Handbook for her Warrior Son. Liber Manualis, Latin text and trans. Marcelle Thiébaux. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998: 44, letters L and E; (I differ from her translation).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 17-25. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 24 08/06/2009 8:25:04 Hi s t o r y t h a t Re s c u e s a n d Re d e e m s t h e Pr e s e n t 25

of the students was extremely intense. They read and commented on all kinds of works, made audiovisual reports, recovered testimony from survivors, etc. But, in the end, I was not satisfied. The degree of interest worried me. I was not satisfied because, behind the scenes, hatred of the German people for the crime committed was always present. That is to say, there was no rescue, no redemption from guilt or from memory, because that is not possible while hatred prevails. And, if there is no redemption, history can repeat itself. There was no rescue or redemption from memory because I did not know how to find the narrow door that would allow love into the interpretation of history. I did not dare —they were large and very politicised classes— to put my personal experience into play, the experience which I had closer at hand and which was that of another crime inherited from history, and inherited specifically from the history of my father and mother: the Spanish Civil War. Bringing out the history inside each one of us, and going beyond —not against— the victim/tyrant model, changes the history of traumatic events because it changes the female historian and, with her, it changes the history which she will write and explain, freeing both from the control of the dominant thought, whose horizon is war or the absence of it. In my opinion, becoming independent from this horizon frees the ghosts of the past, not by forgetting or demanding memory, but by rescuing and redeeming it through an opening of my conscience the other, to another conscience, which, in turn, will allow me to move towards another order of relationships in my present,16 one which has room, however small, for love among the guilty feelings and desire for revenge that are consequences of traumatic events in history. This is a movement of internal change that helps to make thinkable a world without war. I think that to invent mediations in order to be able to say out loud that peace —unmitigated peace without so many rights, peace which goes further than (not against) history itself— is the condition of human life, is the most urgent political problem of our time.

16. The idea (of Cristina Campo) of the move to another order of relationships, in Muraro, Luisa. Il Dio delle donne. Milan: Mondadori, 2003: 63-64.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 17-25. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 25 08/06/2009 8:25:04 Anglès.indd 26 08/06/2009 8:25:04 Joining the Club: a Spanish Historic Towns Atlas?

Ho war d B. Cl ar k e Ro y a l Ir i s h Ac a d e m y Ir e l a n d

Date of reception: 20th of March, 2007 Final date of acceptance: 7th of March, 2008

Ab s t r a c t

The background to the historic towns atlas project of the International Com- mission for the History of Towns is explained briefly. Variations from the standard model laid down in the 1960s are discussed and components of a recommended methodology are suggested. Spain has long been represented on the commission, yet no historic town atlases have been published to date. The country has a distinguished urban past, rich archival resources and well-preserved townscapes. Spanish scholars are urged to re-engage with this international programme in a proactive way. In particular Spain’s medieval past provides a spectacular example, spanning both Atlantic Europe and Mediterranean Europe, of the importance of map making and map usage.

Ke y w o r d s

Atlases, Comparative urban history, Maps, Topographical information, Urban form.

Ca pi t a l i a v e r b a

Atlantes, Historia urbana Collana, Geographicae tabulae, Res topographicae, Ratio urbium.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931 27

Anglès.indd 27 08/06/2009 8:25:05 28 Ho war d B. Cl ar k e

Spanish (and Portuguese) readers may be familiar with the volume published in 1994 entitled Atlas histórico de ciudades europeas.1 This atlas came about as an initiative of the Centre de Cultura Contemporània de Barcelona, in collaboration with the Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya. It contains essays by various authors, and combinations of authors, and it deals with eleven large towns and cities, two of them in Portugal (Lisbon and Oporto) and the others in Spain, including Madrid.2 The essays are built round major themes, presented in broadly chronological order, and they are sumptuously illustrated by means of numerous maps, photographs and graphs, as well as plans of parts of these places, historical prospects, architectural profiles and other types of image. This is a high-quality publication in large- book format. Two years later a similar work was published on a comparable range of French towns and cities.3 The main difference between this and its Iberian predecessor is that the French atlas devotes more space to the distribution of social groups, particularly in an ‘epilogue’ equipped with special maps and population statistics.4 A third volume, this time for Britain, was prepared but never published and the series appears to have come to a standstill. The organizers of the Atlas histórico de ciudades europeas were fully aware of the existence of another international atlas of historic towns —the one issued under the academic umbrella of the International Commission for the History of Towns (ICHT), which had commenced publication in 1969.5 In their introduction, the editors made a number of criticisms of the ICHT’s project. One was the alleged emphasis on the historical period before c. 1800, in other words, on the pre-industrial town. Another was the slow pace of publication, this being a legitimate criticism in the case of some of the participating countries, though by no means all of them. Thirdly, differences in approach between one country and another were cited as another weakness, again with a good deal of justification and giving rise to a legitimate concern about the utility of these town atlases for strictly comparative purposes. Fourthly, it was implied that, in practice if not in principle, the large towns or cities had for the most part been ignored or at least had not then (c. 1994) seen the light of day.6 Finally it

1. Atlas histórico de ciudades europeas. 1. Península Ibérica, Manuel Guàrdia, Francisco J. Monclús, José L. Oyón, eds. Barcelona: Salvat, 1994. 2. The Spanish towns and cities, in alphabetical order, are as follows: Barcelona, Bilbao, Granada, Ma- drid, Málaga, Seville, Valencia, Valladolid and Zaragoza. 3. Atlas historique des villes de France, Jean-Luc Pinol, ed. Paris: Hachette, 1996. The selection, again in alphabetical order, is as follows: Bordeaux, Lille, Lyon, Marseille, Montpellier, Nantes, Paris, Rouen, Strasbourg and Toulouse. 4. Atlas historique des villes de France…: 310-318. 5. In those days the chairman of the ICHT was Philippe Wolff of the University of Toulouse. Amongst other things, he was acutely aware of linguistic nuances of the full range of European languages, as is evidenced by his book Wolff, Philippe. Western Languages AD 100–1500, trans. Frances Partridge. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971. In the ICHT atlas project, various solutions have been adopted in relation to this phenomenon. 6. By that date, atlases of Cologne, London (down to c. 1520) and Vienna had been published; also two parts of an atlas of the city of Rome, in a scheme that bears little relationship to the ICHT’s recommended methodology.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 28 08/06/2009 8:25:05 Jo i n i n g t h e Cl u b : A spa n i s h hi s t o r i c to w n s at l a s ? 29

was claimed that the ICHT’s atlas expressed little interest in the ‘hidden dimension’ (dimensión oculta) of the urban form, that is to say, the socio-functional one.7 It has to be admitted that there are substantial grounds for at least some of these criticisms. Qualifications, however, are also necessary. The accusation of comparative neglect of the period after c. 1800 may have been influenced to a large extent by the nature of the British atlas itself (the first to be published) and by a review of the ICHT’s project that appeared in 1981.8 The essays in the British atlas do indeed take the story down to the end of the eighteenth century and the principal reconstruction map in each case shows the town c. 1800 together with major features present in the late medieval period. On the other hand, the historical information that is a normal feature of the Rhenish atlas takes in the nineteenth century as a matter of course and continues down to the late twentieth century under some headings.9 The Irish atlas brings its topographical information down to c. 1900 in all 22 sections and for important features even down to the present day.10 In the special case of the Croatian atlas, which admittedly is one of the late starters, a considered decision was made to record each town’s history down to the present for two reasons: first, the radical transformations that took place in many Croatian towns during the socialist period and, secondly, the destruction brought about in the course of the ‘Fatherland War’ of the late twentieth century.11 It is generally true that the ‘hidden dimension’ of socio-functional analysis has not received much emphasis, though a

7. These criticisms occur in Spanish and in French respectively at p. xii. 8. Historic Towns: Maps and Plans of Towns and Cities in the British Isles, with Historical Commentaries, from Ear- liest Times to 1800, Mary D. Lobel, ed. Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, no date [1969]: vol. I; Borg Wik, Lempi; Hall, Thomas. “Urban history atlases: a survey of recent publications.” Urban History Yearbook, 8 (1981): 66-75, note 6. The towns in the first volume of the British atlas are as follows: Banbury, Caernar- von (in Wales), Glasgow (in Scotland), Gloucester, Hereford, Nottingham, Reading and Salisbury. 9. Rheinischer Städteatlas (Bonn), seventeen parts (Lieferungen) to date, starting in 1972. This is especially true of section V, dealing with the economic and social structure of the town in question. There are now in effect five German atlas projects that come under the embrace of the ICHT. Second off the mark was the Deutscher Städteatlas (Münster), starting in 1973 and comprising five completed parts (Lieferungen) and one incomplete one published in the year 2000. Altogether fifty-one towns were included in this series, a few of which were places that are now situated in Lithuania, Poland and Russia: for example, Breslau (= Wrocław), Königsberg (= Kaliningrad) and Memel (= Klaipèda). Next came the Westfälischer Städteatlas (Münster), nine parts (Lieferungen) to date, starting in 1975, followed much later by the Hessischer Städteatlas (Marburg), two completed parts (Lieferungen) plus two individual towns to date, starting in 2005. Most recently of all, a successor to the Deutscher Städteatlas called the Deutscher historischer Städteatlas was begun by the Institut für vergleichende Städtegeschichte (Insti- tute for Comparative Urban History) in Münster, starting with Quedlinburg in 2006. 10. Irish Historic Towns Atlas, twenty fascicles to date, starting in 1986. In addition, ancillary publications are issued from time to time. To date there have been three large-scale historical maps (of Belfast, Dublin and New Ross) and two books, the one dealing with a unique set of annotated plans of Georgian Belfast and the other being a catalogue of maps and views of Derry/Londonderry. 11. Povijesni atlas gradova, four volumes to date, starting in 2003. Thus, for example, Bjelovar was at- tacked and partly destroyed on 29 September 1991: Slukan Alti, Mirela. Bjevolar. Povijesni atlas gradova. I. Zagreb: Hrvatski državni arhiv, 2003: 204.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 29 08/06/2009 8:25:06 30 Ho war d B. Cl ar k e

conspicuous exception is the Scandinavian atlas, which usually contains impressive numbers of socio-topographical maps and sometimes statistical data as well.12

1. The Stoob model

By now it will have become apparent to all readers that considerable variations do exist as between the various national atlases in the ICHT’s project. In practice, and for a wide variety of reasons, many atlases depart from the original model, at least to some degree. Accordingly it will next be necessary to review the basic methodology, a brief outline of which is given in a listing of all ICHT atlas publications issued in 1998.13 This in turn was based on a reaffirmation, by a working group meeting in Münster in 1995, of the original guidelines agreed back in 1968. These guidelines were explained in English quite fully and very clearly by their principal author, Heinz Stoob, in a volume of conference proceedings published over twenty years ago.14 Four key maps were identified as the essential core of the towns atlas project: 1. Map 1, a cadastral map (German Katasterkarte) reproduced in colour at the scale of 1:2,500 and showing the pre-industrial town. Stoob’s ideal date for such a map was c. 1830, though he recognized that some (German) towns, such as Freiburg im Breisgau, do not possess a cadastral map dating from the first half of the nineteenth century. These maps are to some degree constructed by the superimposition of a standard system of colours (generally four) to indicate different categories of building. Stoob further recommended that (modern) contour lines be superimposed on this map. 2. Map 2, a regional map (German Umlandkarte) reproduced at the scale of 1:25,000 or smaller (down to 1:100,000). These maps date generally from the first half of the nineteenth century and are printed more or less as in the original. 3. Map 3, a modern town plan (German Stadtkarte) reproduced at the scale of 1:5,000. Again this is a given product provided by the official mapping agency in each country.

12. Scandinavian Atlas of Historic Towns, ten fascicles to date, starting in 1977. The three Scandinavian countries (Denmark, Norway and Sweden), along with Finland and Iceland, decided to form themselves into a Nordic union for town atlas purposes. So far, four Danish towns, three Finnish towns, three Swedish towns and Reykjavík in Iceland have been published and work is well advanced on an atlas of Helsinki. 13. Simms, Anngret; Opll, Ferdinand. List of the European Atlases of Historic Towns. Brussels: Archief- en Bibliotheekwezen in België/Archives et Bibliothèques de Belgique, 1998: 7. Nowadays an up-to-date internet site is maintained by Ferdinand Opll in Vienna: http://www.wien.gv.at/kultur/archiv/koopera- tionen/lbi/staedteatlas/bibliographie, which is accessible also in French and in German. 14. Stoob, Heinz. “The historic town atlas: problems and working methods”, The Comparative History of Urban Origins in Non-Roman Europe: Ireland, Wales, Denmark, Germany, Poland and Russia from the Ninth to the Thirteenth Century, Howard B. Clarke, Anngret Simms, eds. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports (International Series, no. 255), 1985: II, 583-615.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 30 08/06/2009 8:25:07 Jo i n i n g t h e Cl u b : A spa n i s h hi s t o r i c to w n s at l a s ? 31

4. An interpretative map showing phases of growth (German Wachstumsphasenkarte). This should preferably be based on map 1 and be reproduced either at the same scale or at that of map 3 (i.e. 1:2,500 or 1:5,000). These maps are prepared by the author from a wide variety of sources and are most relevant for medium-sized and large towns. This type of map is particularly helpful as a companion to the interpretative essay that Stoob also prescribed as an essential component. In addition Stoob referred to supplementary maps (German Beikarten) together with various types of illustration to complete the predetermined sequence of primary materials. These include socio-topographical maps, distribution maps, period (early) maps, prospects and aerial photographs. Near the beginning of his essay, Stoob says: ‘After [Hektor] Ammann’s death a generally acceptable cartographic scheme for the Historic Town Atlas, produced by myself, was discussed at the 1967 meeting in Switzerland and was finally accepted,following my own report, in 1968 at Oxford’.15 In the light of this statement it is perhaps reasonable to refer to the standard methodology as the Stoob model. Since then, over 400 town atlases have been published in a large number of European countries (Fig. 1). Across the continent the rate of publication has averaged around ten per annum, a not inconsiderable achievement. Stoob himself identified a number of problems, such as how to handle very large towns (cities), how to compensate for gaps in the primary sources, and the length of the interpretative essay. Other difficulties relate to the financial cost of preparing and publishing town atlases, the relatively low sales figures, and the failure of some countries to produce any atlases at all in the ICHT programme. Here we shall ask a different question: how well has the Stoob model stood the test of time?

2. Variations on a theme

One weakness in the Stoob model is his apparent belief that the cadastral map represents, almost as a matter of course, a pristine, pre-industrial picture. At one point in his 1985 essay he says: ‘… we insist on emphasizing the importance of original source material, which is normally provided by the undisturbed urban pattern prior to the first exact survey’.16 Yet some towns and cities underwent significant remodelling before the ‘ideal’ date of c. 1830. One example is Novgorod in northern Russia, whose street pattern on both banks of the River Volkhov was radically changed in the late eighteenth century, hence the physical survival of large numbers of medieval streets. Another example is Dublin in Ireland, where a body known as the Wide Streets Commission began quite an extensive programme of

15. Stoob, Heinz. “Historic town atlas”…: 584 (italics mine). Hektor Ammann was one of the founding fathers of the ICHT atlas project and the second president of the commission. 16. Stoob, Heinz. “Historic town atlas”…: 602 (italics mine).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 31 08/06/2009 8:25:08 32 Ho war d B. Cl ar k e

street widening c. 1760. In cases such as these, therefore, a c. 1830 cadastral map does not represent an ‘undisturbed urban pattern’. A second weakness is the shortness of the interpretative essay, especially in the case of the larger towns. Stoob was very prescriptive about the length of the essay, limiting it to not more than two pages of print on a standard, large-format map sheet or, as he put it for a pre-computer readership, twelve pages of typescript. An experimental comparison of four cities treated in four different national atlases is summarized in the accompanying table17. A meaningful comparative treatment of these cities as they developed in the medieval period, based solely on the ICHT resource, proved to be extremely difficult. One of the main reasons for this was that some of the essays were much too short; the atlas resource was inadequate for this purpose18.

Table summarizing the contents of four city atlases

Attributes Cologne Dublin London Vienna (Köln) (Wien)

Date of Deutscher No. 11 (2002) Vol. 3 (1989; Part 1, no. publication Städte-atlas, 2nd edn, 1991) 3 (1982) part 2, no. 6 (1979)

Text/essay 3,600+ 13,000 (11,000) 56,000 (28,000) 4,300+ (medieval) (1,600+) words; 36 pp. words; 56 pp. (2,200+) words; 4pp. words; 4 pp.

Text maps None 6 None None

Map 1, 1836-7 1846-7 c. 1270 at 1829 1:2,500 and later 1:5,000; c. 1520 at 1:2,500 (4 parts)

Map 2, c. 1840 1860 (1:50,000) Reconstruction 1809-19 1:25,000

Map 3, 1975 2000 None 1975-9 1:5,000

17. In the second row of the table, the plus signs in the columns for Cologne and Vienna indicate that the compound noun system that is such a strong feature of the German language tends to produce an underestimate of the number of words when compared with a text in English. The figures in brackets in all four columns relate to the medieval part of the essay in each case. All word counts here are rough estimates. 18. For the Irish atlas the length of the essay varies between 8.000 and 12.000 words, depending on the size of the town and a consideration of the available space.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 32 08/06/2009 8:25:09 Jo i n i n g t h e Cl u b : A spa n i s h hi s t o r i c to w n s at l a s ? 33

Other maps Growth map Medieval map at London area Growth map with dates; 2 1:2500; growth in pre-Roman with dates; thematic (1 map; period times; Roman cadastral plan at medieval); map map, 1610; London; me- 1:10,000, 1818- with key, 1752 municipal map, dieval wards; 29; boundary 1837; plans parishes changes

Other 1 prospect 2 reconstruct- None 3 prospects illustrations ions; vignettes; aerial photograph

Referenced None 22 sections Gazetteer in a None topographical single alpha- information betical list

Bibliography General + General and Footnotes + list Footnotes footnotes specific + of abbreviations footnotes

Ancillary None Medieval None Historical at- publications map with las (11 parts); introduction commentaries and site list (5 volumes)

In addition to the problems highlighted by Stoob himself and the two weaknesses in the model that he prescribed for Europe outlined above, there have in practice been many departures from the original formula.19 One of these relates to the basic format, for some atlases have been published in book format from the start and with a far smaller print area, thereby effectively precluding the possibility of producing maps at the recommended scales. This applies to the Belgian20 and Croatian atlases, neither of which includes the standard map sequence. Other national atlases that have been issued in the larger format nevertheless lack one or more of the essential cartographical core as envisaged by Stoob. A conspicuous example here is the French atlas, which contains only an historical reconstruction map at the scale of 1:2,500.21 The British atlas is rather similar, for its regional maps are also reconstructions showing the general location and main roads to c. 1800. Neither of these atlases has a modern town plan, this also being an omission from both of the Italian atlases.22 None of the atlases mentioned thus far in this paragraph provides a

19. As noted over a quarter of a century ago by the reviewers cited above, n. 8. 20. Historische stedenatlas van België/Atlas historique des villes de Belgique, three volumes to date, starting in 1990. 21. Atlas historique des villes de France, ten parts to date each containing a number of towns plus six individual towns, starting in 1982. 22. The Atlante storico delle città italiane has been published in two schemes, the one based at Bologna and dealing with northern Italy together with Sardinia, the other based at Rome and dealing with central and southern Italy. In both schemes, which began publication in 1986, towns are grouped by regions such as Emilia-Romagna and Tuscany. The cities of Bologna and Rome are treated in several volumes arranged by period.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 33 08/06/2009 8:25:10 34 Ho war d B. Cl ar k e

growth map. The Czech and Dutch atlases do have growth maps, but lack an up-to- date town plan.23 One of the late starters, the Swiss atlas, lacks a classic growth map and its cadastral plan is not (thus far) in full colour.24 What all this means is that only a small number of the national atlases conform sufficiently closely to the Stoob model for meaningful comparisons to be made without the aid of other materials. The most perfect examples from this point of view are the Austrian,25 all five German and the Irish atlases. The Czech, Dutch, Polish,26 Romanian,27 and Swiss atlases come near to the ideal, whereas the Belgian, British, Croatian, French, Italian and Scandinavian productions depart furthest from the model and are the least valuable for strictly comparative purposes across the continent of Europe. Even these, of course, contain a great deal of accurate information and create comparative possibilities within each of these countries. One other significant variation has already been alluded to, though it is one that does not in any way detract from the broader comparative dimension. This is the inclusion of detailed and fully referenced topographical information in the Irish and Rhenish atlases. The former was modelled on the latter to some degree and represents a significant improvement (Fig. 2). First, all sites in sections 11-22 are located by street, by position (in terms of compass direction) on the street where this is known, and by a grid reference if the site is not shown on one of the key maps. Secondly, the necessary abbreviations employed for reference purposes are relatively user-friendly and do not depend excessively on contracted forms. Thirdly, the topographical information is punctuated by black and white vignettes of particular buildings by way of illustration. On the other hand, the Rhenish atlas does not indicate in the topographical information section itself where each site is located, depends on se- verely contracted abbreviations, and contains no illustrations (Fig. 3). The style of presentation amounts essentially to a long series of historical notes in each of the

23. Historický atlas mst eské republiky, eighteen fascicles to date, starting in 1995; Historische stedenatlas van Nederland, seven fascicles to date, starting in 1982. 24. Historischer Städteatlas der Schweiz/Atlas historique des villes suisses/Atlante storico delle città svizzere, three fascicles to date, starting in 1997. Some technical improvements are planned for this atlas. 25. Österreichischer Städteatlas, ten parts (Lieferungen) to date, starting in 1982. Special provision has been made for the city of Vienna: Banik-Schweitzer, Renate; Czeike, Felix; Meißl, Gerhard; Opll, Ferdi- nand,.eds. Historischer Atlas von Wien. 11 parts. Vienna and Munich: Jugend und Volk Verlagsgesellschaft mbH and Jugend und Volk, 1981-2002 (Edition Wien: Verlags GmbH, 2003-2007), issued in a large format and using the cartographic conventions of the Österreichischer Städteatlas itself. In addition five volumes of commentary in normal book format have been published. Together these resources make Vienna by far the most comprehensively mapped city, to this exceptionally high standard, in the whole of Europe. 26. Atlas historyczny miast polskich/Historischer Atlas polnischer Städte, thirteen fascicles to date, starting in 1993. In 2001 an atlas of Wroclaw (= Breslau) was published for the second time, the first constituting part 4, no. 5 of the Deutsche Städteatlas in 1989. 27. Atlas istoric al oraselor din România, five fascicles to date, starting in 2000. Like the Italian atlas, this ^ one is arranged by regions, including the Romanian part of Moldova.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 34 08/06/2009 8:25:11 Jo i n i n g t h e Cl u b : A spa n i s h hi s t o r i c to w n s at l a s ? 35

five main sections and their subdivisions.28 In theory it would be possible to take a selection of Irish and Rhenish towns and to produce an in-depth comparative study, but such an undertaking might well prove to be fairly arduous in practice. An additional reason for so thinking is that, by an extraordinary omission, there is no interpretative essay in the Rhenish atlas; the story has to be pieced together from the topographical information and from the maps and other illustrative material.

3. An agenda for Spain

If Spanish scholars are to join the club in a serious manner, they should give the matter a great deal of serious thought beforehand. The ICHT’s atlas project is impressive in many ways, not least in the willingness of representatives of so many European countries to come together in a co-operative spirit. Indeed, from time to time a Spanish representative has appeared on the scene, but without any tangible results29. This great international programme needs reinforcement on the right lines. In particular the Mediterranean part of the continent —the mare nostrum of the ancient Romans— is unevenly represented at the moment, for the Italian atlas is seriously out of step with the Stoob model, the French have neglected totally the south-eastern part of their country and barely adhere to the model in any case, while the Greeks have published nothing so far. We can at least look forward in due course to one or two Croatian town atlases for the northern part of the Adriatic region. It is obviously desirable that a Spanish historic towns atlas should conform to best practice.30 What that amounts to is, to some extent, a matter of personal opinion; on the other hand, the crucial prospects for genuine comparative research should be borne constantly in mind as a means of assessing the correct criteria for a satisfactory methodology. In other words, the best models to follow belong to the first grouping mentioned above (Austria, Germany and Ireland). If that is agreed, a number of technical aspects need to be considered before final decisions are made. The following points are made without any specific knowledge of the precise circumstances in Spain itself.

28. The five main sections relate to settlement; topography; lordship and community; churches, schools, hospitals and cultural groups; and the economic and social structure of each town. The Hessischer Städt- eatlas contains much smaller amounts of referenced material. By way of exception in the British atlas, medieval London was provided with a gazetteer of the principal sites, arranged in alphabetical order. To treat London, or any other city of comparable size, on either the Irish model or the Rhenish model would amount to a gargantuan task. 29. This is not to say that excellent atlases have not been produced in Spain in recent times. See, for example, Centro de Documentación y Estudios para la Historia de Madrid. Madrid, atlas histórico de la cuidad: siglos IX-XIX. Barcelona: Lunwerg, 1995; Madrid, atlas histórico de la ciudad: 1850-1939. Barcelona: Lunwerg, 2001; Arizaga, Beatriz. Atlas de villas medievales de Vasconia: Bizcaia. Donostia, 2006. 30. Stoob alluded briefly to a pioneering attempt by the German author Jürgens, Oskar.Spanische Städte: ihre bauliche Entwicklung und Ausgestaltung, ed. Wilhelm Giese. Hamburg: Kommissions-verlag L. Fried- erichsen & Co. (Historic town atlas), 1926: 583.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 35 08/06/2009 8:25:12 36 Ho war d B. Cl ar k e

The essential cartographical core has to be based on the Stoob model, including the map scales and the colour coding for map 1. These maps are the most instantly recognizable tools for a comparative study of urban form since the first half of the nineteenth century, though bearing in mind the possibility of major or even minor remodelling of a townscape before that time. The growth map relates everything back to earlier periods and can be drawn up in a number of different ways. The Austrian and German atlases use a sophisticated combination of lines and shading (sometimes in black and white, sometimes in colour), together with key dates and other textual information. It is important not to make these maps too crowded or complicated, for otherwise they tend to lose some of their potential impact. The Irish growth maps use a system of basic colour shading only, since all of the specific details are embedded in the topographical information section. Another indispensable component is an interpretative essay, preferably written by one person in the case of atlases that have more than one author. The essay should be long enough to deal adequately with each town’s historical development, the prime focus being on morphological evolution. In other words, the aim should not be to write a conventional history of a town, but to concentrate on an interpretation of the cartographical and other illustrative material, together with any detailed topographical information that may also be included. Finally there should be a bibliography of the primary and secondary sources for the town, presented either separately or in a single alphabetical sequence. As Stoob himself observed and as other compilers of town atlases have provided, a range of supplementary illustrations can be added to these minimum requirements for a successful programme. Town prospects, some dating from quite an early period, lend character to a town atlas and provide useful details about defensive works and building profiles with varying degrees of verisimilitude. Maps dating from before the exact surveys that began to be made in many European countries in the first half of the nineteenth century contain invaluable information of many different kinds, sometimes in large amounts, despite the lack of planimetric accuracy. They often have a high aesthetic quality, too, and attract prospective buyers. Socio-topographical maps can be constructed from historical data, mainly for the modern period but sometimes for the late Middle Ages. Stoob’s advocacy of distribution maps (German Verbreitungskarten) has rarely been implemented, despite the utility of the example that he cited.31 A recent aerial photograph can reveal early features in a modern context; the choice here is whether to use a vertical or an oblique image, for both have particular advantages. Carefully selected photographs from up to a century ago can illustrate the earlier character of a town centre, or of individual buildings of special significance. An inexpensive yet highly effective technique is to embed black and white text figures in the interpretative essay. These can clarify difficult topographical issues or even illustrate the stages of growth of the town, or of parts

31. Stoob, Heinz. “Historic town atlas”…: 610 and plate 22. XIII, showing the linen-weaving district of Isny in Baden-Württemberg. As it happens, some of this small town’s products were being exported as far as Spain in the late Middle Ages.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 36 08/06/2009 8:25:13 Jo i n i n g t h e Cl u b : A spa n i s h hi s t o r i c to w n s at l a s ? 37

thereof, at separate points in a long historical progression through time. Finally a reproduction of the town seal has been a standard feature of the published atlases. Beyond these additions there is the whole question of whether a towns atlas programme should itself provide substantial amounts of purely historical information. Stoob himself envisaged a later, separate edition of textual material for the Deutscher Städteatlas, though this has not so far been realized. Long ago, the ICHT began to sponsor a parallel project, aimed at publishing limited selections of important original documents dating from the beginning of the Middle Ages down to c. 1250. In practice this scheme has had a chequered history and remains substantially incomplete.32 As part of its non-standard programme, the Belgian atlas has included one volume of ‘typological dossiers’.33 The last publication in the Deutscher Städteatlas series, dealing with Weimar, contains maps of five satellite towns or settlements, with historical details in the accompanying texts.34 Some fascicles in the Irish atlas make use of the backs of period maps showing property divisions by listing the details of ownership. The two Italian atlases include a generous selection of extracts from documents in Latin and in Italian, as well as notes on individual buildings and an outline chronology of the principal historical developments. Equally elaborate is the Romanian atlas, where (to cite the example of Suceava/Suczawa published in 2005) the essay is followed by a lengthy outline chronology in both working languages —Romanian and German— together with textual matter dealing with demographic development, morphology, building history and historical monuments; extracts from original documents translated into Romanian and German; a map of archaeological sites with a basic description of the discoveries, again in both languages; and finally a list of street names, tabulated at various dates. Most fundamental of all is the question of whether or not to attempt a fully referenced topographical record of the Irish type. Other practical decisions will have to be made about the format to be adopted for a Spanish towns atlas. To cater for maps of medium-sized and big towns (cities), large-format, loose-leaf fascicles are best. The textual matter can be printed using a smaller format, as in the case of the Hessischer Städteatlas; the disadvantage of so doing is the virtual impossibility of binding groups of town atlases into volumes with hard covers, suitable for library conservation in particular. The question of binding in this sense raises other technical issues. For a successful binding operation it is essential to provide, alongside the loose-leaf format, an adequate ‘tongue’ for stitching purposes, as well as a ‘gutter’ in the centre of double-sheet maps. Any maps that are larger still have to be folded into the bound volume and this has to be

32. Elenchus fontium historiae urbanae, vol. II, part 2, Susan Reynolds, Wietse de Boer, Gearóid Mac Nio- caill, eds. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1988: v-vi. A valuable feature of this work is the index of words at pages 176-194. 33. Debaere, Olivier. Vlaanderen – Maaseik. Historische stedenatlas van België: typologische dossiers/Atlas historique des villes de Belgique: dossiers typologiques, vol. I. Brussels: Gemeentekrediet van België/Crédit Com- munal de Belgique, 1997. 34. Ehbrecht, Wilfried; Johanek, Peter; Lafrenz, Jürgen. Weimar. Deutscher Städteatlas, part 6, no. 1. Altenbeken: GSV Städteatlas Verlag, 2000.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 37 08/06/2009 8:25:14 38 Ho war d B. Cl ar k e

foreseen from the beginning. A combination of loose-leaf fascicles and bound volumes suits both the individual purchaser interested in a single town and the serious collector or library that wishes to have a full set of atlases of this type. A related question is whether or not to group towns within a particular country. The two Italian and the Polish and Romanian atlases are arranged by region within the modern country, while the Scandinavian atlas is shared by the five Nordic countries. By European standards, Spain is a large country with strong regional identities and traditions. A case could be made for ordering a Spanish towns atlas in terms of the historic regions; no doubt this is a sensitive issue that would require very careful consideration.35 A further dimension to this is the linguistic one. The Czech example might suit Spanish circumstances: here three working languages are used — Czech, German and English. Czech, appropriately enough, is the main language but the fascicles contain a summary essay is all three languages in addition to a longer essay in Czech. In a Spanish context, it might be deemed culturally desirable to include, for example, a summary essay in Spanish and in Basque or in Spanish and in Cata- lan, as the case may be, together with a full treatment in the national language. The answer to such an issue, of course, cannot be prescribed by outsiders and should be left to Spanish scholars to determine. The last major policy issue is the question of financial sponsorship and of institutional affiliation. By their very nature, large-format atlases making extensive use of colour reproduction are not cheap to produce. Some of the existing programmes under the ICHT umbrella have experienced a rather chequered history in terms of funding, resulting in gaps of varying length in the production schedule. An institute of the kind that exists in Münster, devoted entirely to the promotion of comparative urban history, is a fairly rare phenomenon. Most European countries, however, possess some kind of national academy that is assured a permanent existence, is duty-bound to maintain the highest academic standards, and can seek funding for projects deemed to be of national and international importance. Ideally a Spanish historic towns atlas should be located within such a structure.36 One moderately proportioned room normally suffices as the project headquarters and two or three permanent staff trained in cartography and related skills can act as the anchor of the entire scheme. Accustomed as they so often are to the life of the ‘poor scholar’, authors of fascicles and editors or board members do not need to be paid at all (though even token payment is obviously welcome if funding allows for such a luxury).37

35. When completed, a region could be provided with an historical overview and bibliography. 36. To cite a practical example, I am writing as one of three joint-editors of the Irish Historic Towns Atlas and as the academic secretary of the Royal Irish Academy, which has been the principal sponsoring body of the Irish atlas from the beginning. In addition the editors seek extra funding for the publication of individual town atlases from town councils and from local industrial concerns. 37. In the case of the Irish atlas, the greatest cost is that of the time spent in compiling the topographical information. For this reason the authors have never been paid for their efforts, though small-scale funding has been obtained to enable postgraduates and others to conduct basic research on large collections of source materials such as directories, council minute-books and newspapers.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 38 08/06/2009 8:25:15 Jo i n i n g t h e Cl u b : A spa n i s h hi s t o r i c to w n s at l a s ? 39

These, then, are the main challenges to the initiation and the implementation of an historic towns atlas. The philosophical attitude must be that only the best will do. Spanish scholars should now be in a position to choose the best elements of the best of the existing models. To that end, a small delegation should be sent to Münster in Germany, in order to inspect critically a more or less complete set of all existing atlases in the ICHT’s programme. The core should conform to the Stoob model; beyond that Spaniards should be encouraged to play to their own scholarly strengths. The nature of the primary cartographical sources may place limits on what can be achieved, yet Spain has a reputation for a distinguished urban history, rich archival resources and, in many cases, spectacular architectural survivals. Moreover Spain has an undeniable tradition of map-making going back many centuries and relating to many parts of the world besides the homeland. The time has surely come for Spanish (and Portuguese) scholars to join the ICHT club as full and proactive members.

Acknowledgements

I wish to thank staff members and fellow students at the Institut für vergleichende Städtegeschichte in Münster for welcoming me so warmly on the occasion of my visit and for assisting with my enquiries. For help with the production of the text figures, I am indebted to Angela Murphy, editorial assistant to the Irish Historic Towns Atlas in Dublin. Fig. 1 was drawn by the latter’s cartographic editor and project manager, Sarah Gearty.

Captions

1. Map o f Eu r o p e s h o w i n g t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f h i s t o r i c t o w n s a t l a s p u b l i c a t i o n s t o 2006.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 39 08/06/2009 8:25:16 Reykjavík MAP OF EUROPEAN TOWNS ATLASES 2006

Based on Anngret Simms and Ferdinand Opll, List of the European Atlases of Historic Towns (Brussels, 1998); with updates from web list maintained by Ferdinand Opll (http://www.wien.gv.at/english/history/historictowns/index.htm). Drawn by Sarah Gearty, Irish Historic Towns Atlas © Royal Irish Academy.

Rheine Bevergern Lübbecke Minden Ochtrup Ibbenbüren

Inset A Burgsteinfurt Kokkola-Gamlakarleby Enger Schöppingen Vreden Herford Stadtlohn Bad Salzuflen Südlohn mit Oeding Billerbeck Telgte Bielefeld Lemgo Münster Barntrup Coesfeld Wolbeck Warendorf Grieth Dülmen mit Hausdülmen Detmold Ringenberg Rheda Kalkar Lüdinghausen Drensteinfurt Uedem Rietberg Xanten Ahlen Kervenheim º Porvoo-Borgaº Büderich Turku-Abo Paderborn Brakel Sonsbeck Hamm Lippstadt Rheinberg Salzkotten Falun Blankenstein Kamen Lichtenau Orsoy Hamborn Geseke Dringenberg Straelen Horde Uppsala Ruhrort Mülheim Dortmund Unna mit Störmede Peckelsheim Wachtendonk Duisburg an der Ruhr Westhofen und Erwitte Kleinenberg Essen Bochum Borgentreich Uerdingen Schwerte Kaldenkirchen Krefeld Werden Marsberg Langenberg Arnsberg Süchteln Heiligenhaus Freienohl Brilon Warburg Dülken Linn Velbert Iserlohn Viersen Kaiserswerth Neviges Strömstad Brüggen Neersen Wülfrath Meschede Arolsen Mönchengladbach Gerresheim Ronsdorf Neuenrade Liedberg Wald Rheindahlen Solingen Wickrath Rheydt Ohligs Zons Dorp Medebach Erkelenz Odenkirchen Höhscheid Burg Attendorn Schmallenberg Glasgow Gangelt Hülchrath Leichlingen Bergneustadt Fritzlar Derry~ Geilenkirchen Olpe Hallenberg Londonderry Bergheim Carrickfergus Kalk Randers Kerpen Köln Belfast, part I Würselen Frechen Düren Siegen Downpatrick Memel Wetter Kells Aachen Brühl Mullingar Lechenich Dundalk Koge Athlone Maynooth Nideggen Bonn Trim Ribe Zülpich Blankenberg Kildare Dublin, part I Stege Euskirchen Monschau Kilkenny Bray Meckenheim Homberg/Ohm Schleswig Königsberg Gemünd Rheinbach Fethard Erpel Caernarvon Friedrichstadt Schleiden Bandon Elblag Gelsdorf Linz Nottingham Gizycko Bad Münstereifel Sinzig Malbork Heimersheim Lübeck Grudziadz Marienwerder Reifferscheid Altenahr Bad Breisig Coventry Horst Königsfeld Wetzlar Hereford Chelmo Blankenheim Banbury Norwich Buxtehude Bydgoszcz Kronenburg Neuwied Lüneburg Adenau Cambridge Torun Dollendorf Limburg Gloucester Kampen Butzbach London, Haarlem Lingen Salzwedel Bristol Zutfen to 1570 Amersfoort Brandenburg/Havel Potsdam Küstrin Schoonhoven Inset B Salisbury Reading Bergen op Zoom Goslar Quedlinburg Retz Venlo Weitra Laa an der Bad Torgau Thaya Brugge Lier Maissau Frankenhausen Zwettl Freistadt Maaseik Colditz Bautzen

Tielt A Krems/Stein Korneuburg Weimar Wroclaw/Breslau Eferding Altenburg Decín Goldberg Linz Klosterneuburg Marchegg Saalfeld Oppeln Enns Melk Inset Herfeld Litomerice Trutnov Frankenstein Wels St Pölten Tulln Wien Morlaix Gelnhausen Kulmbach Slany Mödling Brest St Malo Senlis Dieburg Hradec Králové Steyr Hainburg Evreux Pardubice Baden Michelstadt Chrudim Gmunden Rust Quimper St Brieuc Kaiserslautern Bad Mergentheim Weiden Tábor Wiener Eisenstadt Fougères Jihlava Bad Aussee Neustadt Saarbrücken Weißenburg Ceské Trebíc Lorient Provins Ohringen Budejovice Alençon Nancy Telc Hall in Tirol Vannes Etampes Regensburg Cesky Krumlov Rottenmann Breisach Ulm Radstadt Kapfenberg Epinal Freiberg Burghausen Schladming Belfort Donaueschingen Suceava Judenburg Hartberg Isny Salzburg Kufstein Voitsberg Graz Montbéliard Neunkirch Bregenz Hallein B Frauenfeld Schwaz Feldkirch Innsbruck Limoges Lienz Inset Weesen Friesach Ussel Meran Villach Sighisoara Völkermarkt Sebes Périgueux Brive St Martino al Cimino Klagenfurt Koprivnica Bergerac Bassano del Bjelovar La Réole Marmande Figeac Grappa Bazas Cahors Sisak Villeneuve-sur-Lot Agen Rodez Asolo Mont-de-Marsan Nérac Montauban Ferrara St Sever Albi Reggio Carpi Bayonne Auch Bologna Pau Pietrasanta Lastra a Signa Talamone Ta rbes Lucca Firenze Foix San Miniato Castelfranco di Sopra/Arezzo Perpignan San Gimignano Castiglion Fiorentino Collioure- Siena Servigliano Port-Vendres Santa Fiora Manciano Talamone Caprarola

Cerveteri Roma Latina Sabaudia

Alghero Capri

0 miles 300 0 km 400 Monreale

Anglès.indd 40 08/06/2009 8:25:17 Reykjavík MAP OF EUROPEAN TOWNS ATLASES 2006

Rheine Bevergern Lübbecke Minden Ochtrup Ibbenbüren

Cerveteri Roma Latina Sabaudia

Alghero Capri

0 miles 300 0 km 400 Monreale

Anglès.indd 41 08/06/2009 8:25:18 42 Ho war d B. Cl ar k e

2. Ex t ra c t fr o m t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e r e l i g i o n s e c t i o n o f t h e t o p o g rap h i c a l i n f o r - m a t i o n f o r m e d i e v a l Du b l i n .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 42 08/06/2009 8:25:19 Jo i n i n g t h e Cl u b : A spa n i s h hi s t o r i c to w n s at l a s ? 43

3. Ex t ra c t fr o m t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e c h u r c h s e c t i o n o f t h e t o p o - g rap h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n f o r Bo n n .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 27-43. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 43 08/06/2009 8:25:20 Anglès.indd 44 08/06/2009 8:25:20 “Who is who” in Spanish medieval studies

Ge r m á n Na v a r r o Un i v e r s i d a d d e Za r a g o z a Spa i n

Date of receipt: 11th of January 2007 Final date of acceptance: 7th of January 2008

Ab s t r a c t

Based on the author’s experience as a member of the consultative council of “His- toria a Debate” and one of the coordinators of the recent experience of the History Workshop at the University of Saragossa, this article offers a provisional balance of the first results obtained in the consecution of a test for research into the tendencies in Spanish academic medievalism at the beginning of the 21st century. The central nucleus of the study is a database with two hundred professors in Spanish universities who have staff in this field of knowledge. This database puts special emphasis on the subject of directing doctoral theses as a primary indicator for detecting such important questions in the analysis of tendencies as the forming of consolidated groups of disciples or the conscious promotion of certain themes over others in the doctorates. This is an ongoing project from which it is hoped to complete results and draw some deeper conclusions in the near future.

Ke y w o r d s

Historiography, Medievalism, Spain, University, History under Debate, History workshop.

Ca pi t a l i a v e r b a

Rerum Scriptura, Studia Mediaeualia, Hispania, Vniversitas, Historia in discrimine posita, Ludus historicus.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 45-55. ISSN 1888-3931 45

Anglès.indd 45 08/06/2009 8:25:20 46 Ge r m á n Na v arr o

1. Aims and context

As a research group, we have recently published a book that summarises our experience in a history workshop held at the university1. One of the chapters of this work tackles a very controversial aspect of the discipline, namely the question of how to recognise historiographical identity. This is an important problem for students of history, who tend to have difficulties with diligent reading, and consequently with the comprehensive reading of bibliographies. How, therefore, can students identify current historiographical trends if their teachers do not make them practice the diligent and comprehensive reading of an author’s work? Furthermore, students need to learn to investigate tendencies and not merely know what these consist of. This question is not as straightforward as it may seem, as it is not a matter of describing existing trends, but rather requires experimenting with the skill to recognise these. In this sense, identifying tendencies, assessing our inherited legacy and evaluating any indication of generational change among historians, are some of the questions that were introduced some years ago in the ‘Manifesto 2001’ via the discussions in History under Debate2. Such approaches lead directly to the analysis of recent Spanish historiography and, within it, to the examination of specific subjects, as in the case examined here, namely medieval history. If I teach the subject of “Current Historiographical Trends” as part of the history degree in any Spanish university, and I want to focus my explanations on the evolution of “Spanish Medievalism”, the first questions I ask myself are, “How many publications exist on this subject? How many doctoral theses have been written and how many of these have been published for the use of students? Does anyone know of any doctoral theses on ‘Current Historiographical Trends in Spanish Medievalism’? Is this type of initiative only being developed by contemporary historians?” If the answers to these questions leave me without points of reference for the successful teaching of my subject, then I will need to consider other possibilities. Nowadays, explaining subjects such as “Current Historiographical Trends” to groups of students studying medieval history necessarily means having access to empirical studies like the one that I will present here, in order to facilitate short-term comparisons with other areas of historical knowledge and, more generally, with the situation in other parts of the world. In fact, this is not the first time that I am proposing this initiative. With this aim, and taking advantage of the most recent international congress of History under Debate in 2004, I coordinated the presentation of a paper in which we had studied a group of 212 specialists in medieval history who then comprised the

1. Corral, José Luis; García, Carmen; Navarro, Germán. Taller de historia. El oficio que amamos. Barcelona: Edhasa, 2006. 2. Barros, Carlos; Navarro, Germán. “El manifiesto Historia a Debate. Una nueva tendencia historiográ- fica abierta y global”. Anales de la Universidad de Alicante. Historia Medieval, 13 (2000-2002): 365-378; Barros, Carlos; Igual, David; Navarro, Germán. “Historia a Debate. Manifiesto historiográfico”. Revista d’Història Medieval, 12 (2001-2002): 331-388. See also Barros, Carlos, ed. www.h-debate.com, or History under Debate. International Reflection on the Discipline, Carlos Barros, Lawrence J. McCrank, eds. New York: The Haworth Press, 2004.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 45-55. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 46 08/06/2009 8:25:21 “Wh o i s Wh o ” i n Spa n i s h m e d i e v a l s t u d i e s 47

tenured teaching staff of Spanish public universities and who therefore constituted, in our view, the institutional vanguard from which any research or educational innovation relating to the subject area in question was disseminated3. At the above-mentioned congress, our work was criticised on two fundamental points. The first was that it was not deemed advisable to separate the study of a specific subject, such as medieval history, from the other areas and fields of study that constitute Spanish historiography. What was recommended was a more general perspective. The second criticism labelled the proposal as elitist on account of its focus on tenured university teaching staff, thereby ignoring not only the contribution of dozens of pre-doctoral and postdoctoral research assistants or the non-permanent teaching staff advancing Spanish medieval history, but it also overlooked the significant group of historians who research into, and contribute to, medieval studies from outside the universities. The response to these objections is obvious. It was never intended to focus exclusively on Spanish academic medievalism outside the general evolution of Spanish, European or world historiography, but it was considered appropriate to specify a very precise first analytical step, which was to be followed by other, further ones. In fact, given the enormous quantity of recent historiographical material generated by over two hundred active people, our paper already contained sufficient material to write a doctoral thesis on the topic, and it was therefore unimaginable what composing in-depth studies of so many authors would have meant. It was thus a strategy to make the study more operative and prevent it from becoming a kind of self-complacent ego-history. I have no doubt that the non-permanent teaching and research personnel in the universities are not only more numerous than the tenured staff but also, given their professional situation, are generating the most recent doctoral theses, as well as quantitatively superior historiographical material. However, the difficulties of coping with this material and, in general, the problems of identifying such personnel became very important obstacles to undertaking such a study. Moreover, as it was evident that we were not unaware of this reality nor did we seek to underrate it, it had to be emphasised that our project was guided first and foremost by the performance and the practicality of the research strategies followed. It would have been impractical to extend our modest analysis to the thousands of people who research medieval history outside the universities, and who often do so with as much consequence and historiographical impact as is done in the academic world, especially if they have access to the main commercial publishers4. A start had to be made somewhere, and this approach was what we chose. We can only take the responsibility for the constraints of this decision and offer the first results for consideration. The question that lay behind this study was of a general nature: what tendencies or propensities were identifiable within the established historiographical confines of

3. Navarro, Germán; Villanueva, Concepción; González, Daniel. “Tendencias historiográficas actuales en el medievalismo académico español”, III Congreso Internacional Historia a Debate, Santiago de Compostela, 14- 18th July 2004, paper presented at the Round table G: Groups, Networks, Historiographic Movements. 4. As an example see the new Anuario y Directorio de Asociados published by the Spanish Society of Medieval Studies in 2006.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 45-55. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 47 08/06/2009 8:25:22 48 Ge r m á n Na v arr o

Spanish academic medieval studies? Of course, a historiographical tendency is not only an ideological abstraction, but is represented and endorsed by the sum of a series of specific personal trajectories substantiated by their publications. The implicit or explicit consensus of certain historians is discernible through the profound disparity of their works and constitutes one of the more evident indicators of the existence of specific trends. If in any other field of historical research it was considered essential to have substantial empirical studies as a basis on which to construct general interpretations from a comparative perspective, it seems incomprehensible that in the immediate history of the current subjects in Spain this approach was not taken, nor was it employed to strengthen the subjects dedicated to scientific evaluation. On the contrary, the most extensive working model available was, and still is, the classic state of the question shaped by general geographic, chronological or thematic reflections, that does not respond to pure research in immediate historiography, but rather derives from individual academic experiences characterised by a subjective bibliographical repertoire, where, of course, habitually nobody dares to talk about specific trends mentioning names and surnames. In fact, it always remains to be seen who is who, that is, who represents the identifiable areas, schools, teams or general tendencies, and by which means. The moment for promoting an initiative of this kind seems very opportune. The conditions in which Spanish historiography found itself were right for making the definitive transition to the new paradigm of the 21st century. The absence of historiographical schools in Spain coincided with ignorance outside Spain about most of what was being done here. Publications by Spanish authors are still fairly unknown beyond our borders, and translations into other languages were still relatively rare. In fact, from the end of the 1980s, Spain experienced a paradoxical situation, a wealth of opportunities within an acute social crisis in its history, contrasted with a strong historiographical revitalization of which History under Debate seemed one of the more obvious phenomena5. The implicit role of Spanish historiography in the international transition towards a new paradigm, the relation between political transition and historiographical renovation in Spain and, especially, the problem of generational change, are all issues which have attracted the attention of several authors6. The first general evaluation of Spanish medieval studies7 in the mid 80s reflected these transformations, emphasising the unwonted increase in new tenured teaching staff at the time of the reconstitution of the university departments and

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 45-55. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 48 08/06/2009 8:25:23 “Wh o i s Wh o ” i n Spa n i s h m e d i e v a l s t u d i e s 49

subjects, which occurred at the enactment of the previous University Reform Act of 1985. It was in those circumstances that the old non-tenured professors, who had been unable to join the civil service due to the lack of public entrance exams, entered en masse via a merit examination, and a single biological generation filled the posts then available for the rest of their lives. Moreover, there are currently at least five times more tenured personnel in the area of medieval history than there were in 1970. This means that the retirement of over 60 percent of current teaching staff can be expected between 2010 and 2020, and this will undoubtedly force another generational change of unexpected dimensions, or even a significant reduction of staff, if we anticipate the likely cuts of posts announced by different vice-chancellorships, whose policy of budget cuts is already making itself felt. All considered, one cannot avoid the sensation that research has disintegrated; that we are not faced with the substitution of one paradigm, dominant up to a certain point, by another, as occurred when the so-called “historicising history”, based on relevant events and on the hegemony of the narrative, gave way to structural economic and social history. According to Julio Valdeón8, the real problem is that a considerable proportion of publications on Spanish medieval studies still practise straightforward descriptive local history, lacking any possible integration in a comprehensive framework of general history. Moreover, regarding models of ongoing research, the dependence on exterior models continues, and historiographical reflection is scarce. It is true that the autonomous regions of Spain have oriented historical research towards increasingly regional contexts9. However, this is not necessarily negative, as long as it does not coincide with a tendency towards self- sufficiency that sometimes ignores the work done on parallel themes in other regions. In addition to this we have to consider the phenomenon of the vast increase in publications, especially when many university examinations still value quantity of work over quality. In his contribution to the Medieval Studies Week of Estella in 1998, which was dedicated specifically to taking historiographical stock of Spanish medieval studies, José Ángel García de Cortázar confirmed that the quality of the studies is high but suffers from an excessive abundance of research that, lacking conceptual spirit, is merely repetitive. In this sense, exclusively descriptive publications are still frequent, and researchers who write more than they read are not rare10. Moreover, in the minutes of the same Study Week, a register of public research centres in medieval history was compiled, the first of its kind in Spain, in-

Navarra (Pamplona, 5-7 abril 1984), Alfredo Floristán Imícoz, Ignacio Olábarri Gortázar, Valentín Vázquez de Prada, coords. Pamplona: Ediciones Universidad de Navarra. EUNSA, 1985: 69-86. 8. Valdeón, Julio. “La historia de España: historia medieval”. Revista de Historia Jerónimo Zurita, 71 (1997): 19-30. 9. Segura, Cristina, ed. Presente y futuro de la historia medieval en España, Actas de las Primeras Jornadas sobre la Investigación Medieval en las Comunidades Autónomas, Universidad Complutense (9-11 noviembre, 1988). Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 1990. 10. García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “Glosa de un balance sobre la historiografía medieval española de los últimos treinta años (I)”, La historia medieval en España. Un balance historiográfico (1968-1998). Actas de la XXV Semana de Estudios Medievales de Estella (14-18 julio 1998). Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, 1999: 824.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 45-55. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 49 08/06/2009 8:25:24 50 Ge r m á n Na v arr o

cluding details of all teaching staff, for which the scientific committee received the collaboration of the university departments. This register was considered a useful tool of knowledge, information and rapprochement among experts11. Despite this, at an international seminar held in Zaragoza in May 2004 on the presence of the Middle Ages on the Internet12, the development of specialised web pages in other European countries became evident in an attempt to promote historiographical efforts with a view to identifying the different communities of researchers with their historiographical repertoires. This is the case with Reti Medievali and its section dedicated to the professional profiles of Italian medievalists, or theSpanienportal of German Hispanic medievalism. Perhaps the new technologies will spur on the systematic classification of historiographical material and the creation of an updated general directory of Spanish medievalists, which would help our task significantly, given the distressing situation in Spain. A portal for Spanish medieval studies on the Internet ought to be promoted, like the one launched on 1 May 199813 by Jorge Maíz at www.medievalismo.org.

2. Sources and methodology

The methodological difficulties of this type of research have already become evident with the publication of the first dictionary of contemporary Spanish historians14. This work begins by identifying the limited attention that collective groups of historians attract among Spanish researchers, in a kind of unawareness of the tradition. In contrast, since the beginning of the 1980s, prosopographical studies have become thoroughly accepted in the leading international historiographies, augmenting the publication of all kinds of collective repertoires. However, the selected authors in this dictionary are a small sample of the community of historians at the turn of the 19th to the 20th centuries. It names 526 people, of whom 70 percent are teachers. The main source of information are their publications, serving also to address the question of how historians construct history. It also includes social and

11. “Profesorado universitario de los Cuerpos Docentes. Historia Medieval”, La historia medieval en España. Un balance historiográfico (1968-1998), Actas de la XXV Semana de Estudios Medievales de Estella (14-18 julio 1998). Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, 1999: 843-865. 12. Pescar o navegar: la Edad Media en la red, Actas del Seminario Internacional de Doctorado organizado por el Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas, y Estudios Árabes e Islámicos de la Univer- sidad de Zaragoza (6-8 mayo 2004). Saragossa: Universidad, Departamento de Historia Medieval Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas y Estudios Arabes e Islámicos, 2005. 13. Maíz, Jorge. “El crepúsculo tecnológico del medievalismo hispánico. Nuevas tecnologías e historia medieval o el ocaso de lo desconocido”, Pescar o navegar: la Edad Media en la red. Actas del Seminario Internac- ional de Doctorado organizado por el Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas, y Estu- dios Árabes e Islámicos de la Universidad de Zaragoza (6-8 mayo 2004). Saragossa: Universidad, Departamento de Historia Medieval Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas y Estudios Arabes e Islámicos, 2005: 67-83. 14. Pasamar, Gonzalo; Peiró, Ignacio. Diccionario Akal de Historiadores Españoles Contemporáneos (1840-1980). Madrid: Ediciones Akal, 2002.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 45-55. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 50 08/06/2009 8:25:25 “Wh o i s Wh o ” i n Spa n i s h m e d i e v a l s t u d i e s 51

prosopographic data with the aim of contextualising the people included, especially academically and ideologically. The final objective is to track down the emergence of trends, the appearance of new areas of research and the consolidation of scientific interests. This appears to be a worthy model of study. This process results in a clearly-defined working method: the prosopographical study of a group in order to establish a common portrait of predominant and mi- nor tendencies. However, I believe that the basic personal data (gender, age, class, academic category, etc.), the current conditions of life, or the ideological tendency closest to each person (left, centre or right), are only significant in the real impact which they have had on the contents of the publications in question, which are, after all, the fundamental material upon which research into historiographical trends is based, and not the other way round. In fact, an individual might be politically left-leaning and historiographically conservative, or vice-versa. On this issue the questionnaire is categorical: Do teaching staff express any kind of attitude towards political power in their publications (ignore it, criticise it, demand changes, etc.)? What is their position on ethical, social and political commitments? Do they reject these as a terrain for ideology and not for history? Do they consider it the most important dimension of our profession? To what extent does their condition as citizens affect them? Do they adopt it without abandoning rigor in their work? Do they feel that they have to produce a more humane history? Another set of working hypotheses addressed in the questionnaire allude to the types or forms of sociability that each person shares and how this is reflected in their publications. This relates to groups, departments, institutes, faculties, subjects, national historiography, international projects, academic exchange, personal networks, congresses, journals, workshops, the internet, as well as other alternative contexts for professional relations, such as private companies, cultural management, archives, libraries, museums, etc. All of this, it can be argued, is latent in their publications. This is easy to observe, for instance, if we consider the academic environments in which these publications are produced, that is, the journals, publishers, congresses, be they local, regional, national or international. From these main indicators, the current historiographical tendencies can also be defined by the question of whether there is consistent use of particular types of sources (written sources, material remains, iconography, etc.), which may result in the creation of groups of ‘pure’ document-historians or ‘pure’ archaeologists with a tendency to ignore types of sources other than their own. A similar situation arises when cooperation, or lack thereof, between history and other sciences or disciplines (literature, art, anthropology, sociology, psychology, etc.) is reflected in the publications themselves. It is obvious that the present survey has favoured the study of a confined area over a chronological study (of prehistory, ancient history, medieval history, modern history, contemporary history or current history), but it would be interesting to know what percentage of the teaching staff analysed have published anything relating to chronological areas other than the one that defines the group to which they belong. This indication of ‘super-specialisation’ can also be identified if we consider works which favour studies of single thematic areas (e.g. biography,

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 45-55. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 51 08/06/2009 8:25:26 52 Ge r m á n Na v arr o

demography, economic history, social history, political history, history of culture or history of gender). It is also of great importance, where possible, to observe who each author addresses in their writing, and whether they pay attention to the divul- gative style of their work (narration, repetition or other teaching resources). In the analysis of current trends, it is also crucial to know which authors have most influenced each other, as indicated by themselves in their publications. However, the national historiographies that serve as references are also important (as in France, Italy, Great Britain, Spain, Castile or Aragon). This raises the question of whether or not we can recognise the existence of some teaching convention, or the affiliation with some historiographical school or tradition. In the caseof an affirmative answer, the manifest degree of “group or school spirit” ought to be studied in greater depth, given that this constitutes one of the essential elements in the conscious construction of historiographical identity. In short, it is a complex exercise to try and identify the historiographical tendency which can be considered most closely related to each person, judging by their publications, and it is an exercise where we may be faced with multiple variants from one author to another, and even with different historiographical stages within in a single person’s work, i.e. no explicit tendency, neo-positivism, functionalism, structuralism, historical materialism, etc. With regard to this, it appears to be very important to ascertain whether or not the relation between the ideology expressed by the individual, and the historiographical affiliations within which he or she participates, correspond or are coherent, and whether the author expresses his or her ideological tendencies in a relevant manner in the publication. In this context, it would be interesting to know if someone expresses in their work what they think the purpose of history, or the social function of this subject is, and why. There is a very wide range of possible responses: critical awareness, civic education, national conscience, respect for the other, better living conditions, transforming the world, guiding social action, giving the defeated a voice, or simply knowing about the past, enhancing the curriculum and achieving academic promotion, acquiring culture, as a hobby, for entertainment or as a profession. Thus, the great question, or the pinnacle, is to discern who is contributing to the historiographical renewal through their publications, and in what sense. In short, there is a whole set of questions that owe a great deal to the reflections raised by the international survey on the state of history among over 45,000 historians from all over the world, carried out by History under Debate, the results of which can be consulted at www.h-debate.com.

3. Provisional results

For now, the sources used in the database have been limited to the analysis of the three thousand assorted publications that constitute the current work of each and every one of the people studied, although this increases from day to day. On another level of information, internet searches have been carried out in order to ob-

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 45-55. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 52 08/06/2009 8:25:27 “Wh o i s Wh o ” i n Spa n i s h m e d i e v a l s t u d i e s 53

tain curricular and biographical data available from the web pages of departments, repertoires of medieval studies and other similar resources. In the near future, the typology of sources will be extended, as far as possible, especially through direct in- terviews with the people concerned. The most important provisional results are the 212 prosopographical files on teachers from an official census from January 2003 from the universities website of the Ministry of Education. With regard to this, we have also checked the data on tenured teaching staff in other subjects, which can be consulted on the ministry’s website. To summarise, the main categories of our prosopographic database are the names of the teachers, their academic field, their university, the subject of their doctoral theses, the thesis supervisors and the year of completion. There are also other numerical fields and subfields for references to books, articles, talks, communications and other texts recorded for each person. There were 46,950 tenured teaching staff in Spanish public universities at the time of the study (January 2003), divided into four categories, that is, 7,932 university professors (17 % of the total), 25,633 university lecturers (54 %), 2,271 higher education college professors (5 %), and 11,114 higher education college lecturers (24 %). The centres with the largest numbers of teachers were the Complutense University of Madrid (3,507 people) and the University of Barcelona (2,411). If we add up the number of teachers from all the universities in Madrid (Complutense, Autonónoma, Carlos III, UNED, Politécnica and Juan Carlos I) and Barcelona (Bar- celona, Autónoma, UOC, Politécnica de Catalunya and Pompeu Fabra) we can see that together they contain almost a third of the national total. Of the 199 subjects taught in Spanish public universities, only 10 had over 650 teachers each: Applied Economics (1,440), Applied Mathematics (1,440), Applied Physics (1,200), Financial Economics and Accounting (1,079), English Philology (864), Biochemistry and Molecular Biology (775), Chemical Engineering (758), Nursing (732), Computer Languages and Systems (689), and Business Studies (666). Economics, mathematics and physics were the largest areas, three or four times larger than the areas of history, which were headed by Art History (536), Contemporary History (410), Modern History (255), Medieval History (212), Prehistory (172), American History (98), Archaeology (91) and Historiographical Sciences and Techniques (74). By way of example, the average number of teachers per area in Spanish public universities was around 236. As we have seen, this number is only exceeded by Art History, Contemporary or Modern History. The subject of Medieval History comprised 141 men and 71 women (a third of the total and only 4 of them university professors). The average age was estimated at around fifty. The distribution by academic category was 45 university professors (21 % of the total) and 158 university lecturers (74 %), as well as 4 professors and 5 lecturers of higher education colleges (5 %). It was thus a teaching body assigned according to the nature of the degrees that were taught in the faculties of Philosophy and Arts, History or Humanities and, on very few occasions, in the old teacher training schools, now pre-school and primary education colleges. On the other hand, if we consider the field according to the number of posts, our database once again shows Madrid and Barcelona as the places with the highest concentration of

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 45-55. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 53 08/06/2009 8:25:28 54 Ge r m á n Na v arr o

teaching staff, without counting the CSIC research personnel assigned to medieval studies in these cities and who are not included in this database. Apart from the departments in these two cities, among the forty departments with personnel in the assigned area, only Granada, Salamanca, Santiago de Compostela, Seville, Valencia, Valladolid and Saragossa had ten or more teachers. In other words, a quarter of departments contained more than half of all teachers. Concerning the issue of thesis supervisors, we can identify up to three historiographical generations, the oldest of which are no longer active. We refer in first place to theses directed by José María Lacarra de Miguel (1907-1987), Emilio Sáez Sánchez (1917-1988), Álvaro Santamaría Arández (1917-2004), Juan Torres Fontes (1919), Salvador de Moxó Ortiz de Villajos (1921-1980), Eloy Benito Ruano (1921), Antonio Ubieto Arteta (1923-1990), Luis Suárez Fernández (1924), Ángel Juan Martín Duque (1926) or Manuel Riu Riu (1929). They supervised at least a third of the doctoral theses of all teaching staff prior to 1990. At the same time, a second generation of working thesis supervisors emerged, direct disciples of the previous generation, born around 1936-1946. These include José Luis Martín Rodríguez, José Ángel García de Cortázar Ruiz de Aguirre, Julio Valdeón Baruque, Miguel Án- gel Ladero Quesada, Manuel González Jiménez and Paulino Iradiel Murugarren, among others. Some of them have supervised over ten theses among the current functionary teaching staff, together adding another third to the total number of theses, the years of reading in this case concentrating on the period between 1980 and 1996. Finally, the third generation of younger supervisors, disciples of the latter constitutes the remaining third. As a general observation, the themes of doctoral theses submitted by Spanish university teachers in medieval history focus mainly on analyses of cathedral chapters, councils and municipalities, noble lineages, monasteries, bishoprics and dio- ceses, military orders, royal administration, courts, municipal charters and domains. There is evidently a predominance of institutional history and, to a lesser extent, of economic, social or cultural history. Studies of poverty, marginalisation, religious minorities, women’s history, mentalities or daily life have not received quantitatively significant monographic treatment. However, if we turn our attention to the subjects and topics of books, articles, papers, communications and other material, the situation tends to balance itself out. One of the phenomena that stands out when the high degree of historiographical productivity is observed is that of contracted research, consisting of accepting invita- tions to congresses, seminars or publications that have to be delivered in a relatively short time, which generates a type of accelerated research with rates of production often far from the trajectory of the authors, avid to meet their professional commitments in the short term. As a consequence, a lot, perhaps too much, is published in a very disorganised way, without general research programmes, without attention to the historiographical debates, or even with revisions or critical updates of one’s own material. This type of progress is thus accumulative and extensive, and bibliographical growth tends to diversify interests, and to saturate more in form of chaos than to group together themes and lines of research.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 45-55. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 54 08/06/2009 8:25:29 “Wh o i s Wh o ” i n Spa n i s h m e d i e v a l s t u d i e s 55

In conclusion, the twelve theses with which Alain Guerreau proclaims the imperatives that should guide the future of French medievalism in the 21st century can perhaps be applied as general reflections also in the Spanish case15. However, the question does not lie only in rethinking the sources that are used in the research, co- operating with other disciplines, or evaluating and arguing about the applicability of current interpretative models, among other questions, but rather, first and foremost, in knowing who is working on what, and how, because historiographical innovation is impossible without collective self-awareness of who we are and where we want to go from our dispersed workplaces. If this first step is not taken and the reflexive tradition persists, which does not identify trends with names and surnames, then it is likely that the flaw in the content will continue to undermine any attempt at change, and the future will continue to be uncertain. In this sense, the contents of that summer course organised by Flocel Sabaté and Joan Farré in Balaguer in 2002 about the new perspectives in Spanish medievalism16 have become an essential starting point for a continuing debate about the future of our subject within the new European setting of teaching and historical research.

15. Guerreau, Alain. L’avenir d’un passé incertain. Quelle histoire du Moyen Âge au XXIe siècle? Paris: éditions du Seuil, 2001. 16. Sabaté, Flocel; Farré, Joan, eds. Medievalisme: noves perspectives. Lleida: Pagès editors, 2003.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 45-55. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 55 08/06/2009 8:25:30 Anglès.indd 56 08/06/2009 8:25:30 II PART THE PAST STUDIED AND MEASURED

Anglès.indd 57 08/06/2009 8:25:31 Anglès.indd 58 08/06/2009 8:25:31 Byzantium and the dark ages A civilization on trial

Jo s é Mar í n Po n t i f i c i a Un i v e r s i d a d Ca t ó l i c a d e Va l para í s o Po n t i f i c i a Un i v e r s i d a d Ca t ó l i c a d e Ch i l e Ch i l e

Date of reception: 9th of January, 2007 Final date of acceptance: 18th of December, 2007

Ab s t r a c t

This article presents a reflection about the Byzantine Civilization between the 7th and 9th centuries, a crucial moment for its existence. This period implied deep changes, and it was then when the Byzantine Civilization, sometimes conceived as being immersed in an overwhelming hieratic attitude, demonstrated its dynamism and plasticity to face the problems. This time of crisis, that the Anglo-Saxon historiography qualifies as thedark age and that puts an end to the late ancient epoch, is what D. Zakythinós called the “Great Breach” of Hellenism, concept that we feel is adequate (mutatis mutandis) to refer to the so-called “crisis of the 7th century” in the Eastern Mediterranean. Whether it was a time of crisis, decadence or transformation is an open question, and perhaps we are only facing speculative images crouch- ing behind which —and perhaps forcing an ironic smile— a historical reality faces us with such complexity that it involves all these aspects. Whatever it is, what we can clearly see is that the Byzantine Civilization was not only able to overcome a difficult epoch with the adequate historical responses, but it also invigorated its Hellenic roots, Byzantium knew how to win a prosperous future.

Ke y w o r d s

Bizantium, Dark age, Great Breach, Balkans, Slavs.

Ca pi t a l i a v e r b a

Byzantium, Tenebricosum aeuum, Magna Strages, Haernus, Sclauii.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931 59

Anglès.indd 59 08/06/2009 8:25:31 60 Jo s é Mar í n

1. Introduction1

The periods of change, such as the one that the Byzantine Empire experienced in the so-called “Dark Ages” —and which will be outlined in this article—, allow us to appreciate the vitality of a historical subject and its capacity to face the challenges imposed by historical existence, resist the changes and, if necessary, adapt to these, but without losing its distinctive traits, which, in the end, allows us to ponder its permanence in time while weighing up its strengths and weaknesses. Historical analysis teaches us that it is just as futile to strive to uphold a historically unreal policy of continuity, as it is to force the rhythm of history with the aim of provoking abrupt changes that do no more than attack the essence of the historical subject itself, threatening it with disappearance, only to demonstrate, sooner rather than later, ones equivoca- tion. In the first case, for example, we might consider the so-called “Detained Civili- sations”, as explained by A. Toynbee, and among these, the case of the immobility of the Lower Roman Empire; in the second case, we might appeal to all those rebellious anti-establishment movements that have aimed to “go back to basics”, from the first monks to the modern hippies, through the French Revolution. The Greco-Roman Civilization of the Mediterranean, for example, before its final collapse, had to face up to, suffer and overcome many periods of change, sometimes profound, without losing its historical identity. Thus, the Romans of the Empire were the same as those of the Republic, despite the mutations in the political structure, and that is an irrefutable proof of the vitality of Rome. Similar is the case of the Byzantine Civilization, which, between the 7th and 9th centuries, had to face a deep crisis that changed part of its economic, social, demographic structure, etc., but not its historical entity entirely: once the challenge had been overcome, we are faced with a reinforced civilization that continued to be Hellenistic and Christian, that is, Byzantine. The Mac- edonian dynasty, that governed the Empire between the 9th and 11th centuries well represents the vitality of a society that knew how to transport its culture to remote regions, sowing the seeds of the identity of Eastern Europe orthodox roots. The Slavs, for instance, the barbarians who were potentially dangerous for the Empire, came to constitute “close” nations, altrough autonomous and independent ones. And in fact, when we talk about Byzantium, we talk about the founding pillars of what we commonly call Central or Eastern Europe, concepts argued about (perhaps also arguable) and which have to some extent been contaminated with different ideological visions. To avoid falling into conceptual anachronisms or imprecision, we must ask ourselves, first of all, what we mean by “Eastern Europe” or “Central Europe”, especially in the context of the Middle Ages. Europe can be divided into eastern and western zones divided by a series of imaginary lines according to religious, ethnic or political criteria, among others. From the configuration of the extremes, moreover, we can conceive a third and central part, which complicates the question even more —without mentioning N.

1. The author has presented a version of this work at the Tercer Simposio de ADEISE: Europa, identidad y crisis, Mendoza, Argentina, 2006.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 60 08/06/2009 8:25:32 By z a n t i u m a n d t h e dar k ag e s . A ci v i l i z at i o n o n tr i a l 61

Iorga’s notion of South-east Europe, which is a relatively recent concept. When we refer to Eastern or Central Europe, we are using a nomenclature linked to the political history of the region in the 19th and 20th centuries, even when earlier references can be found. In contrast with our treatment of north and south, which are objective geographic references, east and west have been relativised from the observer or protagonist who assumes one or other denomination, which is not only determined by the geographical localization, but also to a large degree by its cultural and ideological “location”. As stated elsewhere, “the expansion of [one or the other] has implied a relativism of the concepts East and West: the relations, whether confrontational or not, between one world and another, could happen in the 10th century in Muslim Spain, when Almanzor (978-1002) sacked the city of Compostela in the Middle East during the age of the Crusades; in Vienna, during the 17th-century Ottoman Turkish siege; or during the Napoleonic conquest of Egypt at the end of the 18th century; and, perhaps, at the beginning of the 21st century in the financial heart of the United States”. Such an idea is perfectly applicable to a more limited reality. this is the cas of Europe, since such denominations are used depending on the political (German or Austrian influences, for example) or ideological circumstances (the presence of Soviet hegemony and the Warsaw Pact). In fact, what we nowadays refer to as the Eastern countries or Eastern Europe, is clearly an invention of the Cold War and thus essentially a geopolitical notion. Thus this classification, based on the identification of various, even antagonistic, political and economic systems, does not necessarily have a clear and symmetrical historical, cultural, ethnic and linguistic basis. In fact, the expansion of the European Union towards the “countries of the east”, demonstrates in practice that such a concept has lost a great deal of its meaning. An easy and ideologically neutral way of conceiving Central and Eastern Europe, is through geography, by dividing the continent into three parts, covering a total area extending from ten degrees longitude west to seventy degrees longitude east. By this method, Western Europe would extend approximately as far east as ten degrees. From there to thirty-five degrees, would be what we would call Central Europe, next to it Eastern Europe, which would end at sixty degrees east. What we normally refer to as Eastern Europe would correspond to a belt that stretches from twelve and a half degrees to forty degrees, covering Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, the former Yugoslavia, Albania, Greece, Rumania and the Baltic Republics, Belarus, the Ukraine and Russia as far as Moscow. To the north, the border would be the Baltic Sea and the Scandinavian Peninsula, while to the south this would be formed by the Balkans. Thus, this ‘Eastern Europe’ that we are attempting to define, has little in common with the old ideological classification, but we can recognise some other relevant elements, such as Slavonic-based ethnic identity and Christian-based religious identity. Understood in this way, this Eastern Europe closely resembles the one defined by T. Masaryk (1850-1937) (“the land between Germany and Russia”), and which historical studies have incorporated since the second decade of the 20th century as a useful concept for talking about the Middle Ages. However, for the present study, this eastern part of Europe also includes Greece, because the last element of

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 61 08/06/2009 8:25:33 62 Jo s é Mar í n

identification rests on religion. In fact, in the medieval period nobody thought of Europe in terms of east and west, but rather conceived it as a Christianitas that had a Constantinopolitan and a Roman expression. What we know as Western Europe is, in the medieval reality, the Christianitas Occidentalis of Charlemagne, separated from the Roman Empire (i.e. Byzantium) by a band of barbarian peoples between the Baltic Sea and the north of the Balkans, a zone that was gradually invigorated with the establishment of princedon first and then kingdoms. The Treaty of Aix- la-Chapelle (Aachen) in 811 recognised this bipolar reality by assigning “influence areas” to both the Carolingian Empire and the Byzantine Empire in that zone. As the contemporary ruling powers became aware of the growth of new states (Moravia, Bulgaria, Serbia and Croatia, and later Russia, Poland and Hungary), they began to lure them towards their orbit of influence; the Latin-Roman-Germanic west attempted this through conquest, while the Greek-Constantinopolitan east opted for the creation of a cultural community based on spiritual links and on an orthodox religious identity which has been since then shared by a large, mainly Slavonic, population in the centre and east of Europe.

Among the elements that characterised the beginning of a “medieval” period, the Völkerwanderung or migration of peoples occupied an important place —a softer and less compromising expression than “invasions”. During the period discussed here, various peoples entered into universal history, an integration that was dramatic for the central power in its initial phase, but historically fertile in the long term, similar to what happened in the west between the 4th and 5th centuries. Avars, Serbs, Croats and Bulgars from the steppe, Slavs from north of the Danube, Muslims from the south-east, these were the new people with whom Byzantium, after an initial period of clashes, had to learn to coexist, a learning process which, in contrast with the events in the western Roman Empire, guaranteed its future for various centuries. The flexibility of the Empire in the face of adverse historical circumstances was significant: given the impossibility of continuing to sustain the “Latin ecumenism”, the option chosen was to establish ties of friendship between Byzantium and her new neighbours, integrating them into a cultural, religious and political community, a “family” of nations, a real commonwealth, as Dimitri Obolensky2 called it (in fact, the Muslim case was outside this scheme, because although there were diplomatic relations, integration was impossible given that these two worlds were mutually exclusive). This did not mean renouncing the universalistic pretensions inherent in a Christian empire, but only the recognition of a reality: it was equally the accom- plishment of the Providential Plan, although by different means, as the inclusion within the Byzantine community required a religious, political and cultural conver-

2. Obolensky, Dimitri. The Byzantine Commonwealth. Eastern Europe 500-1453. London: Cardinal Ed., 1974 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 62 08/06/2009 8:25:34 By z a n t i u m a n d t h e dar k ag e s . A ci v i l i z at i o n o n tr i a l 63

sion, so that these peoples joined in a historical task, led by Constantinople, but one that was understood as a commitment involving all Christianity. In the specific case of Balkan Greece, where the Dark Ages were felt especially dramatically, the Empire did not, however, compromise: it obliged the recent arrivals to “Byzantinise” themselves, something it did not attempt with Russians, Bulgars or Serbs. One thing was the extension of Byzantine influence to “barbarian” regions that were never part of the empire, quite another was the recovery of traditionally Hellenic territory. Greece was understood as a province, unjustly seized by the barbarians, which they had settled without imperial consent; thus there was no room for either a Cyril or a Methodius, but rather a full-scale reconquest, as effectively happened. And this was how Byzantium saved Hellenism even in Greece itself, sufficient merit to earn a place in the annals of history.

2. From Latin Empire to Greek Empire

The reigns of Justinian I (527-565) and Heraclius (610-641), constituted two poles of the same historical process, characterised by the end of “Roman ecumenism” and the beginning of eastern Byzantine Hellenism, culturally and geographically speaking. While Justinian might be called the “last Roman emperor”, Heraclius might well be considered the “first Byzantine emperor”. The latter, imbibed with the imperial Latin spirit, took on the task of restoring the Universal Empire, embarking on the so-called Reconquest, a task to which all the diplomatic, economic and military resources available to the emperor were committed. The “ecumenical dream” seemed at the time to come true: Byzantium, the Second Rome, was once again the First, the Lord of the Mediterranean, restoring its authority in the north of Africa, eastern Spain and the north of Italy. From a “localist” and narrow perspective, Justinian’s great politcal and military undertaking may have seemed very successful. However, as the time goes by, signs of weakness began to appear, symptoms of a disease whose consequence would, on one hand, be the irremediable and definitive loss of the reconquered provinces. On the other hand, as Justinian’s policy, concentrating on the west, in the long term favoured the Empire’s powerful enemies (Lombards, Slavs, Avars and Persians, among others), the Empire also had to face the loss of other important provinces. Egypt and Syria-Palestine fell first to the Persian assault and later to Muslim Arab expansion, a new politcal and military force fed by a strong mystical feeling that appeared in the Mediterranean in the early decades of the 7th century. Avars and Slavs, on the other hand, took control of the Balkans. Thus, between the 6th and 7th centuries Byzantium bled on two fronts. Heraclius, on his part, contemplated in some occasions the possibility to transfer the capital to the west, specifically to his hometown of Carthage, having encoun- tered a lamentable situation in Constantinople after the disastrous government of the usurper Phocas (602-610); but Constantinopolitan traditionalism and what we might call, albeit prematurely, the Byzantine “national” identity, triumphed. His

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 63 08/06/2009 8:25:35 64 Jo s é Mar í n

policy, in short, concentrated on the east. Justinian and Heraclius thus closed the Latin cycle. The Empire contracted territorially to exercise its sovereignty only over Thrace, Constantinople and its hinterland, Armenia and Anatolia. This was a historically Greek zone, so that the material reduction meant, at the same time, a cultural fortress, consolidating the Hellenic character of the Empire. Moreover, traditionally conflictive regions, from a religious point of view, such as Egypt, had beenlost, which reinforced a feeling of belonging to orthodoxy, another element of identity. The Greek language, on the other hand, had replaced Latin from the second half of the 6th century, given that, as Justinian himself stated, it was then the “pátrios foné”, the mother language. Roman patriotism gave way to Greek patriotism. If Justinian had been Imperator, Heraclius was Basileus ton Roméon pistós en Christo (“Emperor of the Romans faithful to Christ”), the title he adopted in 629 and which splendidly sums up the Greek and Christian spirit of Roman tradition in the Byzantine Empire. It is important to emphasize what the loss of the Balkans implied, given that the main land routes that linked east and west (such as the Via Egnatia) were interrupted. There was a distancing between Rome and Constantinople, which, with time, became increasingly notorious in the political, religious, linguistic and the cultural spheres in general. The administrative division sanctioned by Theodosius the Great in 395 and consolidated over the following years, was completed and extended two and a half centuries later. The Old Empire had ceded its place to the Medieval Empire. Below, I will briefly review some outstanding events of the epoch that extended from Justinian to Heraclius, and that allow us to ponder how the crisis that affected the Empire so seriously until the rise of the Macedonian dynasty became so deep.

3. Expansion, contention and withdrawal

Yet Byzantium was in no condition to face the new dangers that were assaulting its frontiers, finding itself in an extreme situation in which even its own existence was in peril. The Empire could try to remain faithful to an ancestral policy which was not to weaken itself or bleed itself dry fighting on two fronts; however, after Justinian’s aggressive policy —and also with it and from it— the problems multiplied and the emperors could barely manage this very complex situation, which led to the opening of various fronts: the west, with the Justinian reconquest and its heavy, burdensome legacy; the Danubian Limes, even more unstable but, at the same time, more poorly maintained; and the eastern front, with the rebellious and dangerous Sassanids who held out until they were completely crushed by Byzan- tium, in the 7th century, shortly before being obliterated by the Muslims. Expansion, contention and withdrawal seem to be the three key concepts when weighing up the facts, if we observe the general situation of the Byzantine Empire at the moment when the “Balkan problem” (the Avars and Slavs) made itself felt. Similarly, the relation that Constantinople established with the recent arrivals, was

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 64 08/06/2009 8:25:36 By z a n t i u m a n d t h e dar k ag e s . A ci v i l i z at i o n o n tr i a l 65

directly linked to the global policy adopted, illustrated in the three above-mentioned terms. While Justinian the Great clearly represented an expansive phase, from the time of his successor, Justin II (565-578), the conditions became unfavourable, and by the end of the reign of Tiberius II (578-582), a policy of contention could barely be maintained, while the structure of the empire began to creak. Despite the efforts of Maurice (582-602), who scarcely managed to preserve the Empire that he inherited, or with Phocas and his disastrous government, and later with Heraclius, who was at least able to recover part of the eastern provinces, Byzantium finally washed its hands of the western provinces. The stage of withdrawal, which included the Balkans, began to be overcome towards the end of the 8th century and the beginning of the 9th. The graph is a statistical table which schematises the extension of the Byzantine Empire throughout its history. It illustrates clearly that the greatest territorial acqui- sitions, which were originated in the reign of Justinian, had been lost by around 620, marking a real hiatus in the statistical curve. There was a brief recovery during the reign of Heraclius, but this hardly exceeded, even at its highest point, the area of the eastern part of the Empire in the fourth and fifth centuries. The collapse that followed was telling in terms of the serious situation that the Empire was then experiencing.

Graph of the territorial extension of the Byzantine Empire (284-1461)

Source: Treadgold, W. A History of the Byzantine State and Society. Stanford: Stanford Uni- versity Press, 1997: 8).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 65 08/06/2009 8:25:37 66 Jo s é Mar í n

Justinian I, drew up an ambitious plan whose aim was to recover the greatness of the Roman Empire. This emperor, in whom Roman universalism was still alive, favoured the western front, sending a series of military expeditions with the aim of recovering the old imperial provinces. To ensure sufficient forces, Justinian signed a “peace without limits” (not an “eternal peace” as Procopius’s words have been commonly and mistakenly translated) with Persia, in 532. In fact, the Byzantine Empire had concentrated its forces on the eastern front from the beginning of the 6th century, and the peace of 532 gave them a breath space which, once that front was stabilised, allowed the so-called Justinian Reconquest to go ahead. In the event, this peace only lasted a few years until it was re-established, first in 562 for a few years, and then again in 592. The Justinian project seemed very successful in the short term: between 533 and 555, Italy, Africa and the eastern part of the Iberian Peninsula fell under Byzantine hegemony, as did the islands of the Western Medi- terranean. The Mediterranean Sea, as has so often been said, once again became a “Roman lake”. However, the monumental nature of the Justinian project, which, in addition to the territorial aspect, included an enormous administrative reform and an extensive building programme, ended up eroding the Empire economically. In the medium term, the weaknesses of the imperial policy came to light, and not only did his successors inherit a critical economic situation, but they also inherited the instability on the eastern front, as well as a possible third front in the Danube region, which mate- rialised after 550, with the impact of the Avars and the movements of the Slavs. With regard to the latter, Byzantium in fact recruited many as frontier settlers or mercenaries, in the conviction that if they felt part of the Empire they would defend it, which provides more evidence of the impact of tradition on imperial policies. Oc- cupied with the wars of the Reconquest in the west, and the war against Persia in the east, the emperor could not send large military forces to a region where the problem seemed “minor”. It is known that groups of Slavs fought for Byzantium in the war against Persia, including examples such as Dabragazas, who became commander of the Crimean fleet, or the case of Sovarouna, a soldier of Slavonic origin stationed in the Caucasus. This initial period of penetration, during which the Slavs still showed no interest in settling permanently in the Balkans, was characterised by peaceful contacts that began a gradual Hellenisation of the recently arrived barbarians. The Danubian Limes, the most dangerous and vulnerable frontier, had been left relatively unprotected since the time of Justine I (518-527). Although his successor reinforced the fortifications on the Danube from Sirmium to Constantinople, thereby completing the work of Anastasius I (491-518), while reorganising the army and using diplomacy if possible, to pit some tribes against others. the forces stationed there were insufficient to stem the barbarian tide, and between 580 and 620 Byz- antine resistance finally gave way. In fact, Justinian’s successors did not concern themselves sufficiently with the maintenance of the fortifiedLimes and so the Slavs had almost total freedom to roam the Balkans as they wished. Divided between east and west, and especially worried about the Reconquest, Justinian I neglected the Danubian frontier, where a purely defensive strategy was

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 66 08/06/2009 8:25:38 By z a n t i u m a n d t h e dar k ag e s . A ci v i l i z at i o n o n tr i a l 67

applied, which was revealed to be completely useless. In any case, Justinian’s building activity and the fortification works of the DanubianLimes should not be under- estimated. The testimony of Procopius, very often distrusted because of its apolo- getic character, but nowadays archaeologically supported, shows that in the middle of the 6th century, the zone was protected in a hitherto unknown way. In the region a complex network of three interlocking defensive lines were built and organised in an overlapping pattern, which shows that the Sclavenes were perceived as a real threat. Justinian also tried to protect the Peloponnese from invasions by having a great wall built across the isthmus of Corinth, as the above-mentioned Byzantine historian also recorded, where forts and garrisons were built, so that all the cities in the peninsula remained inaccessible to the enemy, even if the defences of Ther- mopylae were forced. However, the construction did not stand up to the blows of nature and was demolished by an earthquake in 551, or perhaps by another one in 580, so that on the arrival of the Slavs there was nothing there but ruins. It is paradoxical that some Slavs apparently reached the Peloponnese crossing the Gulf of Corinth with their monoxyls, and not by land across the isthmus, as the emperor had anticipated. In comparative terms, the reign of Justin II was undoubtedly more opaque than that of his predecessor. However, this can be explained to a great extent by the latter’s legacy to the former: a powerful imperial conception, that it is true, led Justin to struggle to maintain Justinian I’s territorial legacy, but he also inherited a very extensive and scattered empire, threatened on all fronts and economically ruined. An austere and tight fiscal policy allowed the imperial coffers to recover temporarily towards the end of his rule, but by then his foreign policy had been shown to be completely misguided. Justinian had maintained a precarious balance with Persia through the payment of tributes, and he had done the same with the Avars on the Danubian frontier, although clearly at a lesser cost. Justin II, however, true to his regime of austerity, but with notable short-sightedness, suspended both payments, which in practice meant and open provocation of two dangerous enemies, although it is true that the tribute handed over to the Avars was considered by many Byzantines as a humiliation. In turn, the western part of the empire was becoming increasingly unstable. On one hand the Lombards rapidly entered Italy from 568 and seized a large part of it, while on the other hand the Visigoths began a counterattack that would finally lead them to oust the Byzantine troops stationed in the Iberian peninsula. Lastly, although the empire maintained its possessions in Africa, the Berber rebellions made the situation more precarious by the day, so much that even the prefect Theodore was assas- sinated, creating an unprecedented and totally outrageous situation. The disaster could have been worse if the emperor had not decided to withdraw and finally re-establish the payment of tribute to the Avars. Without being able to avoid the loss of Italy, and with the sensitive Danubian frontier in the hands of the ambitious Bayan, Khan of the Avars —controlled thanks to the gold— Justine committed a final error: he activated the eastern front against Persia, which, under Chosroes I (531-579), inflicted serious defeats on the Byzantine empire. Once again

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 67 08/06/2009 8:25:39 68 Jo s é Mar í n

it has to be noted that the disaster could have been worse if the emperor had not fallen seriously ill, thereby in practice becoming unfit to govern, so that the regent empress Sophia was obliged to sign a peace treaty with Persia. The universalistic Justinian project that had seemed a dream come true, was reduced to an illusion. Tiberius II and Maurice ended the period of containment, and during their reigns the withdrawal began as a result of two constant and serious problems: multiplica- tion of the fronts and the scarcity of human and economic resources to stabilise them. On the Balkan front —always “in the middle” and affected by the actions on the western or eastern fronts—, the case of Tiberius is telling: Although he was able to pacify Africa and recover the port of Classe di Ravenna, while also celebrating victories, —despite having to lament reversals on the Persian front—, his biggest headache was in the Danubian Limes. The intensification of Avar pressure and the occupation of Sirmium in 582 forced him to cede the city and pay tributes in arrears because of the conflict. Maurice, on his part, had to worry about the western front, which he stabilised by founding the exarchates, with a marked militarisation of the administration, a process that became more marked over the following decades. However, in the Iberian Peninsula he suffered irreversible territorial losses. The Persian front was a prime concern for his government, and in 592 he could manage to end to two decades of war, thanks to the peace treaty signed after the civil war that had afflicted the Sassanids in the years 590-591, and that resulted in the accession to the throne of Chosroes II (590-628), thanks to Byzantine help. Once the truce was signed, Maurice turned his gaze to the Balkans, which had been neglected and where the Avar-Slav penetration was advancing without any restrictions, so much so that they had occupied various cities and, confident in their power, demanded that the emperor increase the tribute agreed years before. The dispatch of troops under General Prisco succeeded in reducing the pressure of the barbarians on the empire. However, the serious economic situation led Maurice to take decisions that he would later regret. Part of his austerity policy meant reducing the army’s troop strength, which had already seriously affected morale. The final straw was the order that was given to stay on the other side of the Danube, in Avar territory, during the winter of the 602-603. Indignant, the army marched on Constantinople led by general Phocas who, after assassinating Maurice and those close to him, proclaimed himself emperor. The rebellion by general Phocas (602-610), whose government was a complete disaster, has often been considered to be the moment when the Danubian frontier was practically left to its own devices. However, as Florin Curta3 has recently demonstrated, there is no evidence that the Limes was completely abandoned nor is there any record of incursions by Avars or Slavs between 602 and 610. In fact, the collapse of the frontier came about during the rule of Heraclius (610-641), who from 620 had to transfer his troops and concentrate his forces in the east, where the

3. Curta, Florin. The Making of the Slavs. History and Archéology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500-700 A.D. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006; Curta, Florin. Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages. 500- 1250. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 68 08/06/2009 8:25:40 By z a n t i u m a n d t h e dar k ag e s . A ci v i l i z at i o n o n tr i a l 69

war had worsened alarmingly. The transfer of troops to the Persian front coincided precisely with the increase in the Slav incursions south of the Danube, which, as shown by the archaeology, went ever deeper. As might be appreciated, the Balkan problem was always a secondary preoccupation for the emperors, who favoured the defence of the eastern front. As well as being a question of political will, the economic problems did not allow a sufficiently large army to be raised to enable a large contingent to be left on the Danube while the problems with Persia or on the western front were being resolved. To the above-mentioned factor of military weakness was added another geographic one. The region of the Balkans, on account of its essentially mountainous relief, (Balkan is a Turkish word meaning “mountainous chain”), is a zone whose defence presents great problems. Thus, the Empire could not avoid a large part of Balkan territory falling into the hands of the Slavs during the 7th century. This escaped Byzantine control with the constitution of the esclavinias, territories occupied by independent Slavonic tribes, that remained outside imperial jurisdiction (although from Justinian II (685-695) onwards the esclavinias were recognised as autonomous (but tributaries), these never constituted a sovereign power or a state, which gave the Empire the opportunity to integrate them into its political orbit, thus maintaining the fiction of universal Byzantine sovereignty). The above-mentioned revolt by Phocas, and the anarchy that followed it, together with the passivity of Heraclius, who after a decade of inactivity concentrated on the eastern front, contributing to worsening the situation, given that the internal crisis, together with the total abandonment of the positions on the Danube, was exploited by the Slavs, who poured into the Balkans. Thus, at the beginning of the 7th century, the ethnic and political make-up of the Balkans had varied considerably, and it was perhaps the greatest change that the peninsula has suffered until this moment. A predominantly Hellenic population turned into one with a numerous Slavonic component; an organisation centralised around Constantinople became a tribal diversity based on blood ties, with an agricultural and pastoral economy; the population changed from urban to rural and dispersed. A kind of Sclavinia that maintained its autonomy for a long time was also formed on the Peloponnesian peninsula. Since then the dark ages began —such as the English historiography rightly calls it— in the Balkans in particular, and in Byzantium in general, a situation that will be dealt with on the following pages.

4. The difficult times

From the 7th century, and up to the beginnings of the 9th century, Byzantine civilization suffered a turbulent, dark epoch, during its very existence came under threat. The impact of Avars and especially Slavs who, taking advantage of the mili-

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 69 08/06/2009 8:25:41 70 Jo s é Mar í n

tary weakness of the Empire as well as its internal problems, managed to cross the Danubian Limes to settle in the Balkans; the ruinous war against Persia on the eastern front, where most of the Byzantine army was concentrated, meant neglecting the western front; and the Muslim expansion that took place in the Middle East and the north of Africa at the expense of Byzantine provinces; all of these were, grosso modo, the external threats that the Empire had to face. The great danger that the Avar presence represented for the Byzantine Empire at a critical moment such as the second decade of government by the emperor Hera- clius, becomes evident when we remember the expedition in 626 when, in conniv- ance with the Persians, they besieged the city of Constantinople. In the absence of the emperor, the patriarch Sergius I (610-638) organised the defence of the capital and raised the morale of the population, kindling religious fervour and infusing them with the will to resist the siege. Litanies were chanted and hands raised towards heaven in prayer, while the Virgin Mary was invoked as the preferred inter- cessor before Jesus Christ. Admirably, the Avars abandoned the site. Such a victory can be explained easily, not only through the Avars’ lack of adequate siege techniques to assault a walled city like Constantinople, but also by the timely arrival of military reinforcements. However, and this says a lot about Byzantine mentality, rather than rely on the city’s natural or military defences, the citizens of Constantinople trusted in the supernatural defence of a capital to which they attributed a trascendent destiny. In fact, as J. Haldon states, such an emphasis also implied a loss of confidence in the traditional symbols of power. The belief in the celestial protection found eloquent expression in the hymn Aka- thistos, composed in the 5th century, but whose preface, in which the Virgin Mary is invoked as “invicta estratega”, is attributed to the patriarch Sergio, who would have written it shortly after the Avar siege, in order to celebrate such a magnificent and miraculous victory (against enemies who were compared to the old adversaries of Israel, as if Constantinople were a New Jerusalem). That year of 626 was decisive not only for Byzantium, but also for the future of the other two empires in conflict. It marked the beginning of the decline of Persia, while the Avar danger disappeared over the Byzantine horizon. The weakness of the Avars, exemplified by the settling of Serbs and Croats in the Balkans, is an interesting point in itself, but one that strays beyond the present purpose, so let us then return to the general situation of the empire. The situation that had reached tragic dimensions in the 7th century (such that the Empire, threatened on all its frontiers, seemed about to perish), also marked an era not only of territorial changes, but also of political orientation, with a marked tendency towards the militarisation of the administration. In those regions where the imperial dominion was restored, a thema or themata was created, that is, a province governed by an estratega in whose hands the civil and military power was concentrated, and whose mission consisted of ensuring the submission of the region, administering it and protecting it from new dangers. Moreover, each thema had a detachment of soldiers, the stratiotas, who were installed as settlers on lands handed over in exchange for defending them. Thus, these soldier-settlers made sovereignty

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 70 08/06/2009 8:25:42 By z a n t i u m a n d t h e dar k ag e s . A ci v i l i z at i o n o n tr i a l 71

inhabiting, defending, cultivating and paying their taxes, as this was a civil-military measure that had far-reaching socio-economic repercussions. The word thema origi- nally designated a military body, but would later come to designate a territorial division, a change that came about between the end of the 7th century and beginning of the 8th. The characteristic 10th-century organization of the Empire in themata, a puzzle still not completely resolved in the historiography, had its origin, according to some, in the reforms of Heraclius and, according to others, in the exceptional union of civil and military power under Justinian and the later creation of the exarchate under the emperor Maurice. Whatever the truth, these “advanced provinces” were key elements in the Byzantine recovery that began in the early decades of the 9th century. Precisely one of the keys for the imperial recovery during the epoch of the Macedonian dynasty was the protection of the minor free peasantry, whose origin is associated with the constitution of the themas. The loss of a great part of the Balkans to the Slavs, Serbs, Croats and Bulgars meant that the Greek east and the Latin west turned their backs on each other, mutually ignoring each other. The peninsula, having been a bridge, now became an abyss. There were three landmarks in this process: the exaltation of Pippin as king of the Franks in 751, the imperial coronation of Charlemagne in 800, and the more famous than effective schism of Photius in the second half of the 9th century. This crisis of Byzantium was part of a global process that affected the entire Mediter- ranean. While it was a deepening of changes that had been brewing for the Latin west, in the Greek-Byzantine east it was practically the end of the old epoch and the beginning of the Greek Middle Ages: an ecumenical Latin empire became an eastern Greek empire, a Catholic world was gradually transformed into an orthodox Christian one. The concept of the “Great Breach of Hellenism” that Dionýsios Zakythinós4 coined for the Greek case, therefore seems appropriate, given that it expresses very well the change, which took place between the 7th and 9th centuries, putting an end to ancient Hellenism which gave way to medieval Hellenism, i.e. Byzantine, Hellenism. The migrations of barbarian peoples signalled the end of one stage and the beginning of another. Moreover, the global impact that this external situation provoked was not negligible. This included demographic contraction, migratory movements, such as Greeks from Egypt, Syria and Palestine who left their land to move to Ana- tolia or further away to Sicily; or inhabitants of the Balkans, who fled to the islands or the south of Italy; and the depopulation of some cities and the destruction of others with the consequent ruralisation and dispersion of the population. All of this contributed to a serious economic crisis resulting from both the abandonment of fields and the loss of rich provinces, it was the case with Egypt, and the consequent reduction in manpower and the interruption of important routes, both overland and maritime.

4. Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La Grande Brèche dans la tradition historique de l’hellénisme du Septième au Neuvième siècle”, Xαριστήεριον είς Άναστάσιον Κ. Όρλάνδον. Δημοσίευμα τη̃ς έν Άθήναις Άρχαιολογικη̃ς ̉Έταιρείας. Athens: 1966: III, 300-327; Byzance: Etat-economie-Société. London : Variorum Reprints, 1973: VIII.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 71 08/06/2009 8:25:43 72 Jo s é Mar í n

From the demographic point of view, there was a drop in population, caused both by the violence of the barbarian invaders and the flight from their assault, as well as ruralisation and dispersion, on account of which the already damaged urban structure of the Empire, especially in the Balkans, definitly fell apart. Thekastron , a new urban system more in accordance with the needs of the times, together with the new administrative organization centred on the themes, replaced the old one inherited from Rome. In fact, the archaeological findings show that the process of change in the urban structure had already begun in the 6th century, before the impact of Avars and Slavs, but it got deeper later. The Byzantine thalassocracy had to face the competition of the newly-born Is- lamic empire, which would soon come to threaten Byzantium and its control of the Mediterranean. Before the 7th century Constantinople ruled the sea routes along the axis from the Crimea in the east to the Pillars of Hercules in the west, with full naval, commercial and military control, and with the political influence that such a situation naturally implied. Later, Byzantium had to resign itself to the maritime control of the Black Sea —Aegean Sea axis, thus reducing its commercial flow, together with its political presence in the western Mediterranean. It is symptomatic that the high points of the Byzantine Empire coincide with the periods of maritime domination and, in fact, when Byzantium turned its back on the sea, the decline was inevitable. Thus, the unity of the ancient world had split forever.

5. The Great Breach, crisis or transformation?

The political, social, economic, religious, and linguistic changes that brought about the crisis of the 7th century implied the end of an era that, rooted in Antiquity, was at the same time the foundation for a new epoch. It was not a terminal crisis, but rather a starting crisis. It seems that the debatable (and debated) thesis by Henri Pirenne5 was fulfilled, mutatis mutandis, in the case of the eastern Mediterranean. In line with the Belgian historian’s proposals, Antiquity, personified by the Roma- nia, extended beyond the 5th century, when the western Roman Empire collapsed politically, that is, the structure of the Romania survived historically practically un- changed, a hypothesis that, although not reflecting the reality of the Latin west, does so to some extent with regard to the eastern reality, as shown in our preceding approach. Pirenne’s error, in this case, lies in not having emphasised enough the case of Byzantium, where he would have found some “positive”, not merely theoretical, evidence more in line with his thesis. The critical century, which somehow coincided with Pirenne’s approach, was the time between 650 and 750, when east and west were separated for good by the emergence of the Muslim world as a new power in the Mediterranean, to which we have to add the Slavonic “wedge” in the

5. Pirenne, Henri. Mahoma y Carlomagno, trans. Esther Benítez. Madrid: Alianza, 1981. (Paris: F. Alcan, 1937; Bruxelles: Nouvelle société d’éditions, 1937).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 72 08/06/2009 8:25:44 By z a n t i u m a n d t h e dar k ag e s . A ci v i l i z at i o n o n tr i a l 73

Balkans, which interrupted communications between east and west, such as the road network based around the via Egnatia, which was completely broken up. The importance of the 7th century for world history in general, and for Byzantine history in particular, has also been emphasised by professor Héctor Herrera Cajas6, only this time with a more general vision that includes, together with Byzantium and the Islamic world, the Persian Sassanid Empire in the east, and the power of the Avars (as well as the Serbs, Slavs, Croats and Bulgars) in the west. In fact, it should be recognised, to put the historical processes in their true perspective, that a single explanation is misleading, given that many of the protagonists are linked, in one way or another, to the Byzantine Empire. Once the problem has been framed from a “universal” point of view, it is possible to refer more coherently to the specific processes, such as ethnic changes, mutations in urban life or fluctuations in the imperial frontiers. Dionýsios Zakythinós highlighted this by studying a specific but representative case (Greece), placing it within a global framework. According to this author, between the seventh and ninth centuries, the old Hellas experienced a period of darkness, crisis and change; it was the death of Greco-Roman Antiquity and the beginning of what we might call the Greek Middle Ages. He states:

From the mid 7th century and until the middle of the 9th, the history of Greece shows a period of decline; the evidence from the sources about this classical land of glorious reminiscences becomes rare and imprecise; no monument was erected, no literary manuscript came from this region where writing represented the sub- tlest works of human thought; there are very few and debatable archaeological vestiges; a few inscriptions, some humble graffiti, have been conserved; coins and seals are rare7

It was the end of a monumental and artistic era that, for the Greeks, dated back without a break to Classical Antiquity. The archaeological and artistic-architectural evidence, where it exists, constitutes clear proof that the flame of civilization seemed to turn off, and turn into little more than an ember that, when winds of change blew in from the Imperial capital at the end of the 8th century and beginning of the 9th, it was rekindled to cast a new light, no less brilliant, although different than the previous one. For Dionýsios Zakythinós this was the abyss, the “Great Breach”, that separated two well-defined historical landscapes: from the architectural point of view, for example, it was the end of the era of the Palaeo-Christian basilica and the beginning of the era of the cruciform church, in the same way that, in the urban context, the magnificent Hellenic city was replaced by the Byzantine kastron with its marked military character.8

6. Herrera, Héctor. Dimensiones de la Cultura Bizantina. Arte, Poder y Legado Histórico. Santiago de Chile: Centro de Estudios Bizantinos de la Universidad de Chile - Universidad Gabriela Mistral, 1998; Herrera, Héctor. Las relaciones Internacionales del Imperio Bizantino durante la época de las grandes invasiones. Santiago de Chile: Ediciones del Centro de Estudios Bizantinos y Neohelénicas de la Universidad de Chile, 1972. 7. Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La Grande Brèche dans la tradition historique...”: 300. 8. Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La Grande Brèche dans la tradition historique…”.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 73 08/06/2009 8:25:45 74 Jo s é Mar í n

In the Balkans, the phenomenon could be explained by the Avar-Slavonic and Bulgar invasions that undoubtedly affected the Hellenic population deeply. However, this would minimise and simplify a more complex processes. The Balkan problem should really be considered as part of the Byzantine crisis, and this, in turn, cannot be understood if it is not included within a wider Mediterranean crisis. The Avar- Slavonic invasions, the earthquakes, epidemics and famines, or the Iconoclasm Controversy, were more or less local phenomena that do not suffice to explain the full picture. The precarious balance was disrupted by the Muslim expansion (a result of Persian and Byzantine weakness), creating a commotion on a “universal” scale. For Zakythinós, the seventeenth of September 642 is a symbolic date, being the day when Alexandria fell into Muslim hands. The ideal that its founder had incorporated into the history of the Greco-Roman Civilization almost a millennium earlier, fell with the city.9 Thanks to the studies published in the last ten years, it is possible to explain the image that has forged the historiography of the Balkans, based on fragmentary documentation. The archaeology has demonstrated that the Balkans never completely escaped from Byzantine control, and the Peloponnese even less so. Thus the works by Anna Avramea10 about the Peloponnese, or by Florin Curta11 on the Slavs and the Greek dark ages, offer us new perspectives of analysis, questioning the almost total transformation of the Empire, placing the emphasis on elements of continuity, and minimising or varying, —depending on the case —the pattern outlined until now. The “Great Breach” should be seen as a gradual process of changes rather than an abrupt rupture between one period and another. Dionýsios Zakythinós apparently identified the problem and its principal variables well, but exaggerated it. Despite this, the concept of the “Great Breach” is a valuable one. Andreas Stratos12, a Byzantist who studied the 7th century with great interest, stated that this was a “truly grave” epoch for the Empire, a “crucial century”, in which “the very existence of Byzantium was fought over”, which was achieved, to an extent, as George Ostrogorsky13 states, by abandoning the “Roman dream” to face the reality. Both visions coincide with the one that has been analysed above. Only Paul Lemerle14 doubts that it was a crisis, specifying that it was rather

9. Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La Grande Brèche dans la tradition historique…”. 10. Avramea, Anna. Le Péloponnèse du IVe au VIIIe siècle. Changements et persistentes. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1997. 11. Curta, Florin. “Byzantium in Dark-Age Greece (the numismatic evidence in its Balkan context)”. Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 29/2 (2005): 113-146; Curta, Florin. The Making of the Slavs. History and Archéology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500-700 A.D. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006; Curta, Florin. Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages. 500-1250. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. 12. Stratos, Andreas N. Studies in 7th-Century Byzantine Political History. London: Variorum Reprints, 1983. 13. Ostrogorsky, George. “Byzantine cities in the early Middle Ages”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959): 45-66; Ostrogorsky, George. “The Byzantine Empire in the world of the Seventh Century”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959): 1-21; Ostrogorsky, George. History of the Byzantine State, trans. Joan Hussey. New Brunswick: Rutgers U. Press, 1957. (Munich: Beck, 1940). 14. Lemerle, Paul. “Les repercusions de la crise de l’Empire d’Orient au VIIe siècle sur les pays d’ Occi- dent”; Caratteri del secolo VII in Occidente : 23-29 aprile, 1957. V Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto:

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 74 08/06/2009 8:25:46 By z a n t i u m a n d t h e dar k ag e s . A ci v i l i z at i o n o n tr i a l 75

a period of transformations —which would also be in line with the thoughts of John Haldon15— during which the axis of the Empire moved towards the east. Thus, the position of Zakythinós is doubtful. He indicates that it was a political, economic, social and spiritual crisis, concluding that “situated over the Great Schism, what I see is the ruin of universal Hellenism”. If, on the other hand, in line with H. Herrera,16 we understand a crisis as a period of deep questioning that demands committed, compromising and rational responses, born from a spirit tempered in the tremendously historical act of living through a crisis, responses that once updated would lead to a transformation (radical or not) of a specific historical entity, any discussion framed in such terms seems pointless. It seems more important, and more complex, to determine whether it was a crisis that led to a transformation, or vice-versa. With regard to the supposed decline, this happens when a civilization appears incapable of overcoming reiterated and acute crises; in my opinion, the Byzantine renovation of the 9th century shows that the Empire knew how to find the right answers, thus avoiding decadence. We are probably facing speculative images from behind which a historical reality peers out (perhaps forcing an ironic smile), a reality of such complexity that it involves all these aspects. Whatever it is, what we can observe clearly is that Byzantine civilization not only managed to survive a difficult epoch with the adequate historical responses, but it also reinvigorated its Hellenic roots. Byzantium knew how to gain a prosperous future.

6. Bibliographical Overview

We did not wish to load this article with excessive notes, which would have been very numerous; we are, however, indebted to an important bibliography, from which we ought to highlight some titles, which the reader will also find listed at the end of this brief commentary. Without delaying on the primary sources (which are well-known, i.e. Procopius17, Menander18, John of Ephesus19, Theophanes20,

Centro di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1958: II, 713-731. 15.Haldon, John F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century. The transformation of a culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). 16. Herrera Héctor. “El sentido de la crisis en Occidente”. Academia, 8 (1983): 70-78. 17. Procopius. The anecdota, or secret history, ed. H.B. Dewing. London-Massachussets: Heinemann-Har- vard University Press, 1960. 18. Menander. The history of Menander the Guardsman, ed. R.C. Blockley. Liverpool: Cairns, 1985. 19. Bishop of Ephesus, John. The third part of the ecclesiastical history of John, Bishop of Ephesus, ed. M. A. R. Payne Smith. Oxford: university Press, 1860. 20. The Confessor, Theophanes. The chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern history, A.D. 284-813, eds. Cyril Mango, Roger Scott. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 75 08/06/2009 8:25:47 76 Jo s é Mar í n

Theophylaktos Simokates21, the anonymous Miracles of Saint Demetrius22, or the Chronicle of Monemvasía23 and apart from the traditional manuals of Louis Bréhier24, Fotios Malleros25, Alexander A. Vasiliev26, Dimitri Obolensky27 or George Ostrogorsky28, some recent works must be mentioned, such as the very exhaustive work by Warren Treadgold29, unique in its class in decades of Byzantology, which together with a detailed historical description provides us with an update from the historiographical point of view, which converts this work into an essential reference manual for today. It is important to highlight the collection of essays edited by Michael Maas30 and dedicated to the epoch of Justinian, which is analysed from various points of view. Florin Curta’s31 contributions are both interesting and original, both his book about the invention of the Slavs, which presents a vision that incorporates anthropology and archaeology into historical analysis, and in his latest book about the history of south-eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, whose second chapter is dedicated, justifiably, to the “dark ages”, a subject which the author knows in great depth. In order to approach the principal characteristics of the 7th century, beginning with the excellent synthesis of the period that extends from Justinian to Heraclius, the book by John Haldon32 is very useful. It not only includes good narration, but also introduces the different positions of historians with regard to certain problems, such as the origin of the themata. For a synthetic vision of the

21. Simocatta, Theophylactus. The history of Theophylact Simocatta: an english translation with introduction and notes, eds. Michael Whitby, Mary Whitby. Oxford: Clarendon Press for Sandpiper Books, 1997. 22. Les Plus anciens recueils des miracles de saint Démétrius: et la pénétration des slaves dans les Balkans, ed. Paul Lemerle. Paris: éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1979. 23. Cronaca di Monemvasia, ed. Ivan Dujcev. Palermo: istituto Siciliano Studi Bizantini, 1976 among the more relevant. 24. Bréhier, Louis. El Mundo Bizantino. Vida y Muerte de Bizancio, trans. José Almoina. México D.F.: UTEHA, 1956. 25. Malleros, Fotios. El Imperio Bizantino 395-1204. Santiago de Chile: Editorial Jurídica de Chile, 1951. 26. Vasiliev, Alexander Alexandrovich. History of the Bizantine Empire 323-1453. Madison-Milwaukee: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1964. 27. Obolensky, Dimitri. The Byzantine Commonwealth. Eastern Europe 500-1453. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971. 28. Ostrogorsky, George. Geschichte des byzantinischen Staates. Munich: C.H. Beck, 1940. 29. Treadgold, Warren. A History of the Byzantine State and Society. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997. 30. Mass, Michael, ed. The Age of Justinian. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005. 31. Curta, Florin. The Making of the Slavs. History and Archeology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500-700 A.D. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001; Curta, Florin. Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages. 500- 1250. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. 32. Haldon, John F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century. The transformation of a culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 76 08/06/2009 8:25:48 By z a n t i u m a n d t h e dar k ag e s . A ci v i l i z at i o n o n tr i a l 77

general situation of the Mediterranean world at the beginning of the 7th century, see the articles by Héctor Herrera33 and George Ostrogorsky34. For the study of the Avars and Slavs in the Balkans and the Peloponnesus, there is an extensive bibliography. For the latter case let me highlight first the work by Antoine Bon35, a pioneer in the study of the peninsula, and second, because it updates the state of the question, the book by Anna Avramea36, which contains invaluable archaeological information. With regard to the Avars and Slavs, apart from the classic book by Francis Dvornik37, the articles by Ivan Dujev38 in Medioevo Byzantine- Slavo, which deals with various themes, are essential reading, although it is true that some of his statements are now disputable. The above-mentioned book by Florin Curta39 is a valuable updated complement. With regard to the changes that took place in Byzantium in the “dark ages”, together with the study by Anna Avramea and Florin Curta on the archaeological aspect, it is essential to consult The Economic History of Byzantium, edited by Angeliki Laiou40, which contains relevant information about commercial exchanges, the numismatic findings or road networks, among other themes. Peter Charanis41, some of whose articles are reprinted in a collection, dedicates various works to the situation in the Balkans, delving into the archaeological evidence, the documentary sources or the demographic problems, especially the population movements that occurred during the period in question. Although Peter Charanis is somehow vehement in his positions, some of which are debatable, there is no doubt about the serious- ness with which he studied these themes, always searching for a full validation for the controversial sources for the study of the Peloponnese in the Middle Ages: the Chronicle of Monemvasia. Dionýsios Zakythinós42 has the merit of having incorporated the concept of “the Historical Schism”, taken from German historiography, that explains very well

33. Herrera, Héctor. “Dagoberto y Heraclio. Un capítulo de Historia Diplomática”. Byzantion Nea Hellás, 2 (1971): 135-151. 34. Ostrogorsky, George. “The Byzantine Empire in the World of the Seventh Century”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959): 1-21. 35. Bon, Antoine. Le Péloponnese Byzantin jusqu’au 1204. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1951. 36. Avramea, Anna. Le Péloponnèse du IVe au VIIIe siècle. Changements et persistences. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1997. 37. Dvornik, Francis. Les Slaves. Histoire et civilisation de l’ Antiquité aux débuts de l’ Époque Contemporaine, trans. Danielle Pavlesky, Maroussia Chpolyansky. Paris: édition du Seuil, 1970. (Boston: American Acad- emy of Arts and Sciences, 1956). 38. Dujev, Ivan. Medioevo Bizantino-Slavo, Storia e Letteratura.1. Saggi di Storia Politica e Cultural. Roma: Edizione di Storia e Letteratura, 1965. 39. Curta, Florin. The Making of the Slavs. History and Archéology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500-700 A.D. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. 40. The Economic History of Byzantium. From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, 3 vol., Angeliki E. Laiou, ed. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and collection, 2002. 41. Charanis, Peter. Studies on the demography of the Byzantine Empire. London: Variorum Reprints, 1972. 42. Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La Grande Brèche dans la tradition historique de l’hellénisme du Septième au Neuvième siècle”...

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 77 08/06/2009 8:25:49 78 Jo s é Mar í n

the material, intellectual and spiritual conditions of Greek and Byzantine history from the 7th to the 9th centuries. To his articles, cited below, should be added some interesting works by Andreas Stratos43, published in a volume in the Variorum Reprints collection. The value of Stratos’ work lies in that, first of all, he dared to study a crucial period in the history of Byzantium which, paradoxically, has been little studied, and second, he analyses the scarce sources available for the period with erudition and perspicacity, drawing interesting conclusions. For a discussion about whether the epoch in question was one of crisis or transformation, the theoretical work of Héctor Herrera44 has been of great use and has served to challenge the ideas of Paul Lemerle45.

Bibliographical appendix

Ahrweiler, Hélène. “La Frontière et les frontières de Byzance en Orient”. Actes du XIVe Congrès International des Etudes Byzantines (Bucarest, 6-12 septembre 1971), Mihai Berza, Eugen Stnescu, dirs. Bucarest: Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste România, 1974 : I, 209-230 ; Byzance: les pays et les territoires. London: Variorum Reprints, 1976: IV/209-230. Andréadès, Andreas M. Histoire Economique et Financière de la Grèce. Athens: Faculté du Droit de l’Université d’Athènes, 1958. Avramea, Anna. Le Péloponnèse du IVe au VIIIe siècle. Changements et persistences. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1997. Baynes, Norman Hepburn; Moss, Henry St. Lawrence Beaufort. Byzantium. An Intro- duction to East Roman Empire. Oxford: the Clarendon Press, 1962 (Oxford: Claren- don Press, 1948). Baynes, Norman Hepburn. El Imperio Bizantino, trans. María Luisa Diez-Canedo, Francisco Giner de los Ríos. México D.F.: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1985. (primera edición, London: Williams & Norgate, 1925). Bogdan, Henry. La Historia de los países del Este, trans. Amanda Fons. Buenos Aires: Javier Vergara, 1991. (Paris: Perrin, 1990). Bon, Antoine. Le Péloponnese Byzantin jusqu’ au 1204. Paris : Presses Universitaires de France, 1951. Bréhier, Louis. El Mundo Bizantino. Vida y Muerte de Bizancio, trans. José Almoina. México D.F.: UTEHA, 1956. Carpenter, Rhys. Discontinuity in Greek Civilization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966.

43. Stratos, Andreas N. Studies in 7th-Century Byzantine Political History. London: Variorum Reprints, 1983. 44. Herrera, Héctor.“El sentido de la crisis en Occidente”. Academia, 8 (1983): 70-78. 45. Lemerle, Paul. “Les repercusions de la crise de l’Empire d’Orient au VIIe siècle sur les pays d’ Occi- dent”. Caratteri del secolo VII in Occidente : 23-29 aprile, 1957. V Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1958: II, 713-731.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 78 08/06/2009 8:25:50 By z a n t i u m a n d t h e dar k ag e s . A ci v i l i z at i o n o n tr i a l 79

Castellán, Angel A. “Proposiciones para un análisis crítico del problema de la perio- dificación histórica”.Anales de Historia Antigua y Medieval, 8 (1957-1958): 7-48. Charanis, Peter. “The transfer of population as a policy in the Byzantine Empire”. Comparative Studies in Society and History, 3/2 (January, 1961): 140-154. Charanis, Peter. “Ethnic changes in the Byzantine Empire in the Seventh Century”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959): 23-44. Charanis, Peter. “The Chronicle of Monemvasia and the question of the slavonic settlements in Greece”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 5 (1950): 140-166. Charanis, Peter. “On the question of the hellenization of Sicily and Southern Italy during the Middle Ages”. The American Historical review, LII/I (1946): 74-86. Charanis, Peter. “On the Slavic Sttlements in the Peloponnesus”. Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 46 (1946): 91-103. Charanis, Peter. “On the question of the Slavonic Settlements in Greece during the Middle Ages”. Byzantinoslavica, X (1949): 254-258. Charanis, Peter. “The significance of coins as evidence for the history of Athens and Corinth in the Seventh and Eigth Centuries”. Historia. Zeitschrift für alte Geschichte, IV/2-3 (1955): 163-172. Charanis, Peter. “Nicephorus I, the Saviour of Greece from the Slavs (810 A.D.)”. Byzantina-Metabyzantina, I/I (1946): 75-92. Charanis, Peter. Studies on the demography of the Byzantine Empire. London: Variorum Reprints, 1972. Curta, Florin. “Introduction”, East Central and Eastern Europe in the Early Middle Ages. Florin Curta, ed. Michigan: Ann Arbor, 2005: 1-38. Curta, Florin. “Byzantium in Dark-Age Greece (the numismatic evidence in its Bal- kan context)”. Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 29/2 (2005): 113-146. Curta, Florin. The Making of the Slavs. History and Archéology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500-700 A.D. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Curta, Florin. Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages. 500-1250. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Ducellier, Alain; Kaplan, Michel; Martin, Bernadette. El Cercano Oriente Medieval, trans. Eduardo Bajo. Madrid: Akal, 1998. (Paris: Hachette, 1978). Dujev, Ivan. “Bisanzio e i1 mondo slavo”, Centri e vie di irradiazione della civilità nell’alto Medieoveo: 18-23 aprile, 1963. XI Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spo- leto: Centro Italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1964: 3-22. Dujev, Ivan. “Il mondo slavo e la Persia nell’ Alto Medioevo”, Atti del Convegno internazionale sul tema “La Persia e i1 mondo Grecorromano”. Roma: Accademia Nazion- ale dei Lincei (Atii della Accademia nazionale dei Lincei. Memoriae della Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, quaderno 76), 1966: 321-424. Dujev, Ivan. “L’arrivo dei popoli slavi e le sue conseguenze”, Popoli e paesi nella cultura altomedievale: 23-29 aprile 1981. XXIX Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro Italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1983: I, 131-152. Dujev, Ivan. Medioevo Bizantino-Slavo, Storia e Letteratura. 1, Saggi di Storia Politica e Letteratura. Roma: Edizione di Storia e Letteratura, 1965. Dujev, Ivan. Medioevo Bizantino-Slavo, Storia e Letteratura. 2, Saggi di Storia Politica e Letteraria. Roma: Edizione di Storia e Letteratura, 1968.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 79 08/06/2009 8:25:51 80 Jo s é Mar í n

Dvornik, Francis. Les Slaves. Histoire et civilisation de l’Antiquité aux débuts de l’Époque Contemporaine, trans. Danielle Pavlesky, Maroussia Chpolyanski. Paris: édition du Seuil, 1970. (Boston: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1956; New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press, 1962). Ferluga, Jadran. “Gli slavi del sud ed altri gruppi etnici di fronte a Bisanzio”, Gli slavi occidentali e meridionali nell’Alto Medioevo: 15-21 aprile 1982. XXX, Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro Italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1983: I, 303-344. Finlay, George. A History of Greece from its conquest by the Romans to the Present time. B.C. 146 to A.D. 1864, Vol. IV: Mediaeval Greece and the Empire of Trebizond A.D. 1204 1461. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1877. García-Guijarro, Luis. “Justiniano y la romanidad oriental en el siglo VI”, Historia Universal de la Edad Media, Vicente Ángel Álvarez, ed. Barcelona: Ariel, 2002: 95-132. Gregorovius, Ferdinand. Roma y Atenas en la Edad Media, trans. Wenceslao Roces. México D.F.: Editorial Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1946. Grousset, René. L’Empire des Steppes. Attila. Gengis Khan. Tamerlan. Paris: Payot, 1952. Haldon, John F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century. The transformation of a culture. Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). Hauptmann, L. “Les rapports des byzantines avec les slaves et les avares pendant la séconde moitié du VIe siècle”. Byzantion, 4 (1927-1928): 137-170. Herrera, Héctor. “Dagoberto y Heraclio. Un capítulo de Historia diplomática”. Byzan- tion Nea Hellás, 2 (1971): 135-151. Herrera, Héctor. “El sentido de la crisis en Occidente”. Academia, 8 (1983): 70-78. Herrera, Héctor. Dimensiones de la Cultura Bizantina. Arte, Poder y Legado Histórico. San- tiago de Chile: Centro de Estudios Bizantinos de la Universidad de Chile - Uni- versidad Gabriela Mistral, 1998. Herrera, Héctor. Las Relaciones Internacionales del Imperio Bizantino durante la época de las grandes invasiones. Santiago de Chile: Ediciones del Centro de Estudios Bizan- tinos y Neohelénicos de la Universidad de Chile, 1972. Jenkins, Romilly. Byzantium. The Imperial centuries. A.D. 610-1071. London: Wieden- feld and Nicolson, 1966. Laiou, Angeliki, ed. The Economic History of Byzantium. From the Seventh through the Fif- teenth Century, 3 volumes, Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and collection, 2002. Lemerle, Paul. “Invasions et migrations dans les Balkans dépuis la fin de l’ époque romain jusqu’ au VIIIe siècle”. Revue Historique, 211 (1954): 265-308. Lemerle, Paul. “Les repercusions de la crise de l’Empire d’Orient au VIIe siècle sur les pays d’ Occident”, Caratteri del secolo VII in Occidente : 23-29 aprile, 1957. V Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1958: II, 713-731. Lemerle, Paul. “Quelques remarques sur le règne d’Heraclius”. Studi Medievali, III/I (1960): 347-361.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 80 08/06/2009 8:25:52 By z a n t i u m a n d t h e dar k ag e s . A ci v i l i z at i o n o n tr i a l 81

Lewis, Archibald. “Mediterranean maritime commerce: A.D. 300-1100 Shipping and Trade”, La navigazione mediterranea nell’alto medioevo. XXV Settimane di Studi del Centro italiano di studi Sull’Alto Medioevo, 14-20 aprile 1977. Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi su’ll alto medioevo, 1978: II, 481-501. Maas, Michael, ed. The Age of Justinian. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Malleros, Fotios. “¿Existe continuidad entre la Grecia clásica y la moderna?”. Byzan- tion Nea Hellás, 5 (1981): 199-228. Malleros, Fotios. El Imperio Bizantino 395-1204. Santiago de Chile: Ediciones del Cen- tro de Estudios Bizantinos de la Universidad de Chile, 1987 (Santiago: Editorial Jurídica de Chile, 1951). Marín, José. “Croatas y Serbios en el De Administrando Imperio de Constantino VII Porphyrogénito”. Studia Croatica, XXXVII/130 (Marzo 1996): 24-45. Marín, José. Cruzada, Guerra Santa y Yihad. La Edad Media y Nosotros. Valparaíso: Edi- ciones de la Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, 2003. Musset, Lucien. “Entre deux vagues d’invasions: la progression slave dans l’histoire européenne du Haut Mayen Age”, Gli slavi occidentali e meridionali nell’Alto Medio- evo: 15-21 aprile 1982. XXX, Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1983: II, 978-1028. Musset, Lucien. Las invasiones. El Segundo Asalto contra la Europa Cristiana, trans. Juan Viñoly. Barcelona: Labor, 1968. Nystazópoulou-Pélekidou, Maria. “La cuestión macedónica”. Byzantion Nea Hellás, 11-12 (1993): 267-295. Nystazópoulou-Pélekidou, Maria. “Le sud-est de l’Europe et la Mediterranée au Moyen Age (les cadres géographiques et historiques)”, Communications Grecques presentées au VIe Congrès International des Etudes du Sud-Est Européen (Sofia: 30 Août - 5 Septembre 1989). Athens: Comité National Grec des Etudes du Sud-Est Eu- ropéen-Centre d’Études du Sud-Est Européen, 1990: 455-469. Obolensky, Dimitri. Byzantium and the Slavs: collected studies. London: Variorum Re- prints, 1971. Obolensky, Dimitri. The Byzantine Commonwealth. Eastern Europe 500-1453. London: Cardinal Ed., 1974 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971). Oikonomides, Nicholas. “The concept of Holy War and two Tenth-century Byzan- tine Ivories”, Peace and War in Byzantium: Essays in honor of George T. Dennos, Timo- thy S. Miller, John Nesbitt, eds. Washington D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1995: 62-86. Okey, Robin. “Central Europe/Eastern Europe: Behind the Definitions”. Past and Present, 137 (November, 1992): 102-133. Ostrogorsky, George. “Byzantine cities in the early Middle Ages”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959), 45-66. Ostrogorsky, George. “The Byzantine Empire in the world of the Seventh Century”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959): 1-21. Ostrogorsky, George. History of the Byzantine State, trans. Joan Hussey. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1957. (Munich: Beck, 1940).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 81 08/06/2009 8:25:53 82 Jo s é Mar í n

Patoura-Hatzópoulos, Sofia. “L’oeuvre de reconstitution du limes Danubien àl’ époque de l’ empereur Justinien Premier”. Revue des Etudes Sud-Est Européennes, XVIII/1 (Janvier-Mars 1980): 95-109. Pirenne, Henri. Mahoma y Carlomagno, trans. Esther Benítez. Madrid: Alianza, 1981. (Paris: F. Alcan, 1937). Pritsak, Omeljan. “The Slavs and the Avars”, Gli slavi occidentali e meridionali nell’Alto Medioevo: 15-21 aprile 1982. XXX Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Cen- tro italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1983: I, 353-432. Rajevi, Andrés. “Bizancio y la cristianización de los eslavos”. Byzantion Nea Hellás, 9-10 (1990): 239-273. Šari, Ljiljana. “Balkan Identity: Changing Self-Images of the South Slavs”. Journalof Multilingual and Multicultural development, 25/5-6 (2004): 389-407. Setton, Kenneth M. “The Bulgars in the Balkans and the occupation of Corinth in the Seventh Century”. Speculum, 25/24 (October 1950): 502-543. Spain Alexander, S. “Heraclius, Byzantine Imperial Ideology, and the David Plates”. Speculum, LII/2 (April 1977): 217-237. Stratos, Andreas N. Studies in 7th-Century Byzantine Political History. London: Variorum Reprints, 1983. Szádeczky-Kardoss, Samuel. “The Avars”, The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia, Denis Sinor, ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994: 206-228. Treadgold, Warren. A History of the Byzantine State and Society. Stanford: Stanford Uni- versity Press, 1997. Vacalópoulos, Apostolos E. Origine of the Greek Nation. The Byzantine Period, 1204-1261, trans. I. Moles. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1970. Vasiliev, Aleksand Alexandrovitch. History of the Byzantine Empire 323-1453. Madi- son-Milwaukee: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1964. Vasiliev, Aleksand Alexandrovitch. Justin the First. An Introduction to the epoch of Jus- tinian the Great. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1950. Vilfan, Sergij. “La cristianizzazione delle campagne presso gli slavi del sud occidentali: organizzazione, resistenze, fondo sociale”, Cristianizzazione ed organizzazione ecclesiastica delle campagne nell’alto medioevo: espansione e resistenze: 10-16 aprile 1980. XXVIII Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo,1981: II, 889-918. Vlasto, Alexis Peter. The entry of the Slavs into Christendom: an introduction to the medieval history of the slavs. London: Cambridge University Press, 1970. Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La Grande Brèche dans la tradition historique de l’hellénisme du Septième au Neuvième siècle”, Xαριστήεριον είς Άναστάσιον Κ. Όρλάνδον. Δημοσίευμα τη̃ς έν Άθήναις Άρχαιολογικη̃ς ̉Έταιρείας. Athens, 1966: III, 300-327; Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. Byzance: Etat-economie-Societé. London: Vari- orum Reprints, 1973 Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La ville byzantine”. Diskussionbeiträge zum XI Internation- alem Byzantinisten Kongress, (1958): 75-90; Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. Byzance: Etat- economie-Societé. London: Variorum Reprints, 1973.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 59-82. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 82 08/06/2009 8:25:54 The andalusian economy in the times of Almanzor. Administrative theory and economic reality through juridical and geographic sources

Fra n c i s c o Fra n c o -Sá n c h e z Un i v e r s i t a t d’Al a c a n t Spa i n

Date of reception: 22th of November, 2006 Final date of acceptance: 18th of December, 2007

Ab s t r a c t

A study of the economy of al-Andalus in epoch of Ibn Ab ‘mir, Almanzor, through the analysis of three related aspects: First, it is shown how the Kitb al- amwl of the Maghrebin, ad-Dwd (d. 402 or 411/1011·2 or 1020·1) was a juridical treaty on administrative and economic topics and it was known and used in this epoch. Secondly, the functioning of the state granaries or alorines as storage centres for the legal taxes proceeding from agriculture is presented and they are presented as the functional heirs of the annona militaris of the Roman empire. Finally, the economic information about al-Andalus transmitted by the oriental geographers Ibn awqal and al-Muqaddas is shown in the shape of tables (both died after 378/988).

Ke y w o r d s

Economy, Al-Andalus, Caliphate, Ad-Dâwûd, Taxes.

Ca pi t a l i a v e r b a

Oeconomia, Arabica Hispania, Caliphae munus, Ad-Dâwûdi, Tributa.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931 83

Anglès.indd 83 08/06/2009 8:25:54 84 Fra n c i s c o Fra n c o -Sá n c h e z

1. Introduction

Various studies have dealt with the economy of al-Andalus,1 but none of these has placed enough emphasis on the aspects related to the political economy of al-Andalus, a state with Islamic confessional roots (it could also be called a “superstructure”) that possessed a centralised economic administration, and that, depending on the strength of the central power and the moment, might in some cases be successful in this, while during many other periods it might be the regional and local dynamics that would take precedence in its economic evolution. In this sense, as an aside, it must be emphasised that in the epoch of Almanzor (who governed from 978-1002/367-392), the Andalusian economy was run according to clearly established and well-known legislation, some of whose treatises were already over a century old. But without needing to go back to oriental sources, there is a clear example of an economic treatise of which we know that it was known and followed in the al-Andalus Mlik.

On the other hand, the aim was to show the economic reality of al-Andalus, as well as the regional economies, by means of a regulatory mechanism for the economy that was employed on numerous occasions by the powers that be to mitigate famines and guarantee social peace. This was the so-called alorines, an economic institution whose roots lie in the annona militaris of the Roman world, but which, according to the data available, contributed to mitigating famines in the caliphate of al-Andalus, and to enriching its administrators. Finally, we will consider the two most important contemporary oriental geographers in order to show the economic panorama that Ibn awqal-, and al-Muqaddas wished to portray in al-Andalus, a peninsula that they knew at first hand, precisely at the time when Ibn Ab ‘mir, better known as Almanzor, was beginning his rise to power.

1. See the valuable summary of the data by Chalmeta, Pedro. “An Approximate Picture of the Economy of al-Andalus”, The legacy of Muslim Spain, Salma Khadra Jayyusi, ed., chief consultant Manuela Marín. Leiden: ed. E. J. Brill, 1992: 741-758; other earlier studies that deal more specifically with the economy of al-Andalus in the 10th century are: Imamuddin, Sayyid Muhammad. The Economic History of Spain (under the Umayyads, 711-1031 A.D.). Dacca: Asiatic Society of Pakistan, 1963: XVII + 537. (This is the English publication of the thesis undertaken with the support of a grant from the Spanish government. He defended it in Madrid in 1956; reviewed by Martínez Montávez, Pedro. “La economía en la España omeya”. Hispania, XXV/99 (1965): 429-440); Arié, Rachel. “La vie économique dans l’Espagne musulmane”, Wirt- schaftsgeschichte des Vorderen Orients in islamischer Zeit, Bertold Spuler, ed. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1977: 239-254; Chalmeta, Pedro. “Sources pour l’histoire socio-économique d’al-Andalus: essai de systématisation et de bibliographie”. Annales Islamologiques, XX (1984): 1-14; Chalmeta, Pedro. “España musulmana. La sociedad andalusí. La economía. Instituciones”, Historia General de España y América. III. El fallido intento de un Estado Hispánico Musulmán (711-1085), Vicente-Ángel Álvarez Palenzuela, coord. Madrid: Ediciones Rialp, 1988: 459-543; Córdoba de la Llave, Ricardo. “Las actividades económicas”, Abdarrahman III y su época, Emilio Cabrera, coord. científico. Córdoba: Caja Provincial de Ahorros de Córdoba, 1991; and various notes about the economy and taxes can be found in: Vallvé, Joaquín. El califato de Córdoba. Madrid: Mapfre, 1992: 1-1351.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 84 08/06/2009 8:25:55 Th e an d a l u s i a n ec o n o m y i n t h e ti m e s o f Al m a n z o r 85

Although their reports about al-Andalus have been classified as clearly biased (especially in the case of Ibn awqal), their works are of great interest because the authors had first-hand information which they refer to, and also because both contributed to creating the image of a rich and splendid al-Andalus in the Islamic world.

2. Relation between Islamic economic theory and real economic administration

The mahab by al-Awz‘ (d. 157/774), and his rules regulated everything related to the division of booty in precise detail. His juridical doctrine, which aimed at a fair share of the land and property seized, was clearly the result of a society in expansion. But once the new Muslim state had been consolidated, a restructuring of the law became necessary, in consonance with a much more complex administration. These rules were developed in the first ‘Abbsid period, with works such as those by Ab Ysuf Ya‘qb Ibn Ibrhm al-Anr (d. 182/799): Kitb al- har; Yayà Ibn ˘ dam (d. 203/819): Kitb al- har; Ab ‘Ubayd al-Qsim Ibn Sallm (d. 224/839): ˘ Kitb al-amwl; Ab l-Far Qudma Ibn a‘far Ibn Qudma al-Ktib al-Badd (d. 320/932): Kitb al- har wa-in‘at al-kitba and Ab l-asan ‘Al al-Mward (364- ˘ 450/974-1058): Al-Akm as-sulnya.2 These works on political economics, or economic administration, demonstrate the long trajectory of the orient regarding its codification, but there were also notable examples of this in the Muslim west,3 such as the works by ad-Dwd and Ibn azm. Here, they appeared in the 4th/10th centuries out of the need to clarify the legality of property ownership, which was in turn the consequence of the need for restitution for the numerous injustices committed by the powerful, who had taken to pillaging and seizing lands to which they had no legitimate rights. Among these, the work of ad-Dwd stands out, for which there is firm evidence, based on real casuistry, that it was used in al-Andalus and that its influence stretched beyond the final epoch of the Umayyad caliphate.4

2. Other later works must be added to these, such as those by Ibn al-Farr’ (d. 458/1066). Al-Akm as- sul nya; Ab l-Fara ‘Abd ar-Ramn Ibn Raab al-anbal (d. 795/1393). Kitb al-istihr li-akm al- ˘ har to mention only the most important treatises. Among the works on economic material it is basic to consult the work Taxation in Islam, ed. A. Ben-Shemesh. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965-1969, 3 vols., as well as the article by Chalmeta, Pedro. “Una obra de ‘materia económica’: ‘el Kitb fi’at al-amwl de al-Dwd’”, Actas del IV Coloquio Hispano-Tunecino (Palma de Mallorca, octubre a noviembre de 1979). Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura, 1983: 63-78. 3. Add to the work by ad-Dwd the epistle by Ibn azm (384-455/994-1063). Rislat at-talh li-wuh at-tahl, a work written later in 426/1035. Edition and partial translation by Asín Palacios, ˘Miguel.“Un códice˘ inexplorado del cordobés Ibn azm”. Al-Andalus, II (1934): 1-56. 4. With regard to the importance of the work by ad-Dwd, it is cited as a source by Ab l-Wald Muammad Ibn Rušd al-Qurub (450-520/1058-1126). Kitb al-Muqaddimt li-aw’il kutub al Mudaw-

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 85 08/06/2009 8:25:56 86 Fra n c i s c o Fra n c o -Sá n c h e z

Ab a‘far Amad Ibn Nar ad-Dwd (or ad-D’d) al-Mlik al-Asad (d. 402 or 411/1011·2 or 1020·1), according to the q ‘Iyd, was a faqh (doctor of Muslim law) from Masla (others say that he was from Biskra) who lived˘ in Tripoli in Libya (where he composed his commentary about the Kitb al-Muwaa’), later moving to Tremecén, where he died in 402 (although some locate his death in 411). His biographers agree that he was an outstanding Maghrebin Mlik scholar, a virtuous faqh, a precise, admirable and fecund polygraph, and a gifted linguist, expert in adt and speculative science and also a kind man.5 He was a disciple of Ab Isq Ibrhm Ibn ‘Abd Allh az-Zubayd al-Qalnis (d. 359/969), and Ab ‘Abd al-Mlik Marwn al-Bn (d. 440/1048), Ab Bakr Ibn Muammad Ibn Ab Zayd, Hayyn al- ab at-ulayul, Ibn Fuays, and Ibn al-Fara, Ibn Ḫayr al-Išbl and many others learned from him. His biographers, namely q ‘Iyd (d. 544/1150 or 575/1179, depending on the source), Ibn Ḫayr (502-575/1108-1179), Ibn al-Abbr (595-658/1199-1260) and Ibn Farn (720-799/1321-1397), concurred on the basic traits of his life and works. Ibn ‘Iy (who seems to be the oldest of them) stated that he acquired his knowledge by himself, being almost self-taught; he reiterated that his learning was unique and that the majority of his knowledge was not acquired from to any famous imm, and that he reached (his solutions) only through his intelligence (which does not detract value or orthodoxy from his writings). He also affirmed that he wrote his commentary F šar al-Muwa’ in Tripoli, and among other works mentioned the one titled Kitb al-amwl.6 Both Ibn Ḫayr and the q ‘Iy give contradictory arguments; although both were writing just over eighty years after the death of ad-Dwd, the latter’s biography seems to be more complete and better founded. He wrote a Mlik treatise on Muslim law that must be considered among the works on juridical-economic issues known as Kitb al-amwl (Kitb fi’at al-amwl

wana; Ab ‘Abd Allh Muammad Ibn Amad al-Anar al-Qurub (d. 671/1273). Tafr al-Qur’n, or by Ab ‘Abd Allh Muammad Ibn Amad Qsim Ibn Sa‘d al-‘Uqbn al-Tilimsn (d. 871/1467). Tufat an-nz ir wa- unyat a-kir, not to mention other compilers who used it, such as Ab l-Abbs Amad Ibn Yayà al-Wanšars (834-914/1430-1508). Al-Mi‘yr al-murib. These circumstances allow us to conclude that the Kitb al-amwl by ad-Dwd was long studied by jurists in al-Andalus and the Maghreb, being a basic reference work for Mlik law for over 500 years after the author’s death. For more details about the work, the genre it belongs to, and other treatises of the same theme or about those that influenced this one, see pp. 1-3 and 19-20 of the introduction to the complete Arab edition: Šaraf ad-Dn, Abu Muhsin Muhammad. Kitb al-amwl. Ab Ja‘far Amad Ibn Nar ad-D’d (t. 402 H./1011). Islamabad: Islamic Re- search Institute, 1995/1416: 1-3, 19-20. 5. Qd ‘Iyd (476-544/1083-1150). Tartb al-madrik, ed. (partial Arabic) Muhammad a-Talb. Tarim alabya mustaraa min Madrik al-Q ‘Iy Biographies aghlabides. Extraites des Madrik du Cadi ‘Iy. Tunis: mi‘ at-Tnisya, 1968: 369-70, 430. About the author and his work, see the introductory study in Arabic and English translation by Šaraf ad-Dn, Abu Muhsin Muhammad. Kitb al-amwl. Ab Ja‘far Amad Ibn Nar ad-D’d (t. 402 H./1011). Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1995/1416: 1-12, as well as the article by Chalmeta, Pedro. “Una obra de ‘materia económica’...”: 66-73. 6. Qd ‘Iyd.. Tartb al-madrik, ed. (Arabic) Ahmad Bakr Mamd. Beirut: Dar Maktabat al-Hayat, 1968: IV, 623-624.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 86 08/06/2009 8:25:58 Th e an d a l u s i a n ec o n o m y i n t h e ti m e s o f Al m a n z o r 87

according to P. Chalmeta, and also sometimes called Kitb f l-amwl wa l-maksib).7 Based on a reference by Ibn Ḫayr8, and on the style of the work,9 P. Chalmeta brought forward the hypothesis that it was not written by the author, but rather that it is a nawzil or compilation of answers given by ad-Dwd himself to specific questions and affairs that he was asked about. This would explain why ad-Dwd neither wrote nor taught this work (in which case the biographers would have included it among his works). The Kitb al-amwl would have been compiled by some of his disciples, and would have circulated in the Maghreb and al-Andalus without an original author, later under the name of the compiler, and after the latter’s death it would have been reassigned to ad-Dwd. Thus, dissenting with Ibn ‘Iy, he affirms that it was a doctrinal body, rather than a real treatise. The works consists of four parts (az’), which, from a Mlik point of view, deals with the principal resources of the state, the military administration, the right to make peace and war, and it contemplates a whole set of rules relating to taxes, captives, booty and its division, etc., supplying sentences by the author about cases related to the Maghreb, Sicily and al-Andalus. It also deals with illegally acquired

7. Ab a‘far Amad Ibn Nar Ad-Dwd (or Ad-D’d) al-Mlik al-Asad (Masla-Tremecén, d. 402/1011). Kitb al-amwl (or Kitb fi’at al-amwl, or Kitb f l-amwl wa-l-maksib), partial Arab edition and French translation of the 3rd ikr of the second part: Abdul Wahab, Hasan Husni; Dachraoui, Farhat. “Le régime foncier en Sicile au Moyen Age (IXe. et Xe. siècles) Édition et traduction d’un chapitre du ‘Kitb al-amwl d’al-D’d’”, Études d’orientalisme dédiées à la mémoire de Lévi-Provençal. Paris: G.-P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 1962: II, 401-444, arab edition 405-427; French translation 428- 444; Arab edition of the capitulillo 26: Dachraoui, Farhat. “Fal min Kitb f l-amwl wa-l-maksib li-l- D’d”. awlyt al-mi‘at at-Tnisya, IV (1967): 83-100; complete Arab edition with intro. and notes of the “unicum” from El Escorial, and English trans. by Šaraf ad-Dn, Abu Musin Muammad. Kitb al-amwl. Ab Ḫa‘far Amad Ibn Nar ad-D’d (t. 402 H./1011). Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1995/1416: 1-170 + 1-225, a work we have taken as a basic reference (Arabic reed. New Delhi: Kitab Bhavan, 1999), and there is another Arab edition: Šda, Rida. Kitb al-amwl li-Amad Ibn Nar ad- Dwd. Rabat: Markaz At-Tur al-Marib, 1988, as well as the one by Al-Fili, Najib Abdul Whab. A critical edition of Kitab al Amwal by Abu Jafar Ahmad al-Dawudi. University of Exeter, 1989. Outstand- ing studies about this work include the brief analysis of the first pages of Sharfuddin, Abu Mushin Muhammad. “Ab Ja‘far al-Dwd’s ‘Kitb al-amwl”. Islamic Studies, 4 (1965): 441-448, as well as the presentation and preliminary study of the El Escorial manuscripts by Chalmeta, Pedro. “Una obra de ‘materia económica’: el ‘Kitb fi’at al-amwl de al-Dwd”...: 66-68. Although the spelling in the manuscript used by the editor and English translator correspond to a transcription “ad Dwd”, we share the criteria of the western Arabists who, avoiding archaic forms, have transcribed “ad-Dwd” with a modernised spelling. 8. Ibn Ḫayr al-Išbl (502-575/1108-1179). Fahrasa ma rawhu ‘an šuyhihi min ad-dawwn al-muanna fa f urb al-‘ilm, ed. Codera, Francisco.; Ribera, Julián. Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana. Index librorum de diversibus scientiarum ordinibus quos a magistris didicit Abu Bequer Ben Khair. Madrid: Michaelem Romero, 18931895: IX-X, 247-248. Pedro Chalmeta reaches this conclusion through the fact that Ibn Ḫayr does not cite this among ad-Dwd works while, in another place in the Fahrasa (p. 440), he boasts about “having learned that he composed Amad Ibn Nar ad-Dwd, with iza”. Pedro Chalmeta is rightly surprised that he does not cite the Kitb al-amwl and placed emphasis on having learnt all his science from it (Chalmeta, Pedro. “Una obra de ‘materia económica’: ‘el Kitb fi’at al-amwl de al- Dwd’”…). 9. The text states: “was asked …”, “they asked him …”, “the author answered …”, “he stated …”, etc.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 87 08/06/2009 8:25:59 88 Fra n c i s c o Fra n c o -Sá n c h e z

property and property which was abandoned and without a legal owner.10 It is one of the oldest surviving treatises on the subject of taxes, and it not only talks about general casuistry, but also about specific cases from al-Andalus, Sicily and the Maghreb. It seems clear that this is a series of juridical approaches originating in a real environment, in which inherited situations abound, and a desire to adapt them to reality and standardise them. That is why out of the 28 epigraphs in the work, those of a more “theoretical” nature are shorter, older and not very polemical, while those that deal with reality are much longer, contemporary with the author, little “tradi- tionalist” with regard to his explanation and with a clear touch of controversy.11 Its being a realistic and practical treatise makes it especially interesting and valuable for the construction of social and economic history. Although it is not strictly speaking a work on economics, it is about the economic theory of the state, and must therefore be taken into account as its suggestions help us better to understand the Andalusian and Maghrebin society at the end of the 10th century, and the faqhs almost certainly demanded its application by the Umayyad power. We find in it the key to the norms for the regulation of the compulsory taxes, such as the adaqa12 on the Muslims or the izya on the imms, to specific epigraphs on booty, abandoned goods, the correct administration of booty seized during combat (with an extensive casuistry concerning this), the status of captives and how their possessions should be considered. On the other hand, it also contains the legal concepts of obligatory application in the Islamic society that was al-Andalus. Thus, we have used it for such diverse research as understanding the legal status of lands in the northern meseta, abandoned after the reorganisation of the 9th- century frontiers13, or understanding the concept of “social assistance” for those in need, referring to its definitions of the poor and needy, which is specified in such great detail.14 Given the above, we wish to recover this treatise, which, as a complement to the great manuals of the Mlik school, shows the legislation applied

10. It is divided into four parts (az’), and these then into a total of 26 chapters (ful), that begin with the word ikr and are: Preamble (ff.1v-2r); 1st part (ff. 2r-14r), which in essence deals with the goods that fall into the hands of the suln, the booty, conscription, and the farming of the lands of the ḫar; 2nd part (ff. 14r-29v), that discuss the dwn and the reception of pensions, booty, tithes on the lands, recove of lands abandoned by the Muslims in Ifrqiya al-Andalus and Sicily and inheritance of pensions; the 3ª part (ff. 29v-43v), about the rights and behaviour about captives, truces, as well as various epigraphs dedicated to the paying of taxes, both the izya by the imms, and the adaqa by the Muslims and various casuistics about combat, and the 4th part (ff. 43v-55v.), about the goods belonging to unknown owners, about who should be considered poor and about wealth. 11. According to Chalmeta, Pedro. “Una obra de ‘materia económica’... ”: 72-73. 12. Weir, Thomas Hunter; Zysow, Aaron. “adaḳa”. Encyclopédie de l’Islam/Encyclopaedia of Islam (2ème èdition/2nd edition: EI2). Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995: VIII, 510-526, which analyses: 1. adaḳa in the Ḳur’n; 2. adaḳa in the adt; 3. adaḳa in Islamic law, and 4. The practice of adaḳa. 13. Franco Sánchez, Francisco. “Consideración jurídica y religiosa de los territorios de la meseta y el Norte peninsular por el poder musulmán de al-Andalus”. Al-Andalus-Magreb, 7 (1999): 101-133. 14. Franco Sánchez, Francisco. “La asistencia al enfermo en al-Andalus. Los hospitales hispanomusulmanes”, La Medicina en al-Andalus, Camilo Álvarez de Morales, Emilio Molina López, dirs. Granada: Fun- dación El Legado Andalusí, Conserjería de Cultura de la Junta de Andalucía, 1999: 135-171.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 88 08/06/2009 8:26:00 Th e an d a l u s i a n ec o n o m y i n t h e ti m e s o f Al m a n z o r 89

in the Muslim west, holding as it does the norms of the socio-economic field of public and private law that the works of Mlik Ibn Anas or Sann do not provide in such detail.

3. Some mechanisms for the regulation of the “real economy” by the state

The intervention of the caliphal state in the general economy of al-Andalus could not be direct, in the way we understand this nowadays, but rather applied through indirect mechanisms and intermediaries. Thus, when Marxist historiography qualified the economic regime of Islamic societies as a “tributary-mercantile system”, thereby making an essential differentiation between the earlier “slavery-based system” and the contemporary “feudal system”15, the first axis of this was defined as the relation of exaction by the ruling social class or group over the popular mass, manifested through the payment of taxes, while the other axis was configured by the intense mercantile relation of the system, in turn a consequence of an evidently monetary economy.16 Such a general outline of this relation is a useful framework and element of analysis, but little else. The reality, as it has been transmitted to us through the Arab sources, was that the central Cordovan government tried to make the tax effective, gathering it through local governors. Thus enunciating this, it might seem to be a mere fiscal relation between a/some lord(s) and their respective subjects,

15. About the question of whether there was feudalism in al-Andalus, see the analysis in Chalmeta, Pedro. “Le problème de la féodalité hors de l’Europe chrétienne: le cas de l’Espagne musulmane”, Ac- tas del II Coloquio Hispano-Tunecino de Estudios Históricos (Madrid-Barcelona, Mayo 1972). Madrid: Instituto Hispano Árabe de Cultura, 1973: 91-115 (especially pages 93-96); Chalmeta, Pedro. “¿Feudalismo en al-Andalus?”, Orientalia Hispanica, sive studia F. M. Pareja octogenario dicata. Volume I: Arabica-Islamica. Pars Prior, J. M. Barral, ed. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1974: 168-194 (especially pages 173-177). 16. About the Marxist vision of the Islamic societies see the historical and socio-economic analysis by Samir Amin, whose Spanish translation is in: Samir, Amin. Clases y naciones en el materialismo histórico. Barcelona: Iniciativas Editoriales, 1979: 1-211; Samir, Amin. El desarrollo desigual. Ensayo sobre las formaciones sociales del capitalismo periférico. Barcelona: Fontanella, 1974: 1-427; Samir, Amin. Elogio del socialismo y otros escritos. Barcelona: Anagrama, 1978: 1-110; Samir, Amin. Sobre el desarrollo desigual de las formaciones sociales. Barcelona: Anagrama 1974: 1-154. A coinciding analysis about the real importance that the Marxist postulates have suggested in the historiography in general, can be seen in two very different works: Cardoso, Ciro Flamarión Santana; Pérez Brignoli, Héctor. Los métodos de la Historia. Barcelona: Crítica, 1977: 1-439 (pages 59-70: “La concepción marxista de la historia, desde los años 20 a nuestros días”, pages 70-72: “La influencia del marxismo en el pensamiento histórico contem- poráneo”); Aróstegui, Julio. La investigación histórica: Teoría and método. Barcelona: Crítica, 1995: 1-428 (pages 110 - 128: “El marxismo y la historiografía”). A study of the ideological drift of an important group of Egyptian intellectuals from Marxist positions towards radical Islamism is the one by Gómez García, Luz. Marxismo, islam e islamismo: El proyecto de Adil Husayn. Madrid: CantArabia, 1996: 1-432 pp. Finally another reading of the evolution of contemporary Arab ideologies that trys to explain this same intellectual drift is Charaffeddine, Fahima. Culture et ideologie dans le monde arabe: 1960-1990. Paris: éditions L’Harmattan, 1994: 1-244.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 89 08/06/2009 8:26:01 90 Fra n c i s c o Fra n c o -Sá n c h e z

but, as we have expressed in a previous study,17 the payment of the tax assumed a “recognition of sovereignty”, which is something more than an exercise in fiscal obligation; it means carrying out a religious obligation that affected the real essence of the Islamic “pyramid of sovereignty”. This “recognition of legitimate sovereignty” to the Muslim ruler was a political act, but also had economic and religious implications: as is known, the payment of the legal tax (whether it be Christian or Muslim), was the way in which this recognition was periodically made evident; non-payment was equivalent to insubordination, a rebellion that went beyond the political sphere and that implied abandoning agreed juridical-religious obligations.18 This meant that regular payment of the tax was equivalent to the formal acceptance of political-religious deference, and non-payment meant rebellion, not only against the established earthly power, but also against the political-religious system of which this was its legitimate representative. The non-payment of tax by a group that had previously agreed to it was in itself enough reason to consider them “outlaws”, and even more so if there was any active aggression against the Muslim community, as was the case with the rebels towards central power, or the kingdoms in the north of the peninsula. The quality and obligation of the legal tax has been clarified before. Despite this, the successive governments of the orient and those of al-Andalus (especially after the Fitna) complemented it with other illicit taxes (muks, marim, etc.). However, the aim is here to concentrate on an aspect that we do not consider to have received the attention it deserves. This is the issue of the state granaries or alorines which, according to what we can infer from the references in the Arab sources, were another inheritance from the Roman past in the Andalusian administrative structure. The, alfolíes, alhelíes or alorines19 were the public granaries which were used essentially to store grain, and possibly also other long-lasting products, all being the result of taxes paid in kind by the Muslim peasants. These were obliged to contribute a proportion of the harvest, generally a tenth, as a tax.

17. Franco Sánchez, Francisco. “Consideración jurídica y religiosa de los territorios de la meseta y el Norte peninsular …”: 101-133. 18. In case of non-payment of the cited tax, the Muslim sovereign was empowered to reclaim it; here arose the religious relevance of the raids against the Christians in the north (in the times of the ‘Abd ar- Ramn III until the Fitna, and in especial those of Almanzor), or against the Muslim rebels within the state (epoch of ‘Abd ar-Ramn I, ‘Abd ar-Ramn II, ‘Abd ar-Ramn III). See more details in my study cited in note 17, and Míkel de Epalza has also dealt with this in various places, such as: Epalza, Míkel de. “El derecho político musulmán y su influencia en la formación de Álava (siglos VIII-XI)”,La formación de Álava. 650 Aniversario del Pacto de Arriaga (1332-1982). Comunicaciones. Vitoria-Gasteiz: Diputación Foral de Álava/Arabako Foru Aldundia, 1985: 309-310 (Estudios de Deusto, Bilbao, XXXII/2, fasc. 73 [1984]: 504- 518); Epalza, Míkel de. “Descabdellament polític i militar dels musulmans a terres catalanes (Segles VIII- XI)”, Symposium Internacional sobre els orígens de Catalunya (Segles VIII-XI), Frederic Udina, dir. Barcelona: Real Academia de las Buenas Letras, 1991: I, 67-75. 19. Dozy, Reinhart; Engelmann, Wilhelm Hermann. “Alholí”. Glossaire des mots espagnols et portugais dérivés de l’arabe. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 18692: 139.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 90 08/06/2009 8:26:02 Th e an d a l u s i a n ec o n o m y i n t h e ti m e s o f Al m a n z o r 91

We do not know if an origin of this based in the “annona militaris”20 of the Roman Empire has been indicated before, but given what is known, this is more than likely, as both mechanisms are similar. In the Roman state, along the roads built for this purpose, the army went about gathering the tax of the annona, consisting of wheat, oil, wine, barley, rye, meat, vegetables, etc., and this annona was used to pay the costs of the militias. The products collected were stored in provincial granaries built for this purpose, the so-called mansiones; a mansion was a station prepared as a place where soldiers and state officials could spend the night, and with stores where they could supply themselves and their troops. The landowners in the surrounding area took the respective contributions (annonae) to these stores, silos or granaries or, if it came from communities far afield, the army went to collect the tax. In the Andalusian case, we find a correlation in thequ r, or state inns, in some cases fortified, that were placed at regular intervals along the main routes in the peninsula. They were luxury inns (palacetes), almost like little palaces (hence their later semantic derivation) where the various lords and Omeya state officials stayed, and even later ones.21 On the other hand, the public granaries do not seem to have been associated with those in al-Andalus, but were instead centralised pro- vincially. The local officials were in charge of the administration of these public silos, and we know of their existence because the Arab sources cite them as the origin of the lucrative profits and fortunes that their administrators gained from them. Thus, the management of the granaries in Cordoba was of special importance, due to being the seat of central power and the large number of peasants in the Cordovan country that paid their taxes in grain and kind there, and due to the economic importance that they had in general, and for the city in particular. That is why the appointment

20. Among the very extensive bibliography that should be cited with regard to the annona militaris, a special place is given to both the old studies by van Berchem, Denis. “L’annone militaire dans l’Empire romain au IIIe. Siècle”. Mémoires de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France, LXXX (1937): 117-202, and his Doctoral Thesis, published under the title: van Berchem, Denis. Les distributions de blé et d’argent a la plèbe romaine sous l’empire. Geneva: Georg et Cie., 1939: 1-182 and the Pavis D’Escurac, Henriette. Le préfecture de l’annone, service administratif impérial, d’Auguste à Constantin. Rome: Écoles Françaises de Rome, 1976: 1-473. Gonzalo Arias has followed the ideas of D. van Berchem and has even developed them regarding the philological study of the so-called Antonine’s Itinerary; his scientific debt to D. van Berchem has been recognised in a recent article: Arias, Gonzalo. “Tras las huellas de van Berchem”. El Miliario Extravagante, 82 (2002): 20-26, in which he annotates his work as a researcher on Ancient Rome. We must thank him for the theory that Antonine’s Itinerary was really a series of disperse route notes that were grouped together by an anonymous collector of the Roman annona militaris, a thesis about which he has spoken in various studies in El Miliario Extravagante. A complementary study is the one by Remesal Rodríguez, José. La annona militaris y la exportación del aceite bético a Germania. Madrid: Universi- dad Complutense, 1986: 1-284. 21. See the section dedicated to the functionality of the qur in Franco Sánchez, Franco. Vías y defensas andalusíes en la Mancha Oriental. Alicante: Instituto de Cultura Juan Gil Albert-Conselleria d’Educació i Ciència de la Generalitat Valenciana, 1995: 1-402, as well as Rubiera Mata, María Jesús. “El rey Lobo de Murcia, Ibn Mardanis (1147-1172): promotor de la construcción de alcázares viales”, Imágenes y promotores en el arte medieval. Miscelánea en homenaje a Joaquín Yarza Luaces. Bellaterra: Servei de Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2001: 191-194.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 91 08/06/2009 8:26:03 92 Fra n c i s c o Fra n c o -Sá n c h e z

and control of the management by the administrators in charge of them was carried out regularly. This control was also carried out, although less directly, by the management of those in charge of the provincial granaries, as shown by news from Ibn Bassm, contained in a letter from Ibn Šuhayd to the Valencian taifa king, ‘Abd al-’Azz Ibn Ab ‘mir (Almanzor’s grandson), explaining the promise that he had been made to grant him a property in Tudmr. The motive was that Ibn Šuhayd’s father had been named governor of Tudmr and Valencia by Almanzor, and the exploitation of the aforementioned property in an indeterminate place had been ceded to him; after nine years as governor, his father returned voluntarily to Cordoba weighed down with enormous wealth: “four hundred gold dinars from the sale of products; gold objects with a value of 100,000 dinars; ownership documents for five hundred head of livestock and two hundred selected slaves”.22 The governor Ibn Šuhayd presented the list of earnings to Almanzor in order for him to indicate the tax that he had to pay for them, complaining about the high price of the grain required to feed the slaves and the livestock. In a display of generosity, Ibn Ab ‘mir exempted him from the taxes and conceded him two thousand almuds of cereals, half of wheat, and half, barley, that had to be taken from the state granaries in Villena (Fillna), situated near his property. Mª. J. Rubiera identified these granaries of the Šarq al-Andalus cited in the estate of Los Alorines/Els Alforins, an interesting case of the derivation of the same Arab place name (al-hur, pl. al-ahr’) simultaneously in Castilian and Va- lencian, separated by a regional and linguistic frontier, despite being the same estate. The cause of the double toponymical derivation lies in the enormous size of the estate in question (which covers a large region between the modern-day municipalities of Caudete, Villena and Onteniente) and the fact that this has been divided since the Middle Ages by a linguistic frontier, which has led to the double denomination.23 The estate of Los Alorines/Els Alforins on the frontier between the kingdoms of Castile and Valencia was the reason behind various disputes over its ownership and its boundaries, remaining a crossing to this day.24 These stores of the kra of Tudmr were located in a strategic zone: far from the coast, the

22. Ibn Bassm (m. 542/1147). Ad- Daḫra f mahsin ahl al-azra, Arab ed. by Isn ‘Abbs, I. Tunis: Dr al ‘Arabya li-l-Kitb, 1975: I, 193. 23. Rubiera Mata, María Jesús. “Los precedentes geopolíticos musulmanes del señorío de Villena”, Con- greso de Historia del Señorío de Villena. Albacete 23-26 Octubre 1986. Albacete: Instituto de Estudios Albac- etenses de la Excma. Diputación de Albacete-C.S.I.C.-Confederación Española de Centros de Estudios Locales, 1987: 360; Rubiera Mata, María Jesús. Villena en las calzadas romana y árabe. Alicante: Ayuntami- ento de Villena-Universidad Alicante, 1985: 1-62; Rubiera, María Jesús; Epalza, Míkel de. Xàtiva musulmana (segles VIII-XIII). Xàtiva: Ajuntament de Xàtiva, 1987: 60-61. 24. See Gironés Guillem, Ignasi. Els Pergamins d’Ontinyent. Ontinyent: Ajuntament d’Ontinyent, 1991: 1-229; Gironès Guillem, Ignasi. “L’Ontinyent al segle XIV (Notes tretes del Curial del Justícia d’Ontinyent de 1343). El Diari més antic que es conserva a Ontinyent des de la conquesta. Un dels primers documents de censals de la Comunitat Valenciana”, Almaig. Estudis i Documents, X (1994): 37-45. He studied in detail this lawsuit known as “Los debats de Villena de 1425: un episodi inèdit” that defined as El“ teló de fons: del contenciós entre Ontinyent i Villena sobre els Alforins”: Terol i Reig, Vi- cent. “‘Los debats de Villena‘ de 1425: cavalcades i enfrontaments fronterers en preludi de la Guerra

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 92 08/06/2009 8:26:04 Th e an d a l u s i a n ec o n o m y i n t h e ti m e s o f Al m a n z o r 93

above-mentioned district was sufficiently dry to guarantee the correct storage of the grain. Moreover, they were at the crossroads of the Játiva-Villena-Vinalopó Valley-Murcia route and the Villena-Caudete-Balazote route, the Via Augusta and the Camino de Aníbal respectively, being equidistant from all the large urban centres in the region. These are convincing reasons to guarantee the credibility of such a toponymical identification. Similarly, a century earlier, when al-azzl (156-250/772-864), ‘Abd ar-Ramn II’s court poet, was in charge of the granaries in the kra of Jaén, he became notoriously rich during a period of shortages. As with the granaries of Tudmr, the ones in the kra of Jaén were also situated at another crossroads, although we do not know whether in Bal Marwn or Calzada de Marwn.25 This relation with the road network (as with the annona) also responded to two needs: the need to be at a crossroads, to facilitate access from any place in the kra for the villagers who went there to pay tax or to collect grain, and in second place, so that military expeditionary forces did not have to go far off their route when they required supplies from the state granaries in the kras. The destination of the cereal stored in the granaries varied. As in the case of the grain in the Roman annona militaris, the cereals in the alorines were destined for high-ranking officials and armies on their travels, thus guaranteeing not only the maintenance of people and pack animals, but also a minimum of security and comfort on any journey of an emissary or civil servant. Grain was also extracted from the granaries to pay the pensions of those whom the Cordovan power had conceded this right; they served to pay in kind the troops stationed in the provincial fortresses, and from them was taken the grain necessary to be taken for the supply of the caliphal raids. Thus, al-akam II guaranteed lib (who was going through a bad economic moment in the Maghreb) his unconditional support “although they had to empty the full coffers of the treasury and the overflowing granaries of al-Andalus”.26 They also had a set standard measure for charging taxes and for regional economic transactions related to them; thus, for one of the Berber lords given refuge on the Cordovan side, al-akam II granted a pension of “200 dinars (...) plus ten almudes of wheat per month, according to the standard measure of the souk, plus two cahices of barley for their mounts every night, according to the standard measure of the granary”.27 The type of taxation is referred to in the document (see Appendix I) which mentions livestock taxes. This was a writ conceded during Raman in 362/June 973

de Castella de 1429-1430”. Alba. Revista d’Estudis Comarcals d’Ontinyent i la Vall d’Albaida, 10 (1995): 17-34. 25. Vallvé, Joaquín. La división territorial de la España musulmana. Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1986: 281. 26. Ibn ayyn (377-469/987·8-1076). Kitb al-muqtabis f ta’rh ̮ ril al-Andalus: vol. VII, ed. Emilio García Gómez. El Califato de Córdoba en la Muqtabis de Ibn Hayyn: Anales Palatinos del Califa de Córdoba al-Hakam II, por ‘s Ibn Ahmad al-Rz (360-364 H. = 971-975 J. C.). Traducción de un ms. árabe de la Real Academia de la Historia. Madrid: Sociedad de Estudios y Publicaciones, 1967: 165 (chap. 139). 27. Ibn ayyn (377-469/987·8-1076). Kitb al-muqtabis f ta’rj ril al-Andalus: VII, ed Emilio García Gómez. El Califato de Córdoba...: 187 (chap. 161).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 93 08/06/2009 8:26:05 94 Fra n c i s c o Fra n c o -Sá n c h e z

by the caliph al-akam II to some of his Berber allies who wished to return to their regions of origin in the Maghreb. As well as the religious recommendations and the fiscal guidelines for livestock, it specifies the behaviour to be followed when collect- ing agricultural produce:

The zakaat corresponding to the goods harvested must be taken from your subjects, as well as that of the fruit found on their land, and the adaqa or legal alms of the livestock, according to the legal precepts and prescriptions, without in the slightest way reducing, increasing or altering these precepts, that are as follows:

(...)Zakaat must be levied on all the grain in silos. There is no zakaat for less than five loads (wasq), the wasq consisting of sixty s‘s, and the s‘ being equivalent to four almudes, according to the almud of the Prophet (God bless him and save him!). Above five wasq, the zakaat is a tenth, if the land is watered by rains or from springs, or a fifth, if it is dry land or irrigated by water mills. The zakaat is not levied on figs, walnuts, almonds, or other fresh or dried fruit. It is, in contrast, levied on dates and grapes. The zakaat on olives is levied on the oil, after pressing. There is no zakaat on the imms taxpayers, either men or women, nor on any of their goods or livestock. They are only obliged to pay the poll tax or izya. However, if they engage in trade between one country and another, they must pay a tenth of the product that they sell. Only an eighth of the zakaat must be seized, that God grants to those who levy it, without increasing or exceeding this quantity.28

The public granaries also had another important function, given that in the case of storms, lack of rain and, in general, ruinous harvests, the grain in the silos was a guarantee that it might be sown again the following year. The unpredictability of the weather (droughts, torrential rains, bad harvests in general, etc.) was alleviated to some extent by the grain deposited in the state granaries, given that, in case of an unfavourable economic or climatic situation, orders were given to put it on public sale at an adequate price. This was a way of limiting famine among the population and securing the next sowing. In these cases, we know that the stored cereals were sold at a moderate fixed price to break the extortionate prices that food reached during periods of dearth. Thus, the alorines became a very effective measure for regulating grain prices and mitigating shortages. The Romans used the grain collected through the annona for the same purpose, and even in late imperial times, on some occasions the emperors gave orders to bring out cereal at a price below market value, as a populist measure to control the increasingly discontent plebs.29 The Arab sources frequently show these negative economic contingencies in the registers of the Cordovan State, as in the case of the great famine of 397/812·3, that

28. Ibn ayyn (377-469/987·8-1076). Kitb al-muqtabis f ta’rj ril al-Andalus: VII, ed Emilio García Gómez. El Califato de Córdoba…: 142-145 (chap. 112). 29. van Berchem, Denis. Les distributions de blé et d’argent a la plèbe romaine sous l’empire…: 1-182.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 94 08/06/2009 8:26:06 Th e an d a l u s i a n ec o n o m y i n t h e ti m e s o f Al m a n z o r 95

killed many people in Šarq al-Andalus and was the cause of serious revolts,30 to mention but one example. The granaries were designed for this. Thus, through Ibn ayyn, we know that the Cordovan capital managed to survive thanks to the grain from the state granaries after a serious drought which lasted throughout the year 324/935·6:

That year there was a general drought in al-Andalus, such as had never before been seen or heard of so persistent, given that it lasted throughout the year, the sky denying any rain down to the last drop that might moisten the land, but the people enjoyed a good situation, and the prices did not rise much despite the persistent drought, because there were still abundant resources, given that provisions were continually brought from other places and there was general prosperity, without misery, the sultan sustaining them through the bad times, until the following year, [3]25 (936·7) they had rain. That they could be sustained like this for a whole year was considered marvellous (…).31

Similarly, we know that as a result of famines, shortages due to bad harvests, heavy flooding of rivers and diverse tragedies, the population affected received a general exemption from the legal tax. Accordingly, all those circumstances were carefully noted in the Cordovan palace archives, and eclipses, comets, and other extraordinary astronomic phenomena that were considered presages or related to the disasters were added. Thus, thanks to the meticulousness of the registers of the central administration, ar-Rz was able to note them down in what, for the same reason, E. García Gómez called the Anales Palatinos. Numerous examples might be shown to reflect this exemption from taxes. Thus, Ibn ayyn states that the taxes were lifted in the year 362 (early April 973) in the kra of Jaén after a drought followed by frosts;32 behind this news lies the unjust claim made for a large quantity of wood, fish and tar as legal taxes that the k ra of

30. Ibn ‘Ir al-Marrkuš (died around 711/1312). Al-Bayn al-murib, ed. (Arabic) Evariste Lévi-Pro- vençal. Ibn ‘Ir al-Marrkuš. Al-Bayn Al-Mugrib. Tome Troisième. Histoire de l’Espagne Musulmane au XIè- me. siècle. Texte arabe publié par the première fois d’après un manuscrit de Fès. París: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1930: II, 73, and also in the anonymous ikr bild al-Andalus (s. VIII/XIV), arab ed. spanish trans. study Luis Molina. Una descripción anónima de al-Andalus. Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1983: chap. 109. 31. Ibn ayyn. Kitb al-muqtabis, V, Arab crit. ed. Pedro Chalmeta; Federico Corriente; Mamud ub. Ibn ayyn. Al-Muqtabas V. Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Árabe de Cultura-Facultad de Letras, 1979: 259- 260; Ibn ayyn. Kitb al-muqtabis, V, ed. and spanish trans. María Jesús Viguera, Federico Corriente. Crónica del califa ‘Abdarramn III an-Nir entre los años 912 y 942 (al-Muqtabis V). Saragossa: Anubar, 1981: 287 (epigraph “La sequía”). 32. “The same month the ib aš-šurta and zabazoque (master of the souk) Amad Ibn Nar, cadi of the kra of Jaén, went out to examine the complaint by some inhabitants of the kra against their governor (‘mil), el‘rid ‘Abd ar-Ramn Ibn Yawar”, and “At the end of umadà al-thani (the year 362/beginning of April 973) sent the caliph al-akam al ib aš-šurta and zabazoque Amad Ibn Nar to the kra of Jaén, to inspect the quantities of wood, fish and tar that the ‘ mil of the kra, Muammad Ibn ‘Abd l-Mlik had demanded from the vassals of that place. They had, effectively, received orders to supply specific quantities of the above-mentioned products and to transport them to Seville and Algeciras for the fleets that were under construction; but now the Caliph decided to exonerate them of this supply and include it in his private expenses, out of benevolence to his subjects and their comfort. The ‘mil Muammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Mlik paid all the people of the villages the value of what they had supplied, in the presence of Amad Ibn Nar. The repayment was perfect, and they were not defrauded out of even a whit”, Ibn ayyn. Kitb

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 95 08/06/2009 8:26:07 96 Fra n c i s c o Fra n c o -Sá n c h e z

Jaén had to supply to the central government, being collected by the ‘mil of the kra of Jaén. In the previous epigraph, Ibn ayyn talks about a serious drought and frosts that affected Cordoba and “also some kras near Cordoba”, that had destroyed their crops.33 In these circumstances due note was taken of this fact in the annals of the Cordovan administration and payment of taxes by the local populace was postponed. The levy of these by the governor of the kra was considered a great injustice. In reparation, al-akam II applied pressure by sending a Cordovan official to control the return of the payment of the supplies in kind unduly levied, with the public treasury taking charge of this repayment. When the Umayyad state disappeared with the Fitna, all the state institutions vanished with it, some of which were inherited by the kings of the taifas that arose from the 11th century. We have hardly any data about the institution of the state granaries after the caliphate, although we might expect that, depending on the new taifa capitals, they continued centralising their important fiscal task and fulfilling the above-mentioned economic improvement functions. Given this, it must be supposed that the granaries mentioned in the Villena/Caudete/ Onteniente region fulfilled their function until the beginning of the 5th/11th century, and probably after they disappeared, although their toponymical imprint still survives. And the same should be said about the rest of the caliphates’ state granaries.

4. Two tales about the economy in Almanzor’s times: the reports of Ibn awqal anb Al-Muqaddasi

I. The geographer Ab l-Qsim Muammad Ibn ‘Al Ibn awqal (d. after 378/988), was from Nabn/Nisibis (Upper Mesopotamia/al-azra), where he spent his childhood and adolescence; between 331/943 and 362/973, he travelled ceaselessly, undertaking innumerable journeys. It seems that Ibn awqal’s main activity was as a trader, and it has been shown that that he professed to š‘ism, which is why he has also been defined as a missionary-agitator.34 On his lengthy wanderings, Ibn awqal travelled through the Maghreb and al-Andalus, telling his tale in the first person:I “ entered al-Andalus at the beginning of the year 337 [11th July –9th August 948], when it was ruled by Ab l-Muarrif ‘Abd ar-Ramn (III)

al-muqtabis f ta’rj ril al-Andalus: VII, ed Emilio García Gómez. El Califato de Córdoba…: 123 (chap. 88), 129-130 (chap. 90). 33. The drought followed by hail and frost that occurred in the months of March and April 973 and that “also extended to some kras near Cordoba and destroyed a good number of vines, fig trees and other crops”, Ibn ayyan. Kitb al-muqtabis f ta’rj ril al-Andalus: VII, ed Emilio García Gómez. El Califato de Córdoba…: 129 (chap. 89). 34. In A. Miquel’s opinion about the author’s political-religious options, the professions of fim faith scattered through his work identify him as a sincere militant of this movement, although it is difficult to affirm that he was ad ‘, a Fim missionary EI2: III, 810-811.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 96 08/06/2009 8:26:08 Th e an d a l u s i a n ec o n o m y i n t h e ti m e s o f Al m a n z o r 97

Ibn Muammad Ibn ‘Abd Allh Ibn Muammad Ibn ‘Abd ar-Ramn Ibn akam Ibn Hišm Ibn ‘Abd al-Malik Ibn Marwn”35; ‘Abd ar-Ramn III proclaimed himself caliph in 316/929, but is not described in this work by his title as caliph of an- Nir li-Dn Allh as might be expected, from which we might surmise that this is coherent with the anti-Umayyad tone of the rest of his story. We know that from Cádiz he travelled to Seville and around the western regions of the Baetic ranges, moving up through current-day Portugal and Extremadura, visiting Toledo and the peninsula’s central meseta; he also went to Cordoba. Ibn awqal returned to the peninsula for a second time in 363-4/974-5. His work was written in about 367/977 (at least the first version) a year before Al- manzor’s rise to the iba, which is why the economic data that he wanted to reflect about al-Andalus is important. Although it cannot be used for dating his work, he states that Almanzor “is the current zabazoque (master) of al-Andalus”. Given the large amount and the kind of information that he transmits, but especially on account of the way in which he relates his news about al-Andalus, there is an almost general consensus, following R. Dozy, that Ibn awqal must have been a spy dedicated to gathering information on his long trade journeys, which he then placed at the service of the Maghrebin Fimds or the Š‘s in the east. Ibn awqal appears to have been interested in supplying a full and accurate account of the economic and natural resources of al-Andalus and its natural wealth; he also describes the situation and state of the tracks and routes, as well as the state of its armies and their military power. When turning to commerce, he shows an interest in the prices, productions, and economic activity in general. As can be seen, the data is more generic than exact, and if he wished to gather information about al-Andalus to offer to the Fims, it was more to persuade them about the general good and the global economic bonanza in the peninsula, than to provide them with precise data of places, routes or production, that they would undoubtedly know about from other more prolific and exact informers or traders.

II. For his part, Ab ‘Abd Allh Muammad Ibn Amad Ibn Ab Bakr al-Bann’ aš-Šam al-Muqaddas (or al-Maqdis), (around 334/946-around 390/1000) in his Asan at-taq-sm f ma‘rifat al-aqlm also shared the postulates of the “al-Balḫ school”.

35. Ibn awqal (d. after. 378/988), Arab ed. Johannes Hendrik Kramers. Opvs Geographicvm auctore Ibn awkal. (Ab l-K. sim Ibn awkal. al-Nas.b). Secundum textum et imagenes Codicis Constantinopolitani conservati in Bibliotheca antiqui Palatii nº. 3346 cui titulus est “Liber Imaginis Terrae”. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1938: I, 108-117, French trans. Johannes Hendrik Kramers: Wiet, Gaston. Ibn awqal. Configuration de la Terre (Kitb Srat al-Ard).. Paris-Beirut: Maissonneuve et Larose-Comission International pour la Traduction des Chefs- Oeuvre, 1964: I, 107-116. ‘Abd ar-Ramn III’s rule stretched form 300/912 to 350/961: first as an independent emir between 300-316/912-929, and as the first caliph of al-Andalus between 316-350/929- 961; the reasons for him assuming the title of caliph can be seen in Epalza, Míkel de. “Problemas y reflexiones sobre el califato en Al-Andalus”. Revista del Instituto Egipcio de Estudios Islámicos en Madrid, 18 (1981-1982)(Homenaje al Profesor Abdelaziz Al-Ahwn. Madrid: Instituto Egipcio de Estudios Islámicos, 1982): 59-73; Epalza, Míkel de. “Problemas y reflexiones sobre el califato en Al-Andalus”. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, 53 (1983): 569-581.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 97 08/06/2009 8:26:09 Anglès.indd 98

Graph 1. Tabulated data concerning the economy of al-Andalus, according to the “report” drawn up by Ibn awqal in 367/977

Region or place Agriculture Livestock Crafts Mining Commerce Other data mentioned

Cordoba Casa de Rent rises annually to 200,000 dinars, la Moneda to which one must add contributions and incomes from all al-Andalus, taxes on goods, tithes, rents, tolls, poll taxes, customs duties on the merchandise that enters and leaves by boat, rights on the taverns in the urban markets.

All the cities They are metropolises, populous, full of resources (of al-Andalus)

Al-Andalus It continues to Its products are exported to Egypt, Kho- have factories of rasan, and other places irz

Slaves, captured in Ifran and illqiya. All the aqliba eunuchs that are found on the face of the earth are from al-An- dalus. They are castrated by Jewish mer- chants.

The total income until the year 340/951 was no less than 20,000,000 dinars, without counting the merchandise, jewels, ships’ rigging and pieces of gold work.

Mercury, iron and lead 08/06/2009 8:26:10 Anglès.indd 99

Al-Andalus The fruit of Wool fabrics (a-f), the most beautiful Armenian velvet that is sold very average quality expensively. Tapestries of excellent quality. There are brocades that are is affordable for exported. There are marvels with regard to dyes, obtained from grasses anyone, without native to al-Andalus; Maghrebin felts are dyed, excellent and expensive, having to pay and silk. Brocades are exported. Aducar in fine or crude silk (sakb) is very dearly for produced, that made up for the sovereign, exceed in quality that of Iraq; them another variety is made waxed, to make it impermeable. Ordinary linen is made for dressing and it is exported in large quantities to Egypt. Felts of unequalled quality.

All the cities: They are famous for their cereals, commercial articles, vines, buildings, markets, shops (al –buy‘), baths, and public inn, granary and wholesale market (al-ḫnt). All the prayers take place in their beautiful mosques. There are no run-down mosques in all al-Andalus. There is no city that is not well populated and surrounded by a vast agricultural district (rustq), or rather a whole province (kra), with numerous villages (iy‘) whose farmers are prosperous, own major and minor livestock, good agricultural implements, beasts of burden and fields. Its lands are well watered, by the rain or by channels

Pechina For the people and the court linen cloth is made (that is) not inferior to the dabq, it is thick but light, of great quality. The blankets made there are exported to Egypt, Mecca, Yemen and other places.

Rayyuh (Malaga) A vast and fertile region.

Cordoba There are great fortunes. The luxury of many fashions is appreciated: precious fabrics and dresses, in flexible linen, in course or fine silk. There are agile mounts and all kinds of food and drinks 08/06/2009 8:26:10 Anglès.indd 100

Majorca Abundance of Robust mules fruit trees. Large are the special- number of pas- ity of this land; tures. the breeding of the mules has no equal anywhere.Live- stock at a low price.

Seville Many orchards and vineyards. Producing especially figs

Gibraleón Flourishing city

Ocsonoba Considerable city and abundant in resources

Caracuel Aljama major mosque, markets, baths and fandiq (public inns, granarys and wholesale markets)

Calatrava Beside a river There are souks, baths and shops that its inhabit- (matir) ants use for ir- rigation

Yébenes With a spring It has a funduq (public inn, granary and (Abaniš) that provides wholesale market) drinking water

Magán This is where the (Mam) clay (afl) depos- its of al-Andalus are located. 08/06/2009 8:26:10 Anglès.indd 101

Al-arr’ City with souks and neighbourhoods. Similar to Guadix

Guadalajara Large, well-known frontier city (ar) that has souks, fandiq, baths, a kim and an espionage officer (muḫallif). The commanders of the frontier live there (wult a-ur). Medinaceli It has a vast rural Region very It has an enormous district (rustq) rich in live- wall. and a large ad- stock. It is prosperous in ministrative cir- all the senses and cumscription has a great abun- (iqlm). dance of resources 08/06/2009 8:26:10 102 Fra n c i s c o Fra n c o -Sá n c h e z

In it he filled in those elements that his predecessors had omitted, compiling data on economic geography about mines, languages and races, customs, religions and sects, weights, measures and prices, territorial divisions, itineraries and distances, etc. Although he admitted not having travelled to al-Andalus in person, he stated that he had consulted numerous Andalusian informers about its conditions, and although its date is not known, as it is somewhat later than that of Ibn awqal, it seems likely that it is fully contemporary with the government of Ibn Ab ‘Amir.36 As can be seen at first sight, this work is more systematic with regard tothe presentation of the data about al-Andalus (though perhaps not for other regions) and, in contrast to the relation of Ibn awqal, it offers abundant data about each city: situation, construction, fortification, quality of life, economic data linked to this concept, etc. It describes a considerable number of places and provides more economic data than its predecessor in the school but, despite this, it is complicated to extrapolate data or extract more conclusions than the merely descriptive from what is mentioned.

36. AL-Muqaddas (ha. 334-after 378/ha. 946-after 988): arab ed. Michael Jan de Goeje. Bibliotheca Ge- ographorum Arabicorum. Pars Tertia. Descriptio Imperii Moslemici auctore Al-Mokaddasi. Lugduni-Batavorum: E. J. Brill, 1870: 7-499. A full English trans.: Collins, Basil Anthony; Hamid al-Tai, Muhammad. The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions. A Translation of Asan at-taqsm f ma‘rifat al-aqlm. Reading: Cen- tre for Muslim Contribution to Civilization-Garnet Publishing Limited, 1994: I-XXVIII + 1-460. Chapter about the province of the Maghreb, that includes al-Andalus: 215-245 (Arab edition), 198-222 (English Translation).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 102 08/06/2009 8:26:11 Anglès.indd 103

Graph 2. Data concerning the economy of al-Andalus, according to the “report” by al-Muqaddas (ca. 1000)

Region or Agriculture Livestock Crafts Mining Commerce Others place cited Cordoba Capital (mir) of al-Andalus. City on a plain with a mountain above it, it has a medina and neighbourhoods. It has various markets. It is an important me- tropolis, amiable and attractive, in which you will find justice, science, political sense, mildness, prosperity and religion

Arjona It has no orchards or trees, but it is a territory of grains. Its people drink water from springs, but their crops are only watered by the rain.

Qasalla There is an abundance It is on a vast plain of trees, olives and vines. Its people their orchards with water wheels.

Jódar Abundance of olives. They Situated on a plain drink water from springs

Martos It only has vineyards. It is mountainous There are springs Qanbnuš Most of its farms are in an On a plain (Campania) area known as Campania. They drink water from wells 08/06/2009 8:26:11 Anglès.indd 104

Fa ibn There are quite a lot of On a plain Laq crops.Water from wells.

Bal It has some crops. There On a plain Marwn is a permanent stream. Buryna It has crops. It obtains Situated on a plain. drinking water from wells With souks in its neighbourhoods

in There are olive and fruit Bulkna trees and springs in abundance. The drinking water flows from a spring and some wells

A-anda There are vineyards, It is in the farmlands, figs and mountains grapes in abundance. The drinking water comes from springs and wells

Wd ‘abd It has crops, creeks On a plain Allh and some fruit trees Qarss Rich in figs, grapes and On a plain olives. The drinking water comes from springs

Jaén (its It has a certain number The city is situated district is of springs (later he states in the mountains called awlaba that there are 20). It pro- (awliya =ulia) duces fruit in abundance. 08/06/2009 8:26:11 Anglès.indd 105

Al-afr, The zone of al-afr has It is located in the district of Jaén creeks and mills, with many mountains. The trees, fruit, olives and grapes zone is in a wd in which a great variety of fruit have been concentrated

Priego There are valleys where In the mountains the springs bubble strongly and turn the mills. There is an abundance of blackberries, olives and figs

Martos Its inhabitants obtain It is a city in the (sic.) drinking water from springs. mountains It has an abundance of fig and olive trees and vines

[La]Qnt There are no orchards. Located on a plain. The climate is healthy

Granada It is an al-munya/fertile It is beside a plain 30 miles long. river. The city is It has all kinds of excellent on the plain fruit. It has many fields

Mentesa There are many olive Next to a river. and fig trees On a plain

Baeza Drinking water from springs. On a mountain Abundance of fig trees and vines

Tudela There is an Its fur is abundance used for of sables scabbards 08/06/2009 8:26:11 106 Fra n c i s c o Fra n c o -Sá n c h e z

Appendix i

ibn ayyn provides information about the adaqa or canonical tax on livestock, crops, gold and silver, gathered from a note by ar-Rz. In Raman of 362/June 973 (eight years before Almanzor took on the iba, in 981-371) the caliph al-akam II saw off some of his Berber allies who wanted to go back to their lands in the Maghreb. Together with splendid gifts, he gave them a diploma —that was really a kind of “constitution”— which included a series of basic religious, fiscal, social and political norms. This document contains the specific guidelines to follow about the aspects mentioned, both inside the community, and with regard to relations with their Š‘i neighbours. Included in full by ar-Rz and copied by Ibn ayyn, this document was dedicate to the most notable of all them, Ab l-‘Ayš Ibn Ayyb

“this diploma that conferred on him the legitimate authority over its people the tribes of Kutma”, moreover “on this day, on which they were given permission to leave, all the Berber chiefs (...) to whom the control over the tribes in their jurisdiction was granted, were presented with the diplomas that accredited them, written according to the text in which it was conceded to the chief among them, Ab l-‘Ayš Ibn Ayyb”. There are many and varied sections in this set of rules which were imposed by al-akam II, which refer to the various legal taxes, mentioning grain, livestock, gold and silver, etc.

“The zakaat (adaqa) must be taken from your subjects corresponding to the goods harvested, as well as that of the fruits that are on your land, and the adaqa or legal alms on livestock, in accordance with the legal precepts and prescriptions, without reducing or increasing nor altering in any way the precepts, which are the following: The zakaat on gold and silver (...) The zakaat on camels (...) For minor livestock, from forty head (given that below this number there is no zakaat) and up to one hundred and twenty, the zakaat will be one head of livestock. From one hundred and twenty to two hundred, it will be two head, and from two hundred to three hundred, three. Over three hundred, the zakaat will be a head for each hundred. For cattle, from thirty head (given that below this number there is no zakaat) and up to forty, the zakaat is a two-year-old bullock (tab‘). When the number of animals reaches forty, the zakaat is a three-year-old cow (musinna). From forty upwards, the zakaat is a two-year-old bullock for each additional fraction of thirty, or a three-year-old cow for each additional fraction of forty.

What is separate must not be joined and what is joined must not be separated to avoid the adaqa. Thus, if three men together have one hundred and twenty sheep, forty for each, they must pay only one sheep, and not three as would be required separately; and if two men have together two hundred and one sheep, they must pay three (seeing that, if the collector separated them, they would not have to pay more than one sheep each).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 106 08/06/2009 8:26:12 Th e an d a l u s i a n ec o n o m y i n t h e ti m e s o f Al m a n z o r 107

The payment of the adaqa must be taken from the livestock that has shed its first teeth or that is a little younger; but it must not be taken from that which is breeding —or that has already given birth—, nor from that which is being fattened for meat, nor the stud of the livestock.

[here follows the text about the zakaat on agricultural products, shown above]

The zakaat is not applicable to the imm taxpayer, either men or women, nor to any of their goods or livestock. They are only obliged to pay the capitation tax or izya. However, if they trade between one country and another, they must pay a tenth part of the product they sell. The bearer of this writ must act with justice to levy the zakaat and to distribute it among the eight categories of people designated by God Almighty, or in the case that they do not all exist in the country, of the parts that correspond to those that have a right to them, that is, those who wage holy war on the infidels and heretics, according to the decision by the Cadis of the prince of the believers that operated in the Maghreb. Only an eighth of the zakaat which God conceded to those who levy it, can be appropriated, without increasing or exceeding this quantity. Nowhere on the land entrusted to you may any customs posts be built, that charge any toll to passengers and travellers, and they must not demand from them, either by land, or by sea, any tribute, alcabala (sales tax), contribution, food tax, nor extortion or expense that is weighed on their goods (… …)”.37

Various aspects from this text have to be considered. In first place, we can sup- pose that this norm that was imposed on the allied Maghrebins was the same as applied in al-Andalus, as it is very generic and in accordance with what is stipulated in the general treatises on Islamic administrative economy, and moreover, the Maghrebins would have protested if their zakaat had been higher than that of the Andalusians. Only the camel tax should be excluded, for these were nonexistent on the Peninsula (at least in the numbers of head described). These legal taxes were based on a charge for agricultural production, as well as on the possession of gold and silver, and livestock. In the latter case, it first specifies in detail the one corresponding to camels, given that the document was aimed at the Maghrebin Berbers. Further, the taxes on minor and major livestock are specified; in the minor case (sheep and goats) payment began at 40 head, and for up to 120 head the required payment was one head; in the case of cattle, there was an exemption up to 30 head, and between 30 and 40 the payment was a bullock. These tax bands were important, given that, in the case of the zakaats being considered equal, we must conclude that there was great wealth in livestock in al-Andalus. That means that that in the 9th/10th centuries, the small domestic flocks were free from the payment of such taxes, while must consider the possibility that whoever

37. Ibn ayyn. Kitb al-muqtabis f ta’rj ril al-Andalus: VII, ed Emilio García Gómez. El Califato de Cór- doba…: 143-145 (chap. 112).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 107 08/06/2009 8:26:13 108 Fra n c i s c o Fra n c o -Sá n c h e z

had a flock or herd would have a minimum of 40 sheep or goats or 30 cattle and that it would be normal to exceed this figure. A curious point are the amendments on tax gathering which were soon made in an attempt to evade fiscal avarice. As the norm was to gather the flocks together and employ a shepherd to look after them, this was always the most favourable option for the owners when it came to paying tax. Similarly, it is notable that Muslim legal tax tended not to be levied on the imms, unless they traded with Muslims (in which case they also had to pay the tithe); and the indication of the eighth that would be kept by the collector of such taxes needs to be considered. It is prohibited to ask your subjects or travellers “either by land, or by sea, for tribute, alcabala, contribution, food tax, nor extortion or expense over their goods”, which makes sense, given that the cited taxes were illegal, and this was an official document. On the other hand, we know that in al-Andalus these illicit fees (being outside the sunna) existed during the caliphate, were normal during the period of the taifas, and there are even some specific examples of their presence from the Almohad and Narid periods. The express prohibition of the building of a “customs post that charged passengers and travellers a toll” must be understood in the same sense, from which it could be concluded that during the caliphate period there were no such fiefdoms or internal tolls (at least legally authorised ones) in al-Andalus, but Ibn awqal’s text implies the opposite (see above). Finally, among the various conclusions that can be drawn, there is one that relates to the albacares (exterior enclosures annexed at walls) of the fortifications, as places where the local troops would guard the livestock collected as adaqa, until their subsequent sale (and conversion into cash), or consumption.38 It follows that, if the tax to be paid is clear and we know that the grain was stored in the alorines state granaries, this livestock would also have to be stabled, even if only for a short period, in some ad hoc enclosure.

Appendix ii

firm conclusions still cannot be drawn from the study of the economy of al- Andalus. The three maps included, illustrating the peninsula’s productive economy between the 11th and 13th centuries, are a graphic summary and synthesis of the data.39 Despite showing its age, the work by César Emilio Dubler “Sobre la vida economica en la Península Ibérica del siglo XI al XIII. Contribución a las relaciones islamo-cristianas”

38. See the explanation by Epalza, Míkel de. “Funciones ganaderas de los albacares, en las fortalezas musulmanas”. Sharq Al-Andalus. Estudios Árabes, 1 (1984): 47-54. 39. Dubler, César E. Über das Wirtschaftsleben auf der iberischen Halbinsel vom XI. zum XIII. Jahrhundert. Bei- trag zu den islamisch-chistlichen Beziehungen. Ginebra-Erlenbach-Zürich: Librairie E. Droz-Eugen Rentsch Verlag, 1943: 1-XIV + 1-186 pp. See the details about this work that García Gómez, Emilio added in the review he wrote in Al-Andalus, 10 (1945): 472-474.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 108 08/06/2009 8:26:14 Th e an d a l u s i a n ec o n o m y i n t h e ti m e s o f Al m a n z o r 109

was the first in-depth, detailed and extensive study of the Andalusian economy. Concentrating on the 11th to 13th centuries, he painted a panorama of the Andalu- sian productions and crafts based on the oriental geographers, but especially on the data from al-Idrs and al-imyar, also using the Arab toponymy profusely,40 as well as the data supplied by contemporary Christian sources. These three maps have been translated from German, and are included here, although doing so might be problematic, because they are a useful way of approaching the distribution of Andalusian production.

40. Despite the novelty of using the Arab toponymy as a vehicle for historical information, it must be mentioned that Dubler assumes the postulations by Miguel Asín, with nothing other than a mere enun- ciation of toponymy and meanings, and without further semantic or morphological criticism.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 83-112. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 109 08/06/2009 8:26:15 Anglès.indd 110

Lo c a t i o n o f n o n -m e t a l l i c m a t e r i a l s pr o d u c t i o n i n t h e ib e r i a n pe n i n s u l a

Arab Christian Toponyms sources sources Calamine (Zinc)

al-khul

Sulfur

Alum and vitriol

Gypsum

Lapis lazuli

Ochre

Special clays

Salt and salt mine production

Marble quarry

Gemstones

Amber 08/06/2009 8:26:21 Anglès.indd 111

Craf t pr o d u c t i o n s i n t h e Ib e r i a n Pe n i n s u l a (XIt h -XIIIt h c e n t u r i e s )

Glass

Pottery

Toponyms with pottery

Cotton Flax, hemp

Cotton

Wool

Textile crafts

Ropeworkers crafts (filters, ropes, nets)

Dyes: dry cleaners

Wood: production and crafts

Comercial harbour anchorage yards

Fishing

Leather: production and goods

Paper productions

Oil production limit 08/06/2009 8:26:27 Anglès.indd 112

Lo c a t i o n o f m e t a l a n d m i n e ra l pr o d u c t i o n i n t h e Ib e r i a n Pe n i n s u l a

Arab Christian sources sources Gold

Raw materials Alluvial gold

Silver

Copper

Lead

Tim

Iron

Magnetita

Marcasite

Mercury

Archeological remains of the mining industry

Toponyms al-ma'din as-sama az-za'uq 08/06/2009 8:26:34 LOYALTY, FRIENDSHIP AND LOVE IN THE LETTERS OF FULBERT OF CHARTRES

An a l i e Ge r m a i n Un i v e r s i t é d e Pr o v e n c e -Ai x -Ma r s e i l l e Fra n c e

Date of reception: 25th of April, 2007 Final date of acceptance: 18th of December, 2007

Ab s t r a c t

In letter 51 of his correspondence, Fulbert of Chartres offers a definition offidelitas which has long been used by historians to describe feudal-vassalic relations. In all of his correspondence, Fulbert expresses this social bond by using an elaborate vocabulary of friendship and emotions. He thus qualifies social relations described as an element of vassalage and loyalty and gives them a moral content. He defines amicitia, particularly for the attention of William of Aquitaine, by emphasising its “useful” aspect and stressing its objective, honestum or the common good, terms that have already been found in his 51st letter to define fidelitas. Friendship is therefore a natural corollary of the relationships of loyalty within the clergy or in the secular world. In the same way relationships of loyalty are coupled with the use of the vocabulary of affectus, which conveys the ideals of peace and the common good, heralded by the Bishop of Chartres in feudal society at the beginning of the 11th century.

Ke y Wo r d s

Fulbert de Chartres, Faithfulness, Friendship, Peace, Love.

Ca pi t a l i a v e r b a

Fulbertus Carnutinus, Fidelitas, Amicitia, Pax, Caritas.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931 113

Anglès.indd 113 08/06/2009 8:26:34 114 An a l i e Ge r m a i n

The letters of Fulbert, bishop of Chartres between about 1006 and 1028, are a fundamental source of knowledge about the organisation of feudal society. Indeed, this bishop, appointed by King Robert the Pious, following his position as scolaster of Chartres and reputed for his erudition and piety, left 131 letters which are concerned with particular problems of a legal, ecclesiastical and religious nature. These letters show how the bishop forged a network of relationships among the great and the good of society at the start of the 11th century: he corresponded, for example, with Robert the Pious, Fulk Nerra Count of Anjou, William, Duke of Aquitaine or Eudes II Count of Blois and Chartres, but also with churchmen such as Odilo of Cluny or Abbo of Fleury. This source is an invitation to examine the society of power around the year 1000 and covers the notion of feudality.1 Indeed, Fulbert of Chartres, in his famous letter 512 of his correspondence, offered a definition of fidelitas, in which many historians have seen the definition of feudal-vassalic relationships for the attention of William, Duke of Aquitaine3. In- deed, it seems that the Bishop of Chartres plays on both meanings of the word fidelitas, which represents the feudal-vassalic relationship in its entirety as well as sworn loyalty4. Thus he defines the relationship of loyalty, which forms part of the vassalic ritual but includes other types of relationship, through the concepts of securitas, consilium and auxilium. In this way his letter can act as a basis for establishing the rules of vassalage like those for any type of loyalty. Fulbert emphasises the moral aspect of this man-to-man relationship, which must follow the established rules and which

1. This article has been developed out of a communication presented on 21st May 2005 in Aix-en- Provence, as part of the Doctoral Meetings organised conjointly by SICMA (Sociétés, Idéologies, Croyances au Moyen Age) laboratories of the University of Provence and CHREMMO (Centre Historique de Recherches Médiévales sur la Méditerranée Occidentale) of the University of Montpellier III-Paul Valery. It makes up part of a thesis at the University of Provence under the supervision of Mrs. H. Taviani-Carozzi. I am grateful to those who participated in the Doctoral Meetings for their advice and support. I am grateful to Mrs. H. Taviani-Carozzi for rereading it. 2. The numbering and the text of the letters used in this article refer to The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres, ed. Frederik Behrends. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976. The translation of the letters is personal. 3. This letter is particularly used in the following reference works: Bloch, Marc. La société féodale. Paris: Albin-Michel, 1994 (first edition, Paris: Albin Michel, 1940); Ganshof, François-Louis. Qu’est-ce que la féodalité ? Paris: Tallandier, 1982 (first edition, Bruxelles: impr. de l’Office de Publicité, 1944); Boutruche, Robert. Seigneurie et Féodalité. I. Le premier âge des liens d’homme à homme. Paris: Aubier, 1968; Bournazel, Eric; Poly, Jean-Pierre. La mutation féodale Xe-XIIe siècles. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1991. 4. The Latin text of this letter, following the edition The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 90-92: Glorioso duci Aquitanorum W(illelmo) F(ulbertus) episcopus oracionis suffragium. De forma fidelitatis aliquid scribere monitus, haec vobis quae secuntur breviter ex librorum auctoritate notavi. Qui domino suo fidelitatem iurat, ista sex in memoria semper habere debet: incolume, tutum, honestum, utile, facile, possibile. Incolume videlicet, ne sit in dampnum domino de corpore suo. Tutum, ne sit ei in dampnum de secreto suo vel de municionibus per quas tutus esse potest. Honestum, ne sit ei in dampnum de sua iustitia vel de aliis causis quae ad honestatem eius pertinere videntur. Utile, ne sit ei in dampnum de suis possessionibus. Facile vel possibile, ne id bonum quod dominus suus leviter facere poterat faciat ei difficile, neve id quod possibile erat, reddat ei impossibile. Ut fidelis haec nocumenta caveat iustum est, sed non ideo casamentum meretur. Non enim sufficit abstinere a malo, nisi fiat quod bonum est. Restat ergo ut in eisdem sex supradictis consilium et auxilium domino suo fideliter prestet, si beneficio dignus videri vult, et salvus esse de fidelitate quam iuravit. Dominus quoque fideli suo in his omnibus vicem reddere debet (…).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 114 08/06/2009 8:26:35 Lo y a l t y , fr i e n d s h i p a n d lo v e i n t h e le t t e r s o f Fu l b e r t o f Ch ar t r e s 115

aims at achieving bonum, utile and honestum, in other words the common good and the sovereign good of feudal society5. For the Bishop of Chartres, this relationship is essential to society in his time: it enables the moralisation and hierarchisation of the secular world as well as the clerical, in order to promote peace and justice. In the 131 letters that make up his correspondence, this notion of fidelitas and the lexical field associated with it frequently recur and are often connected to two other lexical fields, those of friendship and of love. How then is this association between the two vocabularies, one of social relationships and one of emotions, understood? And what are the words and the concepts that can prove the connection between the two? Does Fulbert of Chartres attempt to apply another cultural and moral model to the relationship of loyalty and if so, with what aim? It is sensible to consider in which contexts, in which circumstances and according to what needs the specific vocabulary of fidelitas is enriched with other notions like those of “friendship” and “love”.

1. Loyalty and friendship in the letters of Fulbert of Chartres

In the letters of Fulbert that contain the lexical field of loyalty, another lexical field is sometimes found, namely that of amicitia. This concept was inherited from Greek and Roman Antiquity6. Cicero, in his treatise De Amicitia, passed on the conceptions of Antiquity of this social relationship to the men of the Middle Ages. In Rome, amicitia was embodied by two types of relationships: a noble relationship between highborn political men who shared the same education and values, in particular the quest for virtue, and another, more common relationship, which subordinates the client to his superior. The term amicitia was employed to represent this relationship, despite the inequality between the two partners. From the earliest centuries of this era, the Christian authors revisited this Greek and Roman heritage and adapted it to their beliefs and their communal way of life. The theme of caritas, Christian love which is a gift from God and which must nourish the clergy, subsequently appeared and was preferred to the Roman notion of amicitia within monastic communities from the end of Antiquity and the early Middle Ages7. The Greco-Roman heritage however survived, revisited and adapted by the Church Fa- thers, such as Saint Augustine or Ambrose of Milan, who passed it on to the literate

5. For a thorough analysis of this letter and in particular its rhetorical aspect and moral content, see the following studies: Becker, Alfons. “Form und Materie. Bemerkungen zu Fulberts von Chartres De forma fidelitatis im Lehnrecht des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit”. Historisches Jahrbuch, 102 (1982): 325- 361; Adalbéron de Laon. Poème au roi Robert, ed. and trans. Claude Carozzi. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1979. See the introduction for clarification of letter 51 by Fulbert of Chartres. 6. The following work offers a detailed panorama of the notion of friendship in Antiquity and its evolution: Konstan, David. Friendship in the classical world. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. 7. Brian P. McGuire offers an analysis of this evolution: McGuire, Brian P. Friendship and community: the monastic experience, 350-1250. Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1988.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 115 08/06/2009 8:26:36 116 An a l i e Ge r m a i n

men of the Middle Ages. Gerbert of Rheims and Fulbert of Chartres in particular turned amicitia into a lofty ideal of virtue and affection shared between two men, as well as a social relationship that was useful to both parties. They thereby returned to the notion of utile, from utilitas developed by Cicero in many of his works,8 which Fulbert employs to define fidelitas in his letter 51. It seems therefore that these two social relations, amicitia and fidelitas, are adorned with the same moral connotations by the Bishop of Chartres. Taking as a starting point the study of vocabulary of amicitia associated with words and expressions which convey loyalty, this discussion in- tends to analyse the particular relation that linked Fulbert to William of Aquitaine, because it gives rise to the use of two lexical fields.

2. Amicitia in the lexical field of loyalty

This notion of amicitia is evident in Fulbert’s letters through words of the same family and words which are closely linked. If we take the lexical field of amicitia in the letters which already contain the lexical field of fidelitas9, we notice first of all the rarity and poverty of this lexical field in comparison with that of loyalty. The words are particularly significant in relation to appearing in the text. The most common word, amicus, only appears seven times in the correspondence, while the term fidelitas10 appears 16 times and the term fidelis11, 22 times. In letter 26, the bishop of Chartres denies being a friend of Léothier, Archbishop of Sens. In letters 105, 114 and 117, Hildegar, Fulbert’s secretary, brings him news of his “friend” William of Aquitaine12. Fulbert uses this term amicus again in letter 119 referring directly to William. Similarly, the superlative amicissimus was used by Hildegar to qualify Wil- liam’s attitude towards Fulbert in letter 109. The term amicitia is also rare: it is found in letter 1 addressed by Fulbert to Abbo de Fleury and is above all used to charac- terize the relationship between the bishop of Chartres and William of Aquitaine. Certain terms are closely associated with the concept of amicitia: Hildegar wrote to

8. In particular, see his De Officiis (Cicero, Marco Tulio. De Officcis, éd. Walter Miller. Cambridge [Mass.] -London: Harvard University Press-William Heinemann, 1975) and his De Amicitia (Cicero, Marco Tulio. De amicitia, ed. Valentín García Yebra. Madrid: Gredos, 1987). 9. The lexical field of the fidelitas is very rich in the letters of Fulbert de Chartres. The following words and expressions can be pointed out: fidelitas, fidelis, fidus, fideliter, subditus, satelles, dominus, casatus, miles, auxilium, consilium, securitas, casamentum, beneficium, honor, dignitas … 10. The word was picked out in the following letters: The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 2 (letter 1, 2 twice), 10 (letter 2), 12 (letters 3, 4), 20 (letter 9, 2 twice), 148 (letter 82), 164 (letter 92), 172 (letter 95), 178 (letter 99), 204 (letter 114), 208 (letter 115), 214 (letter 120), 218 (letter 122), 228 (letter 127). 11. The word was picked out in the following letters: The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 12 (letter 3), 14 (letter 5), 16 (letter 6), 20 (letter 9), 50 (letter 27, twice), 58 (letter 31), 74 (letter 42), 98 (letter 56), 106 (letter 62), 108 (letter 64), 138 (letter 78), 150 (letter 83), 172 (letter 95), 182 (letter 100), 204 (letter 114), 206 (letter 115), 212/214 (letter 119, twice), 218 (letter 122), 224 (letter 125), 226 (letter 126). 12. Hildegar, previously chancellor and secretary to the Bishop of Chartres, was, from 1022, his representative in Poitiers, capital city of William of Aquitaine, where Fulbert was in charge of the treasurer of Saint-Hilaire.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 116 08/06/2009 8:26:37 Lo y a l t y , fr i e n d s h i p a n d lo v e i n t h e le t t e r s o f Fu l b e r t o f Ch ar t r e s 117

Fulbert that he “can observe the goodness, familiarity, friendship and patience of his friend William (Duke of Aquitaine) towards him”13. Fulbert wrote to the Duke of Aquitaine that he “felt his benevolence, which to him was more gentle in affection and actually more useful than the benevolence of all of his friends”14. The notion of utilitas is found in the greeting of letter 107, that Fulbert sent to William of Aquitaine and in which he wished him “usefulness and honesty” or “the common good and the sovereign good”15. These ideas, associated with the term amicitia, allow a more precise definition of this relationship: it was a question of a social bond in which affectus and utilitas, far from conflicting, complement each other. The idea of utilitas, which Fulbert had already used to define loyalty, is also used to character- ize amicitia. We furthermore notice that the idea of amicitia was particularly used among educated men since Hildegar, Fulbert and William of Aquitaine were men of letters16 who knew enough about Cicero to remember the connection that he had made between amicitia and utile in his works17. Integrated into the vocabulary of friendship, the words fidelitas, dominus, consilium, beneficium, servulus, words which belong to the lexical field offidelitas , are also found. At the end of this brief presentation of the context in which the vocabulary of friendship associated with the lexical field of fidelitas is used, it is worth noting that these vocabulary associations do not, after all, affect certain relationships of the Bishop of Chartres. Fulbert’s correspondence with the Duke of Aquitaine or with Hildegar on the subject of the Duke of Aquitaine focuses on the heart of these associations. The relationship between the Bishop of Chartres and the Duke of Aquitaine will be the subject of a separate study. But it is possible henceforth to attempt to analyse the association of the two lexical fields in the letters exchanged between Fulbert and Abbo de Fleury, Hildegar and Léothier of Sens. In 1004, Fulbert, not yet bishop, but a simple clerk and possible secretary to Bishop Rodolphe of Chartres, wrote to the famous Abbot Abbo de Fleury to ask for his aid against the new abbot of Saint- Père de Chartres, installed by Count Eudes. Fulbert wrote to Abbo that he did not know “what to give in return for the granting of his good friendship”, and then he “responds to his friendship with eternal loyalty”18. We find a direct association in this letter between fidelitas and amicitia, since the friendship offered by Abbo seems

13. amici tui Guillelmi deprehendere potes erga te benignitatem, familiaritatem, amititiam (sic), sustinentiam (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 210 [letter 117]). 14. Vestram (…) benivolenciam expertus sum cunctis amicorum meorum benivolenciis affectu mihi dulciorem, effectu quoque utiliorem (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212 [letter 119]). 15. Clarissimo duci Aquitanorum G(uillelmo) F(ulbertus) humilis episcopus utile et honestum (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 190 [letter 107]). 16. Fulbert and Hildegar are or were renowned scolasters. William is a lay prince reputed for his culture and he does not hesitate to ask Fulbert for some books. 17. We find in letter 51 by Fulbert The( letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 90, 92) a long reference to De Inventione by Cicero, in particular in the use of the words utile and honestum, which are central to Cic- eronian thinking on virtue. This aspect has been studied by: Carozzi, Claude. « Introduction », Adalbéron de Laon, Poème au roi Robert, ed. and trans. Claude Carozzi. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1979: I-XII. 18. quid rependam muneris santae amicitiae…et ac perennem fidelitatis habitum amicitiae tuae rependo (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 2 [letter 1]).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 117 08/06/2009 8:26:38 118 An a l i e Ge r m a i n

to require Fulbert’s loyalty in return. Moreover, they appear along with two notions of other words from the same lexical field: friendship is conveyed by thebenivolentia of Abbo and Fulbert owes him “a student’s loyalty”19 towards his master (dominus). Fulbert therefore introduced the word amicitia into the lexical field of fidelitas. Two interpretations of this letter are possible. Fulbert may have associated these two lexical fields with a simple rhetorical goal: it would mean convincing Abbo of his friendship and loyalty with the exclusive aim of obtaining his help in a specific affair. However, Fulbert undoubtedly truly sought the friendship of Abbo, this man of letters whom he respected “as his student”. In this case, the use of the lexical field of loyalty goes back to the master-disciple relationship that Fulbert knew well as he was the scolaster of Chartres, and not a relationship of vassalage. The flexibility of the relationship of loyalty is apparent here as it can include the relationship between a scolaster and his students, which was certainly the case in Chartres between Fulbert and his old followers, such as Hildegar. This relationship is thus accompanied by a friendship sometimes born out of living with each other within the school, often out of mutual respect among men of letters. The relationship between Fulbert and Hildegar therefore offers another example of friendship, founded on fidelitas. Hildegar was first of all a student of Fulbert, then scolaster of Chartres. He then became one of the clerks in his entourage, then his secretary and Chancellor. He shared his daily life and became part of his familiaritas. A double loyalty binds them, the one that binds Hildegar to his old master within the cathedral school of Chartres and the one that binds him to the bishop within the Chartrian clergy. The two men never used the vocabulary of amicitia in their letters except to characterise the relationship between Fulbert and William of Aquitaine. On the other hand, they used a lavish vocabulary taken from the lexical field of loyalty: Hildegar frequently described himself as fidelis in view of his dominus Fulbert, to whom he owed fidelitas20. Along with these words, there are numerous emotional terms such as carissimus or dilectissimus21 and set phrases which are indeed the topoi of amicitia, inherited from Antiquity and the early Middle Ages. For example, Fulbert writes to Hildegar, “your absence often reminds me of how much your presence was indispensable to me”22. This old platitude of friendship had already been used by the Christian Fathers or during the Carolingian renaissance23. It was therefore a relationship of friendship, characterised by reciprocal affection and usefulness, since Fulbert granted Hildegar

19. fidelitas ut alumni (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 2 [letter 1]). 20. See for example the form of address in letter 114 and letter 115: The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 204, 206-207. 21. The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 188 (letter 105). 22. Absencia tua sepe commemoror quam necessarius eras presens (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 156 [letter 88]). 23. White, Caroline. “Friendship in absence – Some patristic views”, Friendship in medieval Europe, Julian Haseldine, dir. Sutton: Stroud, 1999: 68-89; Goetz, Hans-Werner. “ ‘Beatus homo qui invenit amicum’. The concept of friendship in early medieval letters of the Anglo-Saxon tradition on the continent (Boni- face, Alcuin) “, Friendship in medieval Europe, Julian Haseldine dir. Sutton: Stroud, 1999: 124-136.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 118 08/06/2009 8:26:39 Lo y a l t y , fr i e n d s h i p a n d lo v e i n t h e le t t e r s o f Fu l b e r t o f Ch ar t r e s 119

important positions such as chancellor and scolaster at Chartres,24 while Hildegar represented him in Poitiers and passed on crucial information to him. The use of the vocabulary of loyalty bears witness to the fact that the friendship between these two educated men did not erase the ecclesiastical hierarchy between the clerk and the bishop, the social hierarchy between the master and the follower. We can however ask ourselves why the vocabulary of friendship that the two men master perfectly and use for other people, is not used in this relationship. This vocabulary was indeed replaced by the fraternal or paternal vocabulary generally used in the church: both men call each other “brother” or “father”. This lack of vocabulary of friendship should not necessarily be interpreted as an absence of friendship, but rather as the existence of another model of friendship, that of a spiritual friendship based on caritas, the Christian love that the clergy were supposed to disseminate25. The case of the letter written to Léothier of Sens is different: it is very possible that Fulbert swore an oath of loyalty to Léothier, his archbishop, during his consecration as Bishop of Chartres. Indeed, the Romano-Germanic Pontifical of the 10th century, widely known and copied in the north of France, bears witness to the fact that the ordinationes of bishops often contained an oath of obedience and loyalty to their archbishops26. Thus, both men maintained within the church a relationship of loyalty, which excluded homage, but drew at length on the lexical field of fidelitas. Fulbert often used the notion of fidelitas, particularly in the forms of address of the letters. He therefore promises Léothier “the service of his loyalty”27 or “the service and the feeling of his loyalty”28. The terms fidelis and dominus are also present in these letters. From letter 16 we learn that Léothier excommunicated an enemy of Fulbert who went on to thank him for it. It seems that Léothier provided help, auxilium, ecclesiastically speaking, to his suffragan bishop. Finally, in letter 26, Fulbert reproaches Léothier for having consecrated the new Bishop of Orleans “without his council”29. Therefore, in the letters from Fulbert to his archbishop, we find a group of terms that belong to the lexical field of loyalty. The conflict between the two prelates on the subject of the Bishop of Orleans gave Fulbert the occasion to deny any friendship with Léothier, “with pleasure I will accept, father, you calling me your friend, if you yourself act like a friend”30. Prior to this letter, we

24. scolarum ferulam et cancellarii tabulas tibi servo (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 194 [letter 108]). 25. Caritas, or Christian love, defines the idealised relationships between members of the regular or secular clergy. However, with Fulbert of Chartres, the use of caritas vocabulary becomes systematic between clerks. To conclude that a friendship between two correspondents is real, the presence, along with this vocabulary, of a whole emotional and friendship lexical field must therefore be established. 26. LXIII Ordinatio episcopi: Vis sanctae Mogontiensi aecclesiae, mihi et successoribus meis fidem et subiectionem exhibere? Volo (Vogel, Cyrille; Elze, Reinhard. Le Pontifical Romano-Germanique du Xe siècle. Cité du Vatican: Biblioteca apostolica vaticana, 1963: I, 202). 27. obsequium fidelitatis (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 12 (letter 3). 28. fidelitatis affectum et obsequium (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 12 [letter 4]). 29. sine meo consilio (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 48 [letter 26]). 30. Quod me, pater, amicum appellas gratanter annuerem, si te quoque exhiberes amicum (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 48 [letter 26]).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 119 08/06/2009 8:26:40 120 An a l i e Ge r m a i n

often find an emotional vocabulary in the missives from Fulbert to his archbishop, which proves that their relationship of loyalty was coupled, before this event, with a relationship of friendship. This rested on Fulbert’s oath of loyalty and involved “help” and “council” between the two prelates. It brought together affectus or dilectio, the feeling of love between them and utilitas, as much for the two prelates as for the church as a whole. Lastly, this relationship did not abolish the hierarchy that existed between the archbishop and the suffragan bishop. Moreover, it was this hierarchical bond that the fidelitas lexical field expresses. Fulbert of Chartres’ correspondence offers some examples of different social relationships, bringing together friendship and loyalty. The use of these two lexical fields allows the relationships to be qualified differently each time and tovalue only certain relationships of loyalty. It is noticeable that there were several models of friendship, amicitia, between men of letters or caritas between clerks, but that, in all of these models, loyalty was an essential component. Similarly there were many types of loyalty, be they between the follower and the master or between the bishop and his archbishop, which nourished different friendships. In addition, friendship did not erase the social hierarchies at the start of the 11th century: admittedly it made the two men equals in theory, by virtue of their culture and elevated position in society. However, within this “élite” there was of course a hierarchy which is explained by the use of the words dominus, fidelis. This hierarchy of equality, within an élite, is of course to be compared with the system of vassalage, in which J. Le Goff31 found the same phenomenon. Fulbert’s specific relationship with William of Aqui- taine gave rise to a very liberal use of the two lexical fields of friendship and loyalty and enables a more precise analysis of how this double social bond works.

3. Fulbert and William of Aquitaine

The relationship between the two men is complex and they themselves expressed this in a number of ways. In the correspondence of the Bishop of Chartres, the first image that we have of this relationship is that given in the letters that Hildegar sent to Fulbert from Poitiers and which systematically mentioned his “friend the Count William”32: Hildegar is Fulbert’s representative in Poitiers, in the post of treasurer of

31. See his analysis of the vassalic ritual in the following work: Le Goff, Jacques. “Pour un autre Moyen Age, temps, travail et culture en occident: 18 essais », Un autre Moyen Age. Paris: Gallimard, 1999: 11-400. Jacques Le Goff evokes the procedure of the vassalic ritual and its symbolic sense: homage and immixtio manuum mean the submission of the vassal to his lord and therefore the hierarchy that exists in feudal- vassalic relationships. On the other hand osculum exchanged by the two men at the end of the ritual shows that they are equals, that they belong to one and the same élite. 32. amicus vester comes G(uillelmus) (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 190 [letter 105]); G(uillelmus), comes amicus tuus (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 204 (letter 114). There are comparable formulas in letters 109 and 117 (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 194 [letter 109], 210 [letter 117]).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 120 08/06/2009 8:26:41 Lo y a l t y , fr i e n d s h i p a n d lo v e i n t h e le t t e r s o f Fu l b e r t o f Ch ar t r e s 121

Saint-Hilaire. Indeed William of Aquitaine33 was, as Count of Poitiers, the secular father of Saint-Hilaire and could appoint to the very lucrative post of treasurer of Saint-Hilaire. In 1022, he appointed Fulbert of Chartres to this post, in the hope of attracting this famous man of letters to Poitiers. But Fulbert was occupied with his work in his diocese and sent Hildegar to represent him. The latter played the role of intermediary between the prince and the prelate and bore witness to the attitude of William towards the man who had awarded him this honor34, “you can observe goodness, familiarity, friendship and patience in your friend William towards you”35. Again we find all the vocabulary of amicitia in the letters of Hildegar, and this man of letters seemed to take pleasure in defining this relationship between a prelate and a great layman with the help of a vocabulary with Ciceronian overtones. The lexical field of loyalty is barely used except for the wordhonor describing the post of treasurer of Saint-Hilaire. We therefore distinguish, in Hildegar’s letters, the coexistence of two types of loyalty between William of Aquitaine and Fulbert of Chartres: the honor that William entrusted to Fulbert includes fidelitas, maybe sworn, and servitia. The plentiful vocabulary of friendship used by Hildegar indicates that both men also maintain fidelitas which rests in a relationship of amicitia. These two relationships, which we are examining separately in order to give a clear analysis, are not differ- entiated in the three men’s letters, who stressed one or another of them according to their needs. Fulbert’s correspondence conserved the letters exchanged by the two protagonists of this social relationship, as well as a letter from Fulbert to Hildegar in which the bishop defines his relationship with William. These missives bear witness tothe relationship of amicitia which existed between the two men. Indeed, in them we find a plentiful vocabulary ofamicitia and affectus: the adjectives carus-carissimus and dilectus-dilectissimus were often used36. William sent Fulbert his “kindest regards”37 while Fulbert compared the count to his best friends38. The words bonitas, benevolentia define the relationships between the two men and in particular William’s attitude to Fulbert39. The bishop also rejoiced in the caritas40 and the affectus that William showed him. Thus he wrote to the count that he wished to “revive the admirable

33. Richard, Alfred. Histoire des comtes de Poitou, tome I. 778-1204. Paris: Picard, 1903; Treffort, Cécile. “Le comte de Poitiers, duc d’Aquitaine et l’Eglise aux alentours de l’an mil 970-1030”. Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 43 (2000): 395-445. 34. non amittes susceptum honorem si tenere volueris. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 210 [letter 117]). 35. amici tui Guillelmi deprehendere potes erga te benignitatem, familiaritatem, amititiam, sustinentiam. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 210 [letter 117]). 36. The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 164 (letter 92), 208 (letter 116). 37. caras amicicias. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 208 [letter 116]) 38. See note 13 above. 39. The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212 (letter 119), 216 (letter 120). 40. vobis autem me licet immerentem gratuitis beneficiis accumulare mira caritatis abundancia placet. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212 [letter 119]).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 121 08/06/2009 8:26:42 122 An a l i e Ge r m a i n

gentleness of his affection towards him”41. Both men therefore seem to have had a veritable affection for each other. Similarly, Fulbert presented himself as the faithful servant of his lord, William. Sometimes it was William who called Fulbert dominus, thus showing his respect for the bishop and the reputed man of letters that he was. This vocabulary conveys the loyalty that they owed each other within their friendship. Both men gave each other many presents. For example, Fulbert wrote to William, “I accepted your free donations”42; he is talking about the “free benefits”43 that William gave to him. One could believe that Fulbert was talking about the post of treasurer of Saint-Hilaire, but that would contradict the use of the terms servitium, deservire associated with this position. It is therefore more likely that these “free donations” refer to the alms, the offerings made by William to the church of Chartres for its reconstruction after a fire that destroyed it in 1020. Fulbert alluded to these offerings in letter 92 and wrote in letter 119 that they were use in the “service” of Jesus and his mother Mary, in other words the service of the Cathedral, Notre-Dame de Chartres44. In exchange Fulbert sent him a collection of texts on King Salomon, a subject that interested the Duke45. In addition, Fulbert constituted a point d’appui for William north of the Loire and a means of obtaining information about the king or the Counts of Anjou46 and Blois and Chartres. This amicitia was very useful in the practical sense of the term. We find, moreover, the notion of utile in the definition of this relationship between the two men: Fulbert thanked William for his benevolence which to him was “more useful indeed than that of all his friends”47. He also greeted the duke by wishing him “usefulness and honesty”48. Finally, Hildegar advised Fulbert to keep the post of treasurer of Saint-Hilaire for as long as possible, even if he could not do so himself, “if he thinks that it will be useful to him”49. The notion of utilitas is therefore at the heart of the relationship between Fulbert and the Duke of Aquitaine. In the letter from Hildegar, it is a

41. relevare cupio mirabilem affectus vestri erga me dulcedinem.. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 214 [letter 119]). 42. munera vestra gratis suscepisse. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212 [letter 119]). 43. gratuitis beneficiis (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212 [letter 119]). The adverb gratis and the adjective gratuitus do not signify free in the modern sense of the term: payment and donations in return were probably expected by William. On the other hand these gifts did not bind Fulbert in servitium to the Duke of Aquitaine. 44. propter elemosinam quam misit ad restauracionem ecclesiae nostrae (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Char- tres…: 164 [letter 92]); Domninum Ihesum Christum et sanctam Mariam genitricem eius in cuius officio expensa sunt mercedem uobis reddituros (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres, ed. Frederick Behrends…: 214 [letter 119]). 45. tibi etiam misisse sibi exponendas sentencias Bacharii, Bedae et Rabani de fine Salomonis.( The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 164 [letter 92]). 46. Foulque Nerra, then Count of Anjou, was a “difficult vassal” of William of Aquitaine. 47. Vestram (…) benivolenciam expertus sum cunctis amicorum meorum benivolenciis affectu mihi dulciorem, effectu quoque utiliorem. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212 [letter 119]). 48. Clarissimo duci Aquitanorum G(uillelmo) F(ulbertus) humilis episcopus utile et honestum. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 190 [letter 107]). 49. suadeo ergo ne facias vel scribas eius repudium si intelligis fore tibi utilem. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 210 [letter 117]).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 122 08/06/2009 8:26:43 Lo y a l t y , fr i e n d s h i p a n d lo v e i n t h e le t t e r s o f Fu l b e r t o f Ch ar t r e s 123

question of practical use: Fulbert had to keep the post of treasurer of Saint-Hilaire as it offered him substantial financial revenue. In Fulbert’s letters, the notion of utile had many uses: the benevolence of William was “useful” to him effectively through the services that his friend gave him in return, by his generous donations. Moreover, he compared the effectiveness (effectu) of this friendship to that of his other relationships with other friends. Amicitia is therefore defined in part by its “usefulness”. However Fulbert, when he used the terms utile, utilitas, also had in mind their Ciceronian sense of usefulness for the common good. The relationship of friendship with William of Aquitaine therefore takes on a moral connotation. This connotation is found in the expression utile et honestum that Fulbert used in the way he addressed William in his letter 107. Wishing the Duke of Aquitaine “usefulness and honesty”, Fulbert assumed the position first and foremost as his loyal subject for the post of treasurer of Saint-Hilaire, since this expression defined the loyal duties in his letter 51, but he also alluded to their relationship of friendship which he liked to think of as “useful”. The expression utile et honestum, inspired by Cicero, acts as a connection between the two types of relationship and was integrated henceforth into the model of friendship that Fulbert offered the Duke of Aquitaine. This privileged social relationship must not only aim at the practical use of each one, but above all the public use and the sovereign good as friendship and loyalty enable the expression of virtue and the quest for social peace. However, the fidelitas that the two men had in their relationship of friendship was less restrictive than the one that Fulbert owed William for his post as treasurer. In the name of this position, Fulbert asked Hildegar, in letter 92, to “pledge his perpetual loyalty”50 to the Duke of Aquitaine. He “indeed acknowledges that he owes him perpetual loyalty, to his soul as to his body”51. We find in this expression the notion of safety, of guarantee that the loyal subject must safeguard his lord’s body and his person, as defined in letter 51. This relationship of loyalty rested on the position of treasurer of Saint-Hilaire that the Duke of Aquitaine entrusted to the Bishop of Chartres. This position was called beneficium or dignitas52 in Fulbert’s letters, and honor, as seen in a letter from Hildegar. The notions of help or council never appear in the letters between the two men53. On the other hand, the position received by Fulbert and which consisted of “reaping the benefits”54 of Saint-Hilaire and supporting the school, included servicia to William and Saint-Hilaire55. These

50. dic karissimo nobis principi G(uillelmo) perpetuam fidelitatem (..) ex parte nostra. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 164 [letter 92]). 51. Agnosco enim me perpetuum debitorem esse fidelitatis animae tuae et corpori. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 220 [letter 122]). 52. The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212-214 (letter 119), 214-216 (letter 120). 53. However the expression quicquid sum et possum tuum est is found once, used by Fulbert in letter 120 (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 214). He therefore offers his help, in every way he can as a Bishop, to William of Aquitaine. 54. ad colligendas fruges. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 164 [letter 92]). 55. quod sanctissimo ac sapientissimo patri nostro Hylario tibique debita servicia non rependo (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212). See also the verb deservire in letter 119 (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres, ed. Frederick Behrends…: 212).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 123 08/06/2009 8:26:44 124 An a l i e Ge r m a i n

terms, which belong at the heart of the fidelitas lexical field, define the relationship that existed between the treasurer of Saint-Hilaire and the Duke of Aquitaine. In the case of Fulbert and William, this relationship was coupled, as observed, with a relationship of amicitia that involved another, more personal, loyalty. This double relationship explains certain contradictions or ambiguities in the bond between the two men: William never reproached Fulbert for not fulfilling his servitium towards him and Saint-Hilaire. Conversely in letter 116, he asked him to spend three days in Poitiers to see him56. Fulbert wrote to William that his loyalty did not depend on the position as treasurer of Saint-Hilaire, “I beg you, do not think me so base as to be less loyal because of that (the renunciation of his position)”57. Effectively the Bishop of Chartres, who could not fulfil his post correctly because of his distance from it, thought seriously about giving it up, though maintaining a relationship of friendship and loyalty with William. The letters exchanged between William of Aquitaine and Fulbert of Chartres therefore bear witness to a particularly close combination of vocabularies of affectus, amicitia and fidelitas. It is possible to try and retrace the evolution of their relationship: in 1020-1021, William of Aquitaine consulted Fulbert, a renowned lawyer, on the subject of his quarrel with a vassal. Impressed by the literary and legal quality of his answer58, he sought to lure him to Poitiers and establish him there by means of the post of treasurer of Saint-Hilaire and an oath of loyalty. However, the bishop had little time to devote to this post given that the church of Chartres was in the middle of being rebuilt. He therefore sent his secretary and friend Hildegar to represent him: he maintained the excellent relationship with William, whom he probably served as a secretary. Through his intermediary, Fulbert and William exchanged information, presents and entered into a double relationship of loyalty, one linked to the post of treasurer, the other to their mutual affection, their friendship. This double fidelitas was defined by the same term utile and by the expression utile et honestum. Friendly loyalty or legal loyalty, it was to the common good of both men and the sovereign good of society as a whole. Thus Fulbert offered William a model of friendship adapted to his situation as a layman. This model, different from that experienced among clerks, is expressed in two essential references: the fidelitas and the antique amicitia. Loyalty, certainly prior to friendship in this case, offered the Bishop of Chartres a social setting and quite a flexible lexical field to fuel a relationship of friendship, putting both men on an equal footing. In addition, William, Fulbert and Hildegar were men of letters who were aware of the antique concept of Ciceronian amicitia59. For Cicero, friendship was a social elitist relationship

56. si non manseris nobiscum plus quam triduo… (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 208 [letter 116]). 57. Nec me putes, obsecro, ita pravum, ut propter hoc videar tibi minus esse fidelis. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 218 [letter 122]). 58. This is the famous letter 51 (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 90, 92). 59. See De Amicitia by Cicero (Cicero, Marco Tulio. De amicitia, ed. Valentín García Yebra. Madrid: Gredos, 1987) and the following study: Hellegouarc’h, Joseph. Le vocabulaire latin des relations et des partis politiques sous la République. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1972.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 124 08/06/2009 8:26:45 Lo y a l t y , fr i e n d s h i p a n d lo v e i n t h e le t t e r s o f Fu l b e r t o f Ch ar t r e s 125

which only concerned politicians or educated men. The vocabulary of friendship used by these three men, in particular by Hildegar in his own letters and those he wrote on behalf of William, drew on this concept. Finally amicitia was inserted, in this case, quite easily into a pre-existing relationship of loyalty that it strengthened and qualified. The coexistence of lexical fields of friendship and loyalty in certain letters by Fulbert of Chartres allowed him to qualify the expression of their social relationship and to find for each one a subtle equilibrium between the hierarchy inherent in feudal society and expressed by the vocabulary of fidelitas and equality, mutual aid and affection which characterised the relationships between these men of letters and symbolised amicitia. Lastly, it was possibly a means of hierarchising and pacifying the relationships of loyalty and one of the most restrictive forms of fidelitas.

4. From amicitia to affectus: a peaceful ideal

A third lexical field that is closely connected with that of amicitia appears in the letters of Fulbert of Chartres: that of amor, of affectus. The “emotion”, we have pointed out, was fully part of the relationship of friendship. But it was also present in the relationships of loyalty from which amicitia was absent. For the Bishop of Chartres, affectus constituted one of the founding principles of the relationship of loyalty, in the same capacity as securitas, utile honestum. The study of this vocabulary of “love” shows the richness of this lexical field, which enabled Fulbert to offer an original model of fidelitas.

4.1 “Love” and loyalty

In the letters of the Bishop of Chartres, emotional vocabulary is very rich, appearing much more than the lexical field of friendship. There are two direct associations, that is, within the same phrase or expression, of the two lexical fields of affectus and fidelitas. The expression dominus et dilectissimus was employed by Fulbert to greet certain people in the address of the letters: out of ten instances60 the expression was used to greet the king and Fulbert’s dominus, Robert the Pious61. The other expressions that bring affectus and fidelitas together have a more varied use. Fulbert wrote to Léothier, Archbishop of Sens, in letter 2, that he owed him “a lot of love

60. These instances appear in letters The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 32 (letter 17), 38 (letter 21), 46 (letter 25), 74 (letter 41), 94 (letter 53), 102 (letter 59), 176 (letter 97), 178 (letter 99), 182 (letter 101), 218 (letter 122). 61. The two other instances allow Fulbert of Chartres to greet William of Aquitaine and H (?) sub-dean of Tours.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 125 08/06/2009 8:26:46 126 An a l i e Ge r m a i n

and loyalty”62. In letter 120, the Bishop of Chartres declared that he owed William of Aquitaine “a loyalty from the bottom of his heart”63. Out of six expressions of this type, four refer to a relationship of amicitia, which explains the association of the two lexical fields. Only one expression is used in a purely vassalic context. It allowed Fulbert to declare “his loyal love”64 to Eudes of Blois and Chartres. The word amor is therefore directly associated with a relationship of loyalty and conveys the feeling that the loyal subject must express to his lord. As well as these expressions, some adjectives and nouns enable emotion to be expressed in the letters which contain the vocabulary of fidelitas. It is noticeable that the emotional adjectives, such as dilectissimus, benignissimus, are very frequently used in the form of address of the letters or to invoke a person in the body of the letters. These adjectives were not only reserved for Fulbert’s lords or vassals; they were also used between clerks, or between Fulbert and Hildegar. This vocabulary of affectus was therefore used in all the relationships of loyalty, from feudal-vassalic relationships to the bond of loyalty within the clergy. However, certain words were more frequently used to convey Fulbert’s relations with laymen. The adjective dilectissimus is used in this way thirteen times65, of which seven refer to King Robert, Fulbert’s master. In the same way, the adjective benignissimus66 always served to qualify the conduct of a great prince towards the Bishop of Chartres. It served to thank William of Aquitaine, Robert the Pious and Richard of Normandy for the donations they made to the cathedral church of Chartres. By using this term, Fulbert took his position as loyal subject. Finally, the adjective familiarissimus was only used in the context of vassalage, since it conveyed the closeness between Eudes of Déols and William of Aquitaine, his master67. In this lexical field of emotions, there are different categories of nouns: certain words directly convey feelings. Fulbert compared the terms odium and dilectio in one phrase when he wrote to one of his clerks, “Not only do I receive from you neither council nor aid but in addition you repay my love with hate”68. The Bishop of Chartres in this case associating one feeling, dilectio, love, with a relationship of loyalty which bound one of his clerks to him. Moreover, it is astonishing that, on this occasion, the bishop did not use the word caritas,

62. multum amoris atque fidelitatis tibi, pater, me debere censeo( The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 10 [letter 2]). 63. fidelitatem ex corde (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 214 [letter 120]). 64. nostri adhuc sui fidelis amorem. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 182 [letter 100]). 65. This adjective can be found in the following letters: The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 32 (letter 17), 74 (letter 41), 94 (letter 53), 102 (letter 59), 148 (letter 82), 176 (letter 97), 178 (letter 99), 184 (letter 101), 188 (letter 105), 190 (letter 107), 206 (letter 115), 214 (letter 120), 218 (letter 122). 66. The word appears in the following letters: The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres,…: 32 (letter 17), 52 (letter 28), 146 (letter 81), 150 (letter 83), 182 (letter 101), 214 (letter 120), 220 (letter 122). 67. See letter 109: The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 194. 68. Non solum enim nullum ex te consilium vel auxilium capio verum insuper odium pro dilectione reddis. It is possible that this clerk was wealthy at the hands of the Bishop of Chartres. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 32 [letter 16]).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 126 08/06/2009 8:26:47 Lo y a l t y , fr i e n d s h i p a n d lo v e i n t h e le t t e r s o f Fu l b e r t o f Ch ar t r e s 127

having a more clearly Christian and clerical connotation69. The use of the word dilectio and the expression consilium vel auxilium, strongly linked to a relationship of loyalty, shows that the Bishop wanted to emphasise the fidelitasthat this clerk owed him. He went on to reproach him for leading a secular life and not deserving his position as a priest. The word dilectio, the love that Fulbert held for this clerk, was the opposite of the word odium, the hate that this clerk held in exchange. Fulbert tried, in this letter, to show that any relationship of loyalty should be accompanied by mutual love between the two parties. Among the nouns that convey feelings, two in particular, the words pietas and affectio, were reserved in Fulbert’s letters for Robert the Pious. The term pietas conveys affection between two people, but also the act of fulfilling their duties to God or others. It was particularly suitable for the king as it showed his ability to govern well, to treat his loyal subjects well and therefore serve God well. The only instance of the term affectio was linked to the word pietas since Fulbert thanked the King “for such great affection (pietatis affectione) towards him”70. The two nouns amor and affectus were more widely used71. Fulbert used them as much for his relationship with his lord, Count Eudes of Blois and Chartres, as for his “friends” Léothier of Sens, Hildegar or William of Aquitaine. Another category of nouns expresses not feelings, but a certain type of conduct between two people. This behaviour was characterised by goodness, benevolence, familiarity. We have already seen that this behaviour characterised the double relationship of amicitia and fidelitas between Fulbert and William of Aquitaine. Some of these terms were also used to define Fulbert’s attitude towards Hildegar. But these words were not only used as part of amicitia; the terms bonitas and benignitas define, in this way, the behaviour of Robert the Pious towards the Bishop of Chartres. Lastly, the two words cor and anima allowed the expression of feeling to be heightened between two people with such formulas as “with all my heart” or “with all my soul”. They are quite widely used72 and concerned relationships of amicitia as well as loyalty. So this plentiful emotional vocabulary, which appears in Fulbert’s letters along with the lexical field offidelitas , referred in part to the relationships of amicitia, which we have already studied. However, out of 84 instances of the words in this emotional lexical field, 36 were devoted to simple relationships of loyalty, and 33 instances only concerned the relationship between Fulbert and Robert the Pious. Indeed Fulbert was a vassal to the king for the diocese of Chartres and owed him loyalty

69. It is noticeable moreover that the word caritas is completely absent from these association between emotional vocabulary and the lexical field of loyalty. This word is however quite frequent in the letters of Fulbert as there are 22 instances, but in one or two exceptions, it is only used between members of the clergy to convey the Christian love that connects them. The absence of this term in the case of clerk G. is even more astonishing. 70. pro tanta erga me pietatis affectione. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 146 [letter 81]). 71. The word amoris is found in letters: The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 18 (letter 7), 148 (letter 82), 172 (letter 95, twice), 182 (letter 100); the word affectus in letters: The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 12 (letter 4), 212-214 (letter 119, twice). 72. The word cor appears in letters: The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 38 (letter 21), 148 (letter 82), 172 (letter 95), 214 (letter 120), 218 (letter 120); and the word anima, in this sense, in letters: The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 74 (letter 41), 218 (letter 122).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 127 08/06/2009 8:26:48 128 An a l i e Ge r m a i n

in this role. It therefore seems that Fulbert of Chartres tried to introduce a strong emotional and moral connotation to the definition offidelitas and in particular to the expression of the feudal-vassalic relationship.

4.2 A new expression of loyalty

This use of the affectus lexical field to characterise relationships of loyalty and, in particular, vassalic relationships, led Fulbert to complete his definition of fidelitas, which, in letter 51, essentially rested on legal and concrete clauses. All the vocabulary of “love”, indeed, conveyed a model of an interpersonal relationship which would not only be founded on fiefdom and loyalty: another of its cornerstones was the relationship of mutual love between the lord and his loyal subject. Moreover, Fulbert of Chartres developed a comparison between the relationship of loyalty and relationships within the family, based on reciprocal love and a father’s authority. Thus, in letter 27, he sent, “Count Gualeran, Count Gautier and all his other sons and loyal subjects his greetings and his blessings”73. These men were his direct vassals and he named them “sons” or “brothers” in the letter. These expressions referred to his position as lord as much as to his role as bishop, father of the Christian community. Similarly, the blessings he sent them from the bishop as the lord, were compared to a father. Fulbert went even further, asking his vassals to “defend him as their spiritual father”74. He showed them his love and trust and considered himself responsible for them, materially and spiritually speaking75. The bonds between Fulbert and his vassals exceeded the practical obligations described in letter 51; Fulbert, as bishop, added the notions of love and moral responsibility to these bonds. The relationship between Fulbert of Chartres and his principal master Robert the Pious, although more complex, in part went back to this rhetoric of responsibility. Fulbert often called for the king’s pietas, with regard to his duties of affection towards his loyal subjects. Thus, towards 1008, Fulbert did not go to meet the king, perhaps because of a dispute about the appointment of the Bishop of Orleans; he asked for his “pardon” with “royal affection”76. Fulbert expected the help he was owed from his lord by virtue of their bond of loyalty. He therefore used the father reference to request this help with more conviction, even if auxilium was part of the reciprocal duties between lord and loyal subject, “support me, good

73. Fulbertus (…) comiti Gualeranno et comiti Gualterio ceterisque filiis fidelibusque suis salutem et benedictionem. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 50 [letter 27]). 74. rogo ut me sicut patrem vestrum spiritualem defendatis (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 50 [letter 27]). 75. Fulbert shows them this affection when their relationships are normal and very obviously not in a state of conflict: in this case, he can appear very cold and authoritarian, as in letters 9 and 10: The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 20-22. 76. facilis tamen debet esse remissio apud regiam pietatem. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 38 [letter 21[).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 128 08/06/2009 8:26:49 Lo y a l t y , fr i e n d s h i p a n d lo v e i n t h e le t t e r s o f Fu l b e r t o f Ch ar t r e s 129

father, support us in our weakness”77. This connection of loyalty between Fulbert and Robert the Pious is the most extensively researched aspect, thanks to the letters that Fulbert sent to the king and of which he kept copies in his collection. These letters show that Fulbert sought to behave like a good and loyal subject of the king and to follow the rules that he himself put in writing in letter 51. Thus, he very frequently gave his consilium to the king, even when his opinion might offend the latter. He possessed the lofty concept of consilium, a concept passed down from the Carolingian bishops who wanted advice, of divine origins, to be passed on to the king through his bishops: he hoped that Robert the Pious might obtain “advice and courage from God”78. Fulbert did not hesitate moreover, to oppose the king if his decisions went against his own interests, or against the health of his soul. Similarly, Fulbert helped his lord, in particular by passing on information to him about the Count of Chartres or by supporting his decision to consecrate his son Henry in 1027. If Fulbert fulfilled his duties as a loyal subject so well, it was because a moral and emotional relationship bound him to his lord. Fulbert often showed his affection for the king by calling him dominus dilectissimus and he said that in his view, the king was “always showered by a fountain of goodness”79. Moreover, the Bishop of Chartres thanked him for inquiring after him so regularly80. This relationship of fidelitas and affectus between the two men sometimes took on a moral and religious connotation in Fulbert’s letters. The latter hoped that his relationship of loyalty with the king would contribute to “the heightening of his sacred virtue”81 and allow him to obtain “what is honest and useful”82. There we find all the Ciceronian vocabulary of virtue, of utile et honestum, which already appeared in letter 51 defining fidelitas and in the Fulbertian concept of amicitia. For Fulbert, fidelitas had to allow, thanks to the affection existing between the lord and the loyal subject, the achievement of the sovereign good, honestum. This was even more true for the king who held a particular religious ministry, due to his coronation. The king was responsible for the moral and spiritual state of his kingdom. The relationship of loyalty, as defined by Fulbert, was therefore a tool of governance enabling him to keep the peace and to do good in the kingdom. Furthermore, Fulbert did not hesitate to express this religious aspect of fidelitas by wishing Robert that “God comfort his dear soul by granting him all that is good”83. The notion of bonum already appeared in letter 51: fidelitas enabled the lord and loyal subject alike to achieve the sovereign good, with the help of God, thanks to the duties and mutual love that it established in society. It was therefore in perfect

77. Sustinete potius, sancte pater, sustinete inbecillitatem nostram. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 74 [letter 41]). 78. consilium et fortitudinem a Deo (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 102 [letter 59]). 79. fonte bonitatis ut semper irriguus (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 106 [letter 61]). 80. placuit bonitati vestrae consulere nos super habitu nostro (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 178 [letter 99]). 81. sanctae virtutis augmentum (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 74 [letter 41]). 82. quod decet et prodest (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 106 [letter 61]). 83. ut Deus omni bono refocilet caram animam vestram (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 74 [letter 41]).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 129 08/06/2009 8:26:50 130 An a l i e Ge r m a i n

harmony with divine designs. Here, it was, of course, the question of a bishop’s vision of loyalty, both pious and erudite, which tried to integrate a dominant social relationship into his spiritual conception of society and royal power. The relationship between the loyal subjects and the master can therefore also be compared to the relationship between the loyal subject and God84, particularly in the case of Fulbert and Robert the Pious, since the king had a significant spiritual role, as did the Bishop of Chartres. Robert’s religious charisma thus explains his loyal subjects’ obedience. That is why Fulbert sometimes addressed himself to the king by quoting the Psalms: “With all my heart I seek you; do not let me stray from your commandments”85. This way, Robert was considered tantamount to God and Fulbert the prophet, or the loyal subject who wished to obey him as best he could. In this particular relationship which linked the king to his bishop, it is possible to distinguish, behind the use of a plentiful emotional vocabulary, Fulbert’s will to impose dilectio, reciprocal love, as one of the cornerstones of the moral and religious content of loyalty. Lastly, the association of the vocabularies of fidelitas and affectus was for Fulbert a means of keeping the peace with his lord. It is noticeable, in the letters of the Bishop of Chartres, that most of the disputes between Fulbert and the king were settled or lessened by the use of this double rhetoric. Thus, around 1008, a serious dispute arose between the two men on the subject of the Bishop of Orleans. The king chose and appointed Thierry who was a relative of the queen, while Fulbert and his supporters wanted to install their candidate, Oudri. This dispute degenerated into arranged battle between the supporters of the two candidates and Fulbert was man- handled. It was thus a serious dispute between the king and his loyal subject and Fulbert refused to go to Thierry’s consecration. He therefore wrote a letter of apology to the king, explaining his absence with various excuses and asking for his remissio, his forgiveness, in the name of the affection he owed his loyal subject86. Similarly, in 1020-1021, Fulbert refused to organise the usual procession of the Chartrian clergy to Orleans as he still disagreed with the town’s bishop. So as not to hurt the king, who liked this procession, he used the fire that had ravaged his church a short while before as an excuse and above all, he showed him his affection and confidence in his wisdom in letter 41. The Fulbertian definition of loyalty, resting as much on legal clauses as it did on a moral and emotional conception, enabled Fulbert to relax this relationship, to deny the king his help or advice in the name of superior moral principals or in the name of his affection for him. This action made available to him a complete rhetoric of affectus, which enabled him to diffuse the conflicts with the king. However, this model of relationship of loyalty was also meant to be “useful”

84. In this case, the Christian fidestowards God can be considered tantamount to the fidelitas of the loyal subject towards his lord. This theme was researched by Claude Carozzi in the following article from the letters of Yves de Chartres at the start of the 12th century: Carozzi, Claude. “Les évêques vassaux du roi de France d’après Yves de Chartres”, Chiesa e mondo feudale nei secoli X-XII: atti della dodicesima Settimana internazionale di studio, Passo della Mendola, 24-28 agosto 1992. Milan: Vita e pensiero, 1995: 225-243. 85. In toto corde meo diligo te: ne repellas me a tuis mandatis (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 38 [letter 21]). The second part of the phrase refers to Psalms, 118, 10. 86. See note 75 above.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 130 08/06/2009 8:26:51 Lo y a l t y , fr i e n d s h i p a n d lo v e i n t h e le t t e r s o f Fu l b e r t o f Ch ar t r e s 131

to the social order: the loyal subject was encouraged to show obedience and love in order to obtain favours from his lord87. In exchange, this latter had to show him familiarity (familiaritas) and benevolence (benevolentia), made concrete by favours (gratiae). The relationship of loyalty, thus defined by mutual love, was less rigid and therefore guaranteed peace and social order. It qualified the hierarchic relations that existed within the feudal elite and united the great and good among them. This relationship was “useful” for the common good, as Fulbert demonstrates in his letter 51. It was, in particular, necessary for the king who was responsible for peace in the kingdom. Fulbert therefore offered a more complex definition offidelitas than letter 51 shows us, often used by historians of the period. Admittedly, sworn loyalty and privileges were the cornerstones of this social relationship. But Fulbert, by using the plentiful emotional vocabulary, also offered a model of conduct, a morality based on reciprocal love between the loyal subject and his lord. In this way it responded to a real need in society at the beginning of the 11th century, marked by treachery and short-lived loyalties.

5. Conclusions

The study of the association between the lexical fields of loyalty, friendship, and love in Fulbert of Chartres’ letters allow the conceptions that we have of these social relationships to be qualified. In letter 51, Fulbert offered a theoretical definition of loyalty based on safety, help, and advice in exchange for privileges. However, he used the lexical field of fidelitas to characterise other types of social relations, like amicitia. Indeed, Fulbert offered William of Aquitaine, the great layman prince of letters, a relationship model that mixed loyalty, affection and Ciceronian amicitia. His starting point was certainly an oath of loyalty, sworn by Fulbert to William for the position of treasurer of Saint-Hilaire. Fulbert and Hildegar, his representative in Poitiers, thus associated the vocabulary of antique amicitia with this relationship. They believed, therefore, in a new social bond where loyalty held an important place and did not abolish the social hierarchy between Fulbert and William. Under Cicero’s influence, Fulbert made friendship a social bond reserved for an elite, and “useful” for the common good, for harmony. However, unlike the feudal-vassalic relationship, this relationship was freely chosen, perhaps freely abandoned according to each one’s interests and donations, presents did not oblige those who received them to carry out a particular service: these donations fueled amicitia, nothing more. Fulbert’s skilfulness was to offer a cultivated layman a social relationship based on the two principal references of his own culture: Cicero, who William knew through his thorough education and the vocabulary of fidelitas that was inserted into the

87. The same type of relationship of loyalty is later found in the court of the Count of Toulouse, see following study: Macé, Laurent. “Amour et fidélité: le comte de Toulouse et ses hommes (XIIe-XIIIe siè- cles)”, Les sociétés méridionales à l’âge féodal (Espagne, Italie et sud de la France, Xe-XIIIe siècles), Hélène Debax, dir. Toulouse: Université Toulouse le Mirail, 1999: 259-304.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 131 08/06/2009 8:26:52 132 An a l i e Ge r m a i n

practice of human, man-to-man relations. Similarly Fulbert proposed, through all of his correspondence, a more refined model of a relationship of loyalty than that presented in letter 51. In that model, he emphasised reciprocal love between lord and loyal subject and defined a morality and a code of conduct for their relationship. Because of this, he introduced a wide-ranging emotional vocabulary to the relationships of loyalty which conveyed the ideal of a society in which the feudal hierarchy would be tempered by shared Christian love. In addition he thus gave a religious and moral connotation to fidelitas, responsible from then on for social harmony. We discover there the Ciceronian idea of utile et honestum which makes the connections between friendship and loyalty. For Fulbert of Chartres, these two interpersonal relationships commited the people concerned in different ways, but they possessed the same moral code based on mutual love, safety, and social usefulness: Both of them conveyed, in Fulbert’s own hand, the Christian and antique ideal of harmony and the common good.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 113-132. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 132 08/06/2009 8:26:53 The Christian message in Josep d’Abarimatie and Demanda del Santo Grial: conversion and charity through dialogue

Ca t a l i n a Gi r b e a Universitatea d i n Bu c u r e s t i Ro m a n i a

Date of reception: 2nd of August, 2007 Final date of acceptance: 7th of March, 2008

Ab s t r a c t

The 13th century French Arthurian novels sometimes deliver a religious message intended to convert the public. The success of this kind of message, its reception, can be measured through its translation and adaptation to other languages. The adaptation of l’Estoire del Saint Graal in Castilian shows that the Iberian text assumes and amplifies the Christian ideals conveyed by the original. By studying the modifications, changes and suppressions by the translator, the reader can realize that in Josep d’Abarimatia, both the forms of violence and the role of miracles in the diffusion of the message of conversion are largely reduced in favour of the initiation of dialogue. In addition, the adaptation of the Post-Vulgate Queste in Castilian under the name of Demanda del Santo Grial places the Christian ideals of charity and kindness at the centre, unlike the Vulgate Queste, which grants more importance to purity.

Ke y w o r d s

Arthuriens, Iberian, Conversion, Dialogue, Traduction.

Ca pi t a l i a v e r b a

Arthurici, Ibericus, Conuersio, Dialogus, Translatio.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931 133

Anglès.indd 133 08/06/2009 8:26:53 134 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

Thirteenth-century Arthurian literature is generally thought to be a vehicle for religious messages, aimed at converting the audience and readers, or at strengthening their faith. The texts deploy conversion strategies based on persuasion. One of the main strategies employed is that of speech, which seems in any case to be the most valued, but one which was systematically abandoned in favour of another, based on force, which could be a miracle of punishment, a very short miracle or a fight.1 This is perhaps the result of a change in Christian pastoral care in the 13th century with the appearance of the mendicant orders. From the beginning Franciscans and Dominicans turned to discussion, practising the idea of preaching the faith by means of persuasive speech. The crusade, which comes under increasing criticism,2 was no more than a way of accessing the Muslim world more easily and increasing contact with the pagans who had to be converted.3 Subsequently, towards the end of the 13th century, the friars developed a more radical attitude, which tended towards abandoning speech as inefficient, targeting conversion at all cost.4 The aim of this article5 is to examine the reception of the Arthurian religious message in the Iberian world through some Castilian amendments. The French romances quickly became known in Spain and in Portugal, where they were first circulated amongst nobles and princes, before spreading to the other social classes. They probably reached the Peninsula through the Historia Regum Britaniae from the 12th century during the reign of Alfonso VIII or Henry I.6 According to other studies, the subject of Britain was already familiar at the beginning of the century, since a sculpture in the cathedral of Modena probably represents scenes from the Tristan legend.7 In the Iberian world, these romances were circulated, cultivated and translated for their picaresque, their dynamic and their sense of adventure, but also for

1. Girbea, Catalina. “Discours persuasifs et conscience religieuse dans les romans arthuriens du XIIIe siè- cle”, Convaincre et persuader. Communication et propagande aux XIIe-XIIIe siècles, Martin Aurell, ed. Poitiers: Collection Civilisation Médiévale, 2007: 153-189; Girbea, Catalina. “Quelques éléments sur la réception du message religieux arthurien à travers les enluminures (XIIIe-XVe siècles)”, Comunicazione e propaganda nei secoli XII e XIII. Atti del convegno internazionale (Messina 24-26 maggio 2007), Rossana Castano, Fortunata Latella, Tania Sorrenti, dirs. Roma: Viella, 2007: 299-324. 2. Vones, Ludwig. “Mission et frontière dans l’espace Méditerranéen”, Christianizing Peoples and Converting Individuals, Guyda Armstrong, Ian Wood, dirs. Turnhout: Brepols, 2000: 212. Also see Throop, Palmer A. Criticism of the Crusade. A Study of Public Opinion and Crusade Propaganda. Amsterdam: Swets and Zietlinger, 1940. 3. Vones, Ludwig. “Mission…”: 212. 4. Cohen, Jeremy. The Friars and the Jews: The Evolution of Medieval Anti-Judaism. Ithaca-London: Cornell University Press, 1982: 32. 5. Special thanks go to Martin Aurell for his notes on this article. Gratitude goes equally to Mianda Cioba for her corrections, and to Francisco Crosas, who provided the author access to the ancient edition of the Demanda del sancto Grial. Flocel Sabaté has kindly offered to publish this article in this journal, for which the author thanks him sincerely. 6. Entwistle, William. The Arthurian Legends in the Literatures of the Spanish Peninsula. New York: Phaeton Press, 1975: 226. 7. For details about the forms of oral dissemination of these motives along the pilgrimage routes to San- tiago de Compostela, see Aurell, Martin. La légende du roi Arthur. Paris: Perrin, 2007: 210-250. See also Stanesco Michel. La légende du Graal dans les littératures européennes. Paris: Le Livre de Poche, 2006: 113.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 134 08/06/2009 8:26:54 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 135

the message of Christian morality that they transmitted8. Furthermore, romances like the Libro del Cavallero de Dios Zifar or Amadis de Gaula, which, despite being partially inspired by the Arthurian material, are not translations but rather authentic Iberian creations, allow us to perceive the phenomenon of contamination between the fabulous and the moral tract.9

1. The message of conversion in the Iberian context

Before delving into the reception of the Arthurian religious message in the Pe- ninsula, we must take a detour through the Iberian tradition of evangelization and individual conversion, which deploys discussion, dialogue and disputatio on both theoretical and practical levels. This was a common problem for a region constantly torn apart by three different religions, each claiming both land and religious su- premacy, and where the members of the three denominations systematically tried to understand one another and live together. We owe the establishment of the concept of medieval dialogue in the Iberian area to the work of the German researcher Roger Friedlein, who explains the ancient origins of the practice and its diffusion during the Middle Ages. He essentially supports the thesis of Paul Zumthor concerning oral character, exposing dialogue as an intermediate form between written and verbal forms,10 and he stresses that the ancient tradition shows partiality to religious and theological writing, such as the Judeo-Christian dialogues of Abélard, Pierre Alphonse, Anselm of Canterbury, etc.11 The aim of this research is to contextualise written dialogue in the work of an author like Ramon Llull, who has greatly influenced the medieval panorama in this respect.12 However, if the use of dialogue and the enactment of discussion were effective in the work of this Catalan author, it was because the medieval Iberian world already had a strong penchant for argumentary debate, which originated in the specific nature of a region where three competing religions co-existed. Real debates between

8. Thus, the writings of Ramon Llull were influenced by the Grail romances; Galahad became the model of a constable from Portugal, Nuo Alavares Pereira; scenes from the Queste del saint Graal appeared in the tapestries made during the reign of Peter the Ceremonious, etc. See Stanesco, Michel. La légende…: 115-116. 9. See Cioba, Mianda. “El Libro de las armas de Juan Manuel: caballería y realeza a finales de la Alta Edad Media Castellana”, Studii de lingvistica si filologie romanica. Hommages offerts à Sanda Rîpeanu-Reinheimer, Alexandra Cunita, Constantin Lupu, Lucia Tasmowski, eds. Bucharest: Editura Universitatii din Bucur- esti, 2007: 113-131. The author uses the propitious expression of “hybridization”, page 113. 10. Friedlein, Roger. Der Dialog bei Ramon Llull. Tübingen: M. Niemeyer Verlag, 2004: 15. 11. “Um ein operatives Dialogkonzept für das Mittelalter und insbesondere für Llull abzustecken, läβt sich der Kernbereich der Gattung in Nachfolge der spätantiken Traditionen zunächst im Gebiet der reli- giösen und theologischen Texte vermuten – ein Bereich, dem freilich ohnehin das Gros der überlieferten Texte angehört”, Friedlein, Roger. Der Dialog…: 20. 12. Friedlein, Roger. Der Dialog…: 27.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 135 08/06/2009 8:26:55 136 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

the representatives of Christians, Jews and Muslims were organised from the 13th century onwards.13 These debates resembled jousts between knights, except that the conflict was transferred to the level of speech, taking place in public as a kind of show, in the presence of supporters of one tradition or another.14 The controver- sies in Paris in 1240, Barcelona in 1263 and Majorca in 1286,15 the debate between Ramban and Pablo Christiani in Girona,16 or the later one in Tortosa in 1415, about which we know thanks to the reports or agreements that were recorded afterwards, were held in the same way.17 An interesting element regarding the Barcelona controversy is that James I attended in person and promised Nahmanide, the representative of the Jews, that he would allow him to freely set out his arguments.18 The theoretical texts borrow this spirit of controversy. Thus, the first Iberian controversial text, of Arab origin, is that by Ibn Hazm from the 11th century.19 His writings were followed in the 12th century in strict dialogue forms, by Jews, Christians and Muslims alike. An interesting example of these, often quoted in the Middle Ages, is that of Pedro Alfonso, a converted Jew who constructed a dialogue between two characters representing two different sides of the same face, his Jewish self and his Christian self.20 Since the 12th century, the preaching and legitimacy of the preacher had been seen as essential in the Peninsula.21 In the 13th century, the missionary spirit developed considerably and also played an important role in the writing of texts that place representatives of different religions face to face. Thus, as well as Ramon Llull,22 medieval Spain also had other very active missionary figures: Ramon Martí, who focused on the conversion of Jews,23 and Ramon de Penyafort.24 The Mendicant Orders developed an argumentary system based on logical syllogism.25 Thus, Wolfram

13. Sugranyes de Franch, Ramon. “Le Livre du Gentil et des trois sages”, Juifs et judaisme de Languedoc (Cahiers de Fanjeux, 12). Toulouse: Édouard Privat, éditeur, 1997: 332. 14. Barkaï, Ron. “Les trois cultures ibériques entre dialogue et polémique”, Chrétiens, musulmans et juifs dans l’Espagne médiévale. De la convergence à l’expulsion, Ron Barkaï, dir. Paris: Cerf, 1994: 228-229. The author recalls that the common point between these three religions is monotheism and the pre-eminence of one sole book: for example Arabs call Christians and Jews ahl al-kitab, “people of the Book”. 15. Barkaï, Ron. “Les trois cultures…”: 243. 16. Barkaï, Ron. “Les trois cultures…”: 242. 17. Friedlein, Roger. Der Dialog…: 61. 18. Barkaï, Ron. “Les trois cultures…”: 242. 19. Barkaï, Ron. “Les trois cultures…”: 233. Moreover, Roger Friedlein recalls that Arabic literature is filled with the spirit of rational controversy between the religions and that it must have influenced writings in the Peninsula during the Middle Ages (Friedlein, Roger. Der Dialog…: 64). 20. Barkaï, Ron. “Les trois cultures…”: 236. 21. As proven, for example, by certain hagiographical works, such as the life of Bishop Oleguer, see Au- rell, Martin. “Prédication, croisade et religion civique. Vie et miracles d’Oleguer (mort en 1137), évêque de Barcelone”. Revue Mabillon, 10 (1999): 113-168. 22. Strongly influenced by Roger Bacon, Jacques de Vitry and Guillaume de Tripolis, see Vones, Ludwig. « Missions… »: 218. 23. Friedlein, Roger. Der Dialog…: 48. 24. Friedlein, Roger. Der Dialog…: 62. 25. Barkaï, Ron. “Les trois cultures…”: 246.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 136 08/06/2009 8:26:56 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 137

Schleicher’s study on the influence of preaching among the Dominicans and the Franciscans in Llull’s Libre de Evast e Blaquerna aims to demonstrate that the Catalan author consciously combined dramatic elements with popular pastoral elements in his romance.26 Wolfram Schleicher divides the chapters of the romance into several categories, in terms of their connection to preaching, and thereby establishes forms of pure preaching, forms that combine dialogue and preaching, and finallyexempla 27. What initially interests us here is the second type of writing, inspired not only by the tradition of theological argument, but also by the monastic discussions which took place in the afternoon and which were called collations.28 The Libre de Evast e Blanquerna29 includes several passages about the way in which Christians should view Jews and Muslims, and what they should preach to them. Thus, in chapter 71, a canon goes past a synagogue and starts to lament the lot of the Jews who do not know the true faith.30 Moreover, the canon travels the world as God’s bishop, following Saint Francis’s example, in order to teach and preach to the people, dances with the debauched, and suffers because of the fate of these three divided religions.31 While he was bishop, Blanquerna went to preach to the Jews every Saturday. In his opinion, a single religion would have avoided the misunderstandings, aggression and violence that constantly took place before his eyes.32 The message of the Julian romance is similarly that dialogue between the religions must be held in peace and without ill feeling.33 During the period when Blanquerna was Pope, he sent his cardinal to appease the differences of opinion between the members of the different faiths. In Rome, there were a Jew and a Christian who argued every day about the differences between their beliefs, but they did so with hate and aggression. The cardinal managed to pacify and reconcile them.34 However, in his study of the evolution of dialogue between the religions, Ron Barkai states that from the second half of the 14th century onwards, the relation-

26. Schleicher, Wolfram. Ramon Lulls Libre de Evast e Blanquerna. Eine Untersuchung über den Einfluç der Franziskanisch-Dominikanischen Predigt auf die Prosawerke des katalanischen Dichters. Geneva: Droz, 1958. 27. Schleicher, Wolfram. Ramon Lulls…: 106. 28. Or Nachmittagspredigten in German, which means that in spite of their dialogue form they are still perceived as sermons: Schleicher, Wolfram. Ramon Lulls…: 113. The author recalls the very well-known collationes by Jean Cassian, which have been preserved in writing. 29. Which we quote through its translation into Ancient French, not currently having access to the original version, Llull, Ramon. Livre d’Evast et Blanquerna, ed. Armand Llinarès. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1970. The translation is true to the original, and the editor indicates all the places where there are variations. 30. Llull, Ramon. Livre d’Evast...: 197. 31. Llull, Ramon. Livre d’Evast...: 209: “Le chanoine aloit par la vile en guise de fol si come il avoit acous- tumé et disoit aucunes foles paroles porce que par celes peüst amener les gens a bones oeuves.” 32. Llull, Ramon. Livre d’Evast...: 204: “L’evesque pensa que se les Juys et les crestiens eussent une creance, entreus n’eust point de male volenté, et por ce aloit l’evesque touz les samediz preeschier et desputer aus Juys en leur sinagogue, porce que il se crestiennassent et loassent et beneïssent Dieu Jhesucrist, et qu’il eussent pés aus crestiens.” See also Wolfram Schleicher. Ramon Lulls…: 91. 33. See also Schleicher, Wolfram. Ramon Lulls…: 85. 34. Llull, Ramon. Livre d’Evast...: 225.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 137 08/06/2009 8:26:57 138 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

ships intensified, dialogue was silenced, laymen called to alleviate, the debates disappeared, and both Jews and Muslims begin to appear as poorly thought-of elements, who must be expelled.35 Furthermore, this change could already be seen in the development of the thought of Ramon Llull, who showed himself to be very open to dialogue in his earlier writings, and increasingly assertive towards the end of the 13th century, even going so far, in the years 1294-1296, as to recommend force as the foremost method of conversion. He asks King James II of Aragon to make it compulsory for Jews and Muslims to attend sermons.36 However, this is not necessarily proof of the radicalisation of his thinking, but of a change of strategy. Furthermore, his request to King James II was not in itself new, it was rather the demand for him to respect an already traditional royal attitude, since Alfonso X also had the custom of making it compulsory for Jews and Muslims to attend sermons, recommending strength and not violence.37 This change in attitude probably took place following the Fall of Acre in 1291 and the attacks of the Merinides conquering the Strait of Gibraltar.38

2. The French Estoire and the Castilian Josep: the Franciscan influence and its revival through translation

It is in this context of estrangement, between the end of the 13th century and the beginning of the 14th century, that the Spanish translations of the French romances of the Arthurian Vulgate were produced. Josep d’Abarimatie39 was probably translated around 131340, after the Demanda del sancto Grial,41 and is quite close to its French original, which is not the Joseph by Robert de Boron, but the Estoire del saint Graal (around 1230) from the Vulgate cycle.42 The Spanish romance survives in two

35. Barkaï, Ron. “Les trois cultures”…: 247. 36. Vones, Ludwig. “Mission…”: 216. 37. Tolan, John. Saracens. Islam in the Medieval European Imagination. New York: Columbia University Press, 2002: 174, 179. 38. Tolan, John. Saracens...: 218. 39. Which will henceforth be quoted from the edition included in Spanish Grail Fragments: El Libro de Josep Abarimatia. La Estoria de Merlin. Lançarotte, ed. Karl Pietsch. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1924: I. 40. Most researchers agree on dating Josep to 1313, because of two significant elements, the first being the statement of one Dr. Manuel Alvarez who said, in the 16th century, that he transcribed the text from a two-hundred-year-old original. The scribe dedicated it to John III, who reigned from 1521 to 1557, which establishes 1321 as the terminus ante quo for the text. On the other hand, Juan Sánchez, a cleric from Léon, states that he requested the production of this book five years after the founding of the Uni- versity of Coimbra, in 1308. This fixes the date at 1313. (See Entwistle, William. Arthurian Legends…: 135-136; see also Spanish Grail: Fragments...: I, XIX). 41. Which we quote from the edition of 1535 from Seville, La Demanda del sancto Grial, con los maravillosos fechos de Galaz et de Lançarotte, su hijo. 42. We quote the Estoire according to the edition “Joseph d’Arimathie”, Le Livre du Graal, eds. Daniel Poirion, Philippe Walter. Paris: Gallimard, 2001. In order to avoid any possible confusion with the Joseph

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 138 08/06/2009 8:26:58 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 139

manuscripts, MS 2-G-5 in the Royal Library of Madrid today in Salamanca and produced in the 15th century, and the Alcobaça manuscript, n° 643, in the Torre do Tombo.43 The Franciscan influence. A direct Franciscan influence can be perceived, which is already evident in the French text, and which probably partially explains the desire to translate the text at the beginning of the 14th century in Spain. Fur- thermore, the Franciscan spirit is not completely alien to the Arthurian material of the 13th century, although it is not direct: the spirit of evangelization and the ideal of poverty are very often present, and some concrete references to the Mendicants in the Continuation by Gerbert de Montreuil, found by Martin Aurell,44 are proof of this. Although Joseph and his companions evoke the model of the original Christian communities, the narrative norm recalls that in the Acts of the Apostles, the reader can, on more careful reading, recognise in our characters young mendicant friars. A first essential trait is poverty. When Joseph goes to preach, God orders him to divest himself of all his assets45. This poverty is also what strikes King Evelake while he watches them attentively,

Et quant li rois les vit tous nus piés, si en ot molt grant pitié selonc sa creance. Si les apela et lor demanda pourcoi il suffroient tele penitence d’aller nus piés et d’estre tant povrement et si vilainement vestu. Lors respondi li fix Joseph: «Rois, fist il, nous souffrons ceste painne pour le Sauveour del monde, qui sousfri mort pour nous, et angoisse si grant qu’il en ot les piés perciés et les paumes (…). Et quel service li porrons nous faire qui vaille tel service, se nous ne souffrons a estre crucefiié aussi com il fu pour nous?46

The Castilian version recounts the episode almost identically,

E vidolos tan desnudos e tan pobremente vestidos que ovo dellos grand piedat. E preguntolos por que sofrian tan penitencia de andar descalços e tan mal vestidos e tan villanamente. E entonçe rrespondio Josaphas, el fijo de Josep: “Rrey, nos sofrimos esta penitençia por el Salvador del mundo que sofrio tan grand coyta por nos que ovo les pies et las manos foradadas con grandes fierros. (…) E qual servicio le podriamos nos fazer a este si otrosi nos non sofriesemos e marteriasemos por el commo el fizo por nos?47

by Robert de Boron, throughout this article, in the text and in the notes, this romance is called Estoire del Saint Graal. 43. See Entwistle, William, Arthurians Legends…: 133. The edition by Karl Pietsch that we follow is the one from the 2-G-5 version in Madrid. 44. Aurell, Martin. La légende…: 369 sq. In Gerbert, the life of the Franciscans was already perceived as ideal, since the text (v. 8692-8697) refers to those who were badly considered because they did not behave like the Observants. 45. Estoire del Saint Graal…: 35. 46. Estoire del Saint Graal…: 51. Also see Girbea, Catalina. “Discours…”: 188. In this article we had not yet perceived the influence of the Franciscans on the romance. 47. El libro de Josep Abarimatia…: 27.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 139 08/06/2009 8:26:59 140 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

The only modification introduced by the translator concerns Evelake: he removes the detail that the king took pity on the missionaries “because of his faith”. This omission was probably not a mistake. It served to place the pagans and the Chris- tians on the same level, recalling that as human beings they had, globally, the same effects and the same feelings, which were not obvious facts in the 13th century.48 We will return to Evelake’s ability to be charitable in the two versions. As well as an image that recalls the way in which the Mendicant friars went through the world49 we also recognise the penitentiary tendencies of the Francis- cans, since Joseph explains to the king that it is in order to atone for the sufferings of Christ that they go through the world barefoot. This is Dolorism, which began to enter attitudes with the Mendicants in the 13th century. Finally, we must state the enormous, almost obsessive, space taken up by preaching in this work. The Estoire is a series of conversions and the account of the journey by Joseph’s companions through the world, some copied from the biblical model, but also well anchored in the spirit of the time. Above all, we must not forget who Joseph and his people address: they preach systematically before kings and pagan sovereigns. It is certainly Francis of Assisi’s project first to convert the crowned heads, and thus to reach their people. He therefore tried three times to meet the Muslim leaders in the east. He failed in 1212 during his voyage to the east, and in 1214 on the journey to Morocco, but in 1220, he managed to meet Sultan Melek al-Kamil in Damiette. He argued publicly with him, an undertaking that was not very successful.50 The public argument between Joseph and Josephé and King Evelake well recalls this venture of Saint Francis, which was famous in the 13th century and which the author of the Estoire was unable to ignore. Furthermore, legends began to form around the Franciscan missions in the east, and there are also the accounts that circulated about the martyrdom of five young monks executed in Morocco in 1220,51 while in 1228, two Italian Franciscans were killed in Valencia, also for attempting to preach publicly.52 We cannot ignore the obvious parallels between these accounts and the episodes in the Estoire. The most important detail that impressed the sultan, according to Thomas de Celano’s account, is that Francis refused all his gifts and maintained his desire for poverty.53 As shown above, it was always poverty that attracted Evelake’s attention. It is true that the king of Sarraz converted to Christianity, unlike Saint Francis’s sultan, but the undertaking was long and it was not just Joseph’s speech

48. On this subject see the article by Elukin, Johnatan M. “From Jew to Christian. Conversion and Im- mutability in Medieval Europe”, Varieties of Religious Conversion in the Middle Ages, James Muldoon, James, ed. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997: 171-189. 49. Barefoot, and stripped of all material assets, Tolan, John. Saracens…: 215. 50. Vones, Ludwig, “Mission…”: 209. 51. Vones, Ludwig, “Mission… ” The author points out that the source, Passio sanctorum martyrum in Ma- rochio martyrizatorum cannot be ascertained. 52. Vones, Ludwig. “Mission…”. See also Feld, Helmut. Franziskus von Assisi und seine Bewegung, Darm- stadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1994: 296. 53. Tolan, John. Saracens…: 215.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 140 08/06/2009 8:27:00 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 141

that convinced him, but also above all the numerous miracles that accompanied it, and the king’s nocturnal discovery.54 This detail reminds us of the account by Jacques de Vitry about the end of the meeting between Saint Francis and the sultan, the latter asking the monk to pray for him so that the Christian God would send him a revelation.55 However, other attempts at conversion in the French text ended less well, and in many episodes some of Joseph’s companions were killed or imprisoned by particularly tough kings, like Crudel or Agrestes, which perhaps echoed the misadven- tures of the friars preachers in Muslim countries. In addition to the aura created by martyrdom, which, after all, may simply be borrowed by the hagiographical narratives, the heroes of the Estoire had the same sense of family as the Franciscans, and seemed to be filled by the same missionary zeal. Two essential nuances regarding the differences that are established between the friars preachers and our heroes ought to be pointed out all the same. In first place, there was the desire for martyrdom. Certain Franciscans, inspired by Saint Francis, who fervently wished to die for Christ, sought to be martyrs more than to convert the infidel. It was this, first and foremost, that Roger Bacon reproached them for at the end of the 13th century. Thus, the five monks executed in Marrakech in 1220 deliberately provoked the Saracens by publicly insulting Mohammed, with the precise aim of being killed. Pardoned once, they returned and ended up being executed. More or less the same thing happened to the monks who were executed in Ceuta in 1227, and in Marrakech in 1232.56 Although this type of death became the source of legends and occasionally inspired conversions, in the eyes of the church it may have appeared immoderate and questionable, and in a bull, Pope Honorius III reminded the Franciscans that living humbly amongst the pagans was a good thing.57 Thus, the martyrs of 1220 were not canonised until 1481.58 It must also be stressed that the immoderate zeal of certain monks was not necessarily representative of the whole Order.59 On this point, the heroes of the Estoire do not resemble the Franciscan martyrs very closely, and prove to be far wiser. When twelve of the companions are martyred by King Agrestes in Camelot, Josephé shows great sadness on hearing the news,60 which does not tally with the words of Saint Francis upon learning of the death of his five companions in 1220, “now I can truly say

54. See Girbea, Catalina. “Discours…”: 169. 55. Tolan, John, “Saracens…”: 215. 56. Tolan, John, “Saracens…”: 215-218. 57. Tolan, John, “Saracens…”: 218. 58. Tolan, John, “Saracens…”: 231-232. 59. As shown by the research by Schleicher, Wolfram. Ramon Lluls Libre… In addition, Franciscan the- ology theorizes about the conversion of others at the same time as the conversion of the self, and the manner of reconciling them. A Franciscan friar is supposed to improve himself steadily and systematically. (See Roest, Bert. “Converting the Other and Converting the Self: Double Objectives in Franciscan Educational Writings”, Cristianizing Peoples and converting individuals, Guyda Amstrong, Ian N. Wood, eds. Leeds-Turnhout: The Institute for Medieval Studies-Brepols Publishers, 2000: 295-302. 60. “Et quant il le sot, si en fu mout dolans, et i vint o plours et o larmes; et fist prendre le cors des martirs qui devant la crois estoient et les fist tous.XII. metre en une chapele.”,Estoire del Saint Grial...: 479.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 141 08/06/2009 8:27:01 142 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

that I have five brothers”.61 Even so, when Josephé finds himself in King Crudel’s prison, the other Christians do not seem to want him to be martyred at all, all of them encouraging Mordrain to attack the city to save him.62 It is the conversion of the non-believers, and not martyrdom, which is most important for Joseph and his people. This problem reminds us that the author of the romance associated himself more closely with the more moderate Franciscan thinkers, who embraced rational conversion strategies and lacked any real desire to die for the cause. A second aspect concerns the insults against Mohammed occasionally uttered by the monks, and their verbal violence aimed at provoking the Muslims and at making them determined to give them the palm of martyrdom.63 Furthermore, this attitude was particularly counterproductive in the context of evangelization, since several sources say that the pagans listened peacefully to the friars talking about Christ, but drove them away when they started to speak badly about their prophet.64 Josephé carries out a fantastic exorcizing of corruption: he drags the devil through the town, violently destroys the idols of Sarraz, invokes all kinds of curses, and seems to go beyond the necessary means.65 This was an attitude which earned him the praise of certain Franciscans missionaries, but the author of the Estoire proves to be more subtle and adheres to a rational strategy of evangelization: Josephé carries out these forms of verbal and physical violence only after having converted the king, or in any case after having nearly converted him to the Christian cause and being assured of his support and his protection. Furthermore, the author makes sure that he stops to condemn Josephé’s abuses, and particularly his pride. God interrupts him in the middle of binding the devil, and an angel pierces his thigh with a lance. This punishment, which leaves him with a limp for the rest of his life, was inflicted because, instead of baptising people, he attempted to bind up the devil that harmed the non-believers.66 The meaning of this episode is biased and a little obscure, but its lesson remains clear: Josephé’s role is first and foremost to baptise and convert, and he can only exercise his power against the demon in the context of evangelization. This is thus further proof that the author of the Estoire placed evangelization above all types of martyrdom, and the conversion of the non-believer before his destruction. In this way, the Estoire reconciles the two tendencies of the Franciscans, the desire to convert through a reasoned strategy, and the zeal of preaching with no systematic target.

61. Tolan, John. Saracens…: 216. 62. Estoire del Saint Grial...: 468. 63. Tolan, John. Saracens…: 216. 64. Tolan, John. Saracens…: 215. 65. Estoire del Saint Graal...: 150. 66. Estoire del Saint Graal...: 152: “Ce est, dit li angles, en ramenbrance de ce que tu laissas a baptizier les gens pour rescourre les despiseurs de ma loy: tout ce te parra jusques en la fin de ta vie”.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 142 08/06/2009 8:27:02 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 143

2.1 The contributions of the Castilian translator: additions and omissions

To evaluate the reception of the Arthurian religious message in the Peninsula through the translation of the Estoire, we will try to examine the differences between the French67 and the Castilian versions. This undertaking is obviously risky, given that we do not know which French manuscript was the source of the translation, or even if our translator directly followed the French original or a later Castilian (or even Portuguese) version. However, there is an indication in the text that refers us to a French manuscript tradition. When Vespasian asks that an object that had been touched by the Lord should be brought from Judea so that he may be healed, we have a different version of the name of Veronica: the Spanish translator confuses her with Mary the Egyptian; this confusion exists in the manuscript S 526 in Bonn University Library, as well as in the manuscript Royal 19. C. XII in London.68 It is therefore probable that our translation followed this manuscript tradition. How- ever, when Vespasian and Titus make their entrance on the stage, the translator gives a name to the character who tells them of Jesus’ miracle-working powers: he is called Barfano, while in the Estoire he is a “man come from Caphernaum”. This detail may be a mistake of the Castilian translator, or even proof that he was using a different translation.69 Likewise, Joseph is presented as coming from Arimathea, in Aromate. This is a contribution by the Estoire, which we find in neither Robert, nor the Evangile de Nicodème.70 The prologue. The first part follows the French version quite faithfully. How- ever, there is one interesting modification in the prologue. TheEstoire tells the story of the death of Christ, after having explained how the hermit author of the book received the inspiration to write the new Bible of the Grail. It follows the appearance of Joseph of Arimathea and the account of his request to Pilate for the body of the Lord.71 The Josep begins directly with the story of the Passion and of Joseph,

67. The edition by Philippe Walter and Daniel Poirion is based on the manuscript S 526 in Bonn Uni- versity Library. 68. According to Philippe Walter, page 1685 of the edition of the Estoire. 69. See also the account given by Entwistle, William, in the edition by Karl Pietsch, in Modern Languages Review, 20/3 (1925): 357-359. 70. “A tant i vint uns riche hom: / Joseph, issi l’appelout hom: / Produm ert et de bone vie / Et si ert nez d’Arimathie…”, Trois versions rimées de l’Evangile de Nicodème par Chrétien, André de Coutances et un anonyme publiées d’après les manuscrits de Florence et de Londres, ed. Alphonse Blos, Gaston Paris. Paris: Librairie Firmin Didot, 1877: 27, v. 845-848; “La vint uns preudom et loiaux, Joseph d’Arimachie, une cité en Judée”, L’Evangile de Nicodème. Les versions courtes en ancien français et en prose. Geneva: Droz, 1973: 88. 71. “Au jour que li Sauverres del monde souffri mort fu nostre mors destruite, et nostre joie restorree. A icel jour estoient mout poi de gent qui en lui creïssent fors si desciple; et s’il avoit avoec aus de creans, mout en i avoit poi. Et quant Nostre Sires fu en la crois, si douta li hom la mort conm hom morteus. Car il dist: “Biaus Peres, ne souffre pas ceste Passion se je ne garandis les miens de la mort. “Car il n’estoit pas si coureciés encore de l’angoisse del cors, com il estoit de ce que il veoit qu’il ne ravoit encore conquis fors le larron qui li cria merci en la crois. Et ce dist Jhesucrist en l’Escriture, aussi com cil qui cuelle l’estuelle el tans de messon —c’est-à-dire qu’il n’avoit rachaté a sa mort que le larron qui n’estoit riens envers les autres gens.”: Estoire del Saint Graal…: 22

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 143 08/06/2009 8:27:03 144 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

omitting everything related to the sources of the book.72 In both cases, the start of the account is a pretext to remind the listener of the meaning of the Passion and the sacrifice of Christ. However, the Castilian version removes a whole section of the Estoire,

En la ora que el Nuestre Sennor Jesu Cristo rrescebio muerte, e la nuestra muerte fue destruyda, e nuestra vida fue rreparada, non avya entonçe ningunos que en El creyesen fuera sus discipulos. E quando Nuestro Sennor fue puesto en la cruz, dudo la muerte commo omne mortal. E dixo: Padre si podiese ser que yo non sofriese esta pasion. Pero non ovo tan grand coyta porque El quesiese escusar de la muerte. E muchos estavan y que avyan començamiento de lo creer, que dudaron.73

Unlike the original, the translation cuts the phrase spoken by Christ on the cross in half, and omits the slightly questionable explanation given by the author of the Estoire, namely that the Saviour feared that he might not save everybody. The Cas- tilian translator preferred to adhere to an interpretation that is closer to the Gospels, and above all to highlight Christ’s human weakness. By keeping only the image of the Crucified Christ, suffering and consumed by fear, he created a representation that conformed to 13th century Dolorism, aimed above all at arousing pity and understanding when confronted with the Passion. Santiago. The young Josephé is baptised by Saint “James the Lesser” in the Estoire,74 a detail that the Spanish translator recalls precisely: “E ovieron resçebido baptismo de Santiago el menor que fue obispo de Jerusalem grand tienpo despues de la muerte de Jesu Cristo”.75 James the Lesser, who died a martyr, is considered in the Bible to be the son of Mary the sister of the Virgin and of Alpheus, and is called the “brother of the Lord” (Mt., 27, 56; Lk, VI, 16, etc). He seems to have an important role in the Gospels and speaks out about a series of problems which face Paul, Peter and other Apostles (Acts, 15, 13-21). Certain authors such as Eusebius and Saint Epiphane stated that he was the first bishop of Jerusalem,76 although this information is never directly confirmed in the Bible. Authors like Eusebius and Jean Chrystostome even maintained that the Lord himself consecrated him. And yet, let us not forget that in the Estoire this favour is transferred to Josephé, who is crowned by Christ during a long, detailed ceremony, which takes up several pages. This proves that the author of the Estoire probably knew the writings of the thinkers who recounted the anointing of James. The additional detail introduced by the Castilian translator probably aimed

72. Standard procedure for translations and adaptations in the Peninsula (I thank Mianda Cioba for this information). However, the removal of the beginning on the divine sources of the book is only valid for manuscript 2-G-5 in Madrid; in the manuscript in Torre do Tombo, this introduction is also translated (see Entwistle, William. Arthurian Legends…: 134). 73. El libro de Josep Abarimatia…: 3. 74. Estoire del Saint Graal…: 27. 75. El libro de Josep Abarimatia…: 6. 76. Gerard, André-Marie, ed. Dictionnaire de la Bible. Paris: le grand livre du mois, 1998: 1084-1087.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 144 08/06/2009 8:27:04 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 145

to clear up the confusion between James the Lesser and James the Greater, worship of the latter being particularly widespread in Spain. According to the Acts of the Apostles (12, 2-3), James the Greater, brother of John and disciple of Christ, was martyred under Herod Agrippa in 44. This saint is much debated in the Peninsula. Thus, during the high Middle Ages, he was considered to be the first evangelist in Spain. Isidore of Seville was the first to suggest this in the Breviarium apostolorum and the De ortu et obitu patrum, an idea which is found again later in Béatus de Liebana77. However, there was some controversy surrounding this question: Notger of St Gall expressed doubts at the end of the 9th century,78 while in the 10th century the metropolitan archbishop of Narbonne said, during an argument with Césaire de Montserrat, that Saint James only came to Spain when he was already deceased.79 Since then, a whole series of sources have claimed that Torquat evangelized the Peninsula, with several companions. The Codex calixtinus combines the action of Saints Paul and Peter with that of James in recounting the transfer of the relics of the Apostle from Jerusalem to Spain.80 In 829, there is a mention of the relics of Saint James in Compostela.81 On the other hand, Lucas de Tuy preferred to leave the question of the preaching of Saint James in Spain open, focusing instead on his tomb in the Peninsula.82 He also put great emphasis on his his bellicose side, since the taking of Coimbra by Ferdinand I was due to his intercession,83 while the expression “Santiago y cierra Espana” became a war cry for the Hispanics.84 In any case, whichever saint the text refers to, whether it was James the Greater, the possible evangelist, or even James the Lesser, the first bishop, the two figures correspond perfectly as protecting images of our Josephé, simultaneously evangelist and first bishop anointed directly by God. Furthermore, the additional detail about James’s episcopacy, which is lacking in the French text, perhaps served to reinforce the episcopal authority itself, and the legitimacy of the bishops in the minds of the readers, at a time of conversions and reconquest.

77. Henriet, Patrick. “L’espace et le temps hispanique vu et construit par les clercs”, A la recherche de lé- gitimités chrétiennes. Représentations de l’espace et du temps dans l’Espagne médiévale (IXe-XIIIe siècles), Patrick Henriet, dir. Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2003: 96. 78. Herbers, Klaus. “Le culte de saint Jacques et le souvenir carolingien chez Lucas de Tuy. Indices d’une conception historiographique (début XIIIe siècle)”, A la recherches de légitimités chrétiennes. Représentations de l’espace et du temps dans l’Espagne médiévale (IXe-XIIIe siècles). Lyon: ENS Editions – Casa de Vélasquez, 2003: 152. 79. Henriet, Patrick. “L’espace…”: 96. 80. Henriet, Patrick. “L’espace…”: 97. 81. Aurell, Martin. “Guerriers, moines et pèlerines. Les royaumes ibériques et saint Jacques de Compos- telle”, Approches du pèlerinage de Compostelle, 1er cycle de Conférences (1998-1999). Dordogne: Associations des amis de saint Jacques et d’études compostellanes de Dordogne, 1999: 38. 82. Klaus Herbers. “Le culte…”: 154. 83. Klaus Herbers. “Le culte…”: 157. See also Dehoux, Esther. “«Con avés non, vasal al ceval blanc?» Sur quelques apparitions des saints guerriers lors de combats, notamment dans la Chanson d’Aspremont»”, L’Epopea normanna et il territorio. Reggio Calabria: Associazione Nuovo Umanesimo, 2007: 32-39. 84. Aurell, Martin. “Guerriers…”: 47.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 145 08/06/2009 8:27:06 146 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

Perception of preaching. Preaching and the missionary spirit were already at the heart of the problem of l’Estoire. The Castilian version intensified this even further, by accentuating with central additions the aspects linked to the act of evangelization, seen above all as the work of God. Thus, the death of Christ is told in different ways in the Estoire and in the Castilian version. When a pilgrim from Ca- pernaum comes to Vespasian and tells him of his healing by Christ, he says,

Certes, sire, par un prophete que li mescreant ocisent a molt grant tort.85

The Spanish version, although it shortens several passages, adds a whole paragraph,

E Vespasiano le pregunto por que lo mataron. E el cavallero le respondio: Porque predicava la verdat e mostrava a los judios sus maldades.86

We can therefore see that, for the Spanish translator, it was the act of preaching which was the most important element in the condemnation of the Lord, that is to say with all the importance that sermons seemed to have had at the time in the Peninsula. On the other hand, the insistence on the crime of the Jews is equally revealing of the estrangement that had begun to grow between the members of the different religions, and the anti-Jewish wave that was beginning to rise. Moreover, this passage also shows a more open face of Vespasian than the French version. For the author of the Estoire, the emperor’s son was interested in the method of healing and all he wanted to know about Christ at the beginning was the effectiveness of his miracle-working power. The effectiveness of Christianity is the standard element that operates in the Estoire, the captatio benevolentiae of the pagan listeners.87 This perspective was turned completely upside down by the Castilian translator: Vespasian does not show himself ready for dialogue only because he envisaged a possibility of healing, but also through pure curiosity about the reason behind the death of the prophet, a curiosity that is completely absent at this stage in the Estoire: the emperor’s son would not begin to be interested in the life of Christ until he had concrete proof of his power to heal. The Castilian translator made another addition at a significant point in the romance, namely when God orders Joseph to go and preach His name in the city of Sarras.88 Joseph feels overwhelmed by his mission and fears that he will not find the right words to convince the pagans. God reassures him saying that he must count on the favour of the Holy Spirit rather than on any logical argument. However, the divine response is clearly longer in the Castilian version,

85. Estoire del Saint Graal…: 28. 86. El libro de Josep Abarimatia…: 8. 87. Girbea, Catalina. “Discours…”: 164. 88. An important city, since it is given in the two versions, French (p.39) and Castilian (p.17), as the origin of the Saracens.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 146 08/06/2009 8:27:06 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 147

Or ne t’esmaiier, dist Nostres Sires: car tu ne feras fors que la bouche ouvrir.89 Non te espantes de ninguna cosa; que non faras si non abrir la boca. Ca yo metre y grand partida de mis palabras que nunca fallaras omne atan sesudo que pueda contrariar a lo que yo te dire. E non te espantes de ninguna cosa; ca te yo guardare doquier que tu seas.90

In the Josep, it therefore becomes explicit that it was God who was speaking through the words of the preacher, which gives his speech a messianic dimension. Knowledge of the pagan world. The Castilian translator demonstrates a better knowledge of, or in any case greater tolerance towards, the infidels. An interesting passage is that which follows the vengeance of the Lord by Vespasian. The author of the Estoire comments,

Car cil qui le plus l’avoient tenu chier ce furent les sarrasin et plus firent pour lui que cil qu’il apeloit ses fix: car li felon juis le pendirent en crois et li paiien le vengierent.91

While the Castilian author says,

E aquellos que el llamava canes eran paganos quel fazian mas onrra que aquellos que llamava fijos. E estos fueron los judios quel posieron en la cruz. E el paganos lo vengaron asi commo oystes.92

In a word, the Saracens of the original text are replaced by pagans. The French author demonstrates total ignorance of the distinction between Muslims and Romans, since he calls all pagans “Saracens”. Thus, Vespasian is questioned by a canon under the walls of Jerusalem and called “Vaspasiens sarrasins desloiaus”93, and even the people of Northumberland, a region evangelized by Josephé and his companions, are called “Saracens”.94 This ignorance goes alongside the fact that the author of the Estoire insists at length on the demonstration made by Josephé on the conception of Christ, which Evelake deeply rejects, refusing to believe in it from the outset. And yet, in the Middle Ages, Muslims did not deny the idea that Jesus was born of a Virgin. This shows that, despite his missionary zeal, the author of our romance was not really familiar with the east, or with Muslim attitudes. This is not at all surprising in the context of Franciscan influence, since certain missionaries, whose thoughts we find in the writings of Saint Bonaventure, considered that there was no point in knowing the nature of the error of Islam, and that the infidel would not be converted by rational arguments, but by the favour of the Holy Spirit that

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 147 08/06/2009 8:27:08 148 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

inhabits the preacher.95 Other Franciscan thinkers, particularly in Spain, tackled the problem from another side: ignorance of another’s faith was an obstacle to convincing them to renounce it, since the preacher could find no good arguments. This was why they strongly recommended the creation of schools and institutions, teaching the Koran and Muslim laws to missionaries.96 In the 13th century, certain members of the clergy translated works about the life of Mohammed and the Muslim view of heaven in order to combat the Arab religion more effectively.97 In this context, the Castilian translator placed himself somewhere in the middle, in no way removing the importance of the favour bestowed by God on the preacher, but, on the contrary, adding elements to reinforce its importance as we have seen above, he displayed a better knowledge of the Muslims than the author whose work he translated. Thus he removed the ambiguity and the confusion between Romans and Saracens, in calling them pagans; keen to illustrate the Gospels even more than the French author, he added the detail about the pagans called ‘dogs’ by Christ, a reference to the curing of the daughter of a Syrian-Phoenician woman (Mk, 7, 24- 30). However, this addition may come from an incorrect understanding of the word “chier”, taken as “chiens” rather than as “cher”. Oddly, the translator did not delete the passages about the conception of Christ. It is difficult for us to imagine that he was unaware of what Muslims believed on this subject, given the close proximity between them and the Christians. This is presumably why he chose to keep these passages, because they were concerned less with Muslims than with Jews, who were already perceived as a threat and as a people to convert at any cost, even at the end of the 13th century. Furthermore, the 14th century was a particularly anti-Jewish period, with an unprecedented series of pogroms, as Martin Aurell has shown.98 Violence and speech. On the whole, both the Estoire and the Josep display deeply anti-Jewish and anti-Islamic traits. The two begin with an attempt at dialogue, and end up with forms of violence. There is also the miracle of punishment reserved for the pagan cleric who stands up to Josephé in the Estoire and who explains the rational inconsistencies of the Trinity.99 However, in the Josep it is noteworthy that the place of the miracle of punishment is reduced. In the Estoire, Evelake brings all his wise men together so that they can debate with Josephé in order to defend their belief. One of the clerics gets up to demonstrate the logical problems with the idea of the Trinity, and Josephé invokes a miracle of punishment on him in response. The Spanish translator introduced

95. Tolan, John. Saracens…: 220-221, who recalls that Islam was fairly unknown to the Franciscan authors of the 13th century. 96. Vones, Ludwig. “Missions…”: 217. 97. Cioba, Mianda. “El Libro de la Escala de Mahoma: Contextos del diálogo -contextos de la exclusión”, Concepte trans- si interculturale, Ruxandra Visan, Camelia Geambasu, eds. Bucharest: Editura Universitatii din Bucuresti, 2006: 312 – 332. The author recalls nevertheless that Arab culture was not aimed only at being fought, and emphasises the real admiration of certain thinkers, such as Roger Bacon, for Arabic science and philosophy. 98. Aurell, Martin. “Le pogrom ibérique de 1391 et l’eschatologie chrétienne”, Tolérance et intolérance (XIIe-XIVe siècles), Mianda Cioba, dir. Bucharest: Editions of the University of Bucharest, forthcoming. 99. Estoire del Saint Graal…:85. Also see Girbea, Catalina. “Discours…”: 166.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 148 08/06/2009 8:27:08 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 149

some significant modifications to this episode. The passage is described at length in the Estoire,

Si tost com Josephé ot ce dit, si perdi cil la parole. Et quant il vaut parler, si senti dedens sa bouche une main qui li tenoit la langue, mais il ne le pooit veoir; et il se drecha por plus fort efforcier de paroler, mais si tost com il fu levés si ne vit goute des ex. Et quant il senti ce, si conmencha si durement a muire que on le pot oiir d’autre part plus loing qu’on ne pourroit traire d’un arc: et si estoit avis a tous ciaus qui l’ooient que ce fust une toriaus.100

The scene is greatly dramatised, and the suffering of the unfortunate man is described at length, along with the stages of his torture. The miracle of punishment aims to impress the reader by arousing fear and horror in order to prevent blasphemy. This scene, which awakens the anger of the other Saracens against Josephé and encourages them to want to stone him, were it not for his protection by Evelake, presents the preacher to us as quite unkind, violent and lacking in charitable feeling. Furthermore, the miracle of punishment takes place at a decisive moment: the new bishop has to respond to the arguments of the cleric against the Trinity, and the text says very clearly that he invokes divine punishment on the head of the scholar because he was short of arguments,

Et quant cil ot tant parlé encontre la Sainte Trinité, si fu Joseph mout esbahis des fauses prouvances que cil li avoit traites, si ne sot mie de maintenant respondre a fauser ce que cil avoit maintenant dit, que a Nostre Seigneur ne plaisoit mie.101

The same episode was clearly softened in the Castilian version. Thus, the translator removed the sentence about Josephé’s lack of arguments and left in only his as- tonishment, and the pain of having heard the pagan cleric blaspheming against the Trinity, even though it was a question of blasphemy in the context of argumentary dialogue between religions,

Quando Josafas oyo aquel fablar tan fuertemente contra la Trinidat, fue mucho espantado de aquella falsa prueva que dixiera. Entonçe se levanto Josafas e començo de fablar alto que todos lo oyeron.102

In addition, the colourful description of the punishment of the cleric also disappears in the Castilian version. The translator kept the event itself, but removed the details that triggered fear or pity for the man’s fate,

100. Estoire del Saint Graal…: 86. 101. Estoire del Saint Graal…: 83. The italics are the author’s. 102. El libro de Josep Abarimatia…: 50.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 149 08/06/2009 8:27:10 150 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

En esto perdio el clerigo del rrey la fabla e el veer en tal manera que los que alli estavan fueron muy maravillados e muy sannudos.103

As we can see, the miracle of punishment is really reduced to the basic economy of the narration, and treated as an uncomfortable episode, probably maintained out of respect for the initial source, but dealt with in two lines. Afterwards, the translator also abridged the entire part concerning the immediate reaction of Evelake. In the French version, the king, far from being interested in the fate of his cleric, shows himself to be very curious to know how Josephé might have performed this miracle, and asks him if he could help him in the same way against his enemy Tholome in the war. Finally, after several retorts between the preacher and the king, Evelake eventually decides to ask whether his scholar will be alright.104 The pagan monarch therefore seems to have no more capacity for charity than Josephé and he treats the cleric, who was, after all, there out of loyalty to him and to their religion, as an instrument he cares about purely for curiosity’s sake. There is none of this in the Castilian version: the translator completely removed the whole passage of dialogue between Josephé and Evelake about the methods and effectiveness of the miracle, and after the attempt at stoning, the scene returns immediately to the words of the king,

E fueron contra Josafas e quesieronlo despedaçar si non fuera por el rrey Evolat que se levanto con una espada en la mano e juro por el poder de Jupiter que mataria a todos quantos en el metiesen las manos; ca seria grand trayçion mandarlo venir ante e matarlo. Entonces dixo el rrey a Josafas si podria el clerigo cobrar la fabla e el ver.105

The Josep ends with Evelake’s victory over Tholome, but without any descriptions of the battle and with no reference to the marvellous shield that Joseph entrusts to the king before the fight in the Estoire. And yet, in the French romance, this shield puts the finishing touches to Evelake’s conversion, since in the middle of the battle, fearing death, the pagan sovereign asks for the help of the Christian God and sees a crucified, suffering Christ appear on his shield. There is no mention of this in the Castilian translation. The king listens to a last sermon from Josephé before the battle, and promises him to convert if he comes out alive, essentially out of friendship for the bishop.106 We therefore see that the space given to the miracle is considerably reduced in comparison with the French original, and that the speeches and personality of the preacher acquire importance. In the French version, there are further conversions made by force. Once Evelake has been baptised, the author lingers on those of his kingdom who refuse to believe,

103. El libro de Josep Abarimatia…: 51. 104. Estoire del Saint Graal…: 87-88. 105. El libro de Josep Abarimatia…: 51. 106. El libro de Josep Abarimatia…: 54: “Josafas, ya te he dicho qu non puedo fazer las cosas que tu me has dicho. Pues que asy dizes que tanto cunplen a mi, yre este viage. E de venida que venga yo te prometo que creere en ese Dios que tu predicas. E tomare su crehençia e rrescibire el santo batismo porque anbos seamos hermanos en una fe”.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 150 08/06/2009 8:27:11 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 151

and who are either killed on the spot by a divine thunderbolt, or carried off by the devil. The translator ends with the conversion of Evelake. In any case, he seems to carefully avoid any kind of exaggerated violence against the non-believers, and considerably smoothes over the excessive emphasis of the Estoire, in spite of the Penin- sula’s rather tense context at the beginning of the 14th century. This is perhaps due to the fact that, despite the reconquest, the three religions could coexist there peacefully, and recent research stresses that they maintained fruitful economic and business relationships and that they could therefore work together and respect one another.107 Despite the apparent fidelity to the French source, it can therefore be stated that the Castilian translator contributed a series of interesting elements, which better enable us to evaluate his own perception and to have an idea, as far as possible, of the way in which the Arthurian message of conversion had been received in Spain. At times, it shows a better knowledge of the Bible, or in any case greater concern for the similarity with the evangelical accounts. But what is important is the dialogue style at the beginning, which is less contorted, more direct and more operational than in the Estoire. Even though it is certain that the miracles, or the concrete and pragmatic concerns of the other, are a necessary basis, a trigger for the act of communication, just as in the French romance their place is subtly reduced in comparison with the original source. The pagan king is presented as being more charitable, more rational. The forms of violence are minimised, as is the importance of the miracles, to the advantage of the dialogue, which was controversial. The act of preaching increases in importance, being presented as the first of the activities of Christ that made the preacher his direct substitute on Earth, but Josephé and his people do not rely solely on the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, but also on their ability to explain Christianity and make it acceptable. Finally, both the preacher and the infidel display a greater aptitude for dialogue.

3. The Demanda del Sancto Grial and the chivalrous ideal of charity in the arthurian Spanish translation

The Demanda del sancto Grial is part of a huge body of romances containing the Merlin, the Prophécies de Merlin, the Demanda, and part of the Mort Artu, which has not been entirely preserved in any one manuscript. The author of this huge translation was probably a monk, Juan Bivas, who undertook the work in 1291 and dedicated it to King Sancho IV.108 We will not carry out a systematic comparison of the French and Spanish versions to evaluate the nature of the reception of the

107. See the proceedings of the symposium on Minorités et régulations sociales en Méditerranée occidentale, held in Fontevrault, 7-9 June 2007, eds. Stéphane Boisselier, John Tolan, François Clément, forthcoming from Brepols, in particular that of Ana Echevaria on the Muslims in Castile. In the conclusions of this symposium, Martin Aurell rightly insisted on the efforts of conversion made by Christians, even in a context of co-habitation and harmony. 108. Entwistle, William. Arthurian Legends…: 143, 181, 227.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 151 08/06/2009 8:27:12 152 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

Arthurian religious message in the Demandas, as this approach would not provide reliable results, given that there are three major problems that cannot be ignored. First, the Castilian Demanda is thought to be a translation from the Portuguese and not directly from the French.109 Furthermore, the basic French source for both the Castilian and Portuguese Demandas is not the Vulgate Queste del Saint Graal (around 1225), but rather the Queste Post-Vulgate (post 1230), which Fanni Bogdanow has attempted to reconstruct accurately with the help of the Iberian translations,110 since this post-vulgate version is not preserved as a whole in any one manuscript. Since there is no complete French original available, no comparison of the versions can really tell us anything about the contribution of the Hispanic translator, as it is not known which manuscript he used. Unlike the Josep, the Demanda does not appear unduly concerned about evangelization, but rather about the charity that ought to lead to a more active engagement in the world. Just like the primary model, namely the Queste, or its source, the Queste Post-Vulgate, the Demanda is particularly concerned with the individual conversion of its characters and with their inner development. The romance is nothing less than a reflection of chivalry, where the fictional anecdotal detail is combined with fantastic Christian elements, and it serves as a vehicle for the propagation of Christian ideas. Unlike the Vulgate Queste, and closer to the spirit of the Post-Vulgate, particularly Tristan en prose (around 1230), the quest for the Grail has slightly lost its sacred aura, and Galahad, the paragon of holy chivalry, steadily becomes involved in the often worldly adventures.111 However, in the Post-Vulgate, and therefore later in the Demanda with which we are directly concerned here, there is a greater and more sustained polarisation between the good and bad knights.112 The Arthurian court appears to be a place of sin, despite the visit of the Holy Grail and the good knights who live there. Thus, from the beginning of the section, an Irish knight who finds himself at Arthur’s court, and who was even one of its famous and valued members, suddenly bursts into flames, with no explicit reason, while holding a letter in his hand.113 This spectacular death, incendiary in the literal sense of the word, recalls the Vulgate with the death of Moyse, son of Symeu, buried in a tomb that burns for eternity. Things have barely calmed down when the king and knights decide to go to dine: it is interesting to see how the text quickly

109. Bogdanow, Fanni. “Introduction”, La version post-vulgate de la Queste del saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. Paris: Société des anciens textes français, 1991: I, 24. For all the passages from the Post-Vulgate this edition is quoted. 110. The Post-Vulgate Queste is reconstructed from its Portuguese and Castilian evidence, but also through the part of the Queste called “Tristram”, included in the manuscripts containing Tristan en prose. 111. Ménard, Philippe. “Introduction”, Le roman de Tristan en prose. VIII. De la quête de Galaad à la destruction du château de la lépreuse, eds. Philippe Ménard Bernard Guidot, Jean Subrenat. Geneva: Droz, 1995: 9; Zink, Michel. Poésie et conversion au Moyen Age. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2003: 252; Van Coolput, Colette. Aspects de la réception des premiers romans du Graal cycliques dans le Tristan en prose. Louvain. Leuven University Press, 1986: 89. 112. Also see Stanesco, Michel. La légende…: 1135. 113. La Demanda…: fol. 98.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 152 08/06/2009 8:27:13 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 153

passes over their distress and the cruel indifference that is attributed to the Arthu- rian mesnie.114 While the knights suffer, cry and lament when one of their number dies or disappears without a trace in the French romances,115 in the Demanda, the episode has the air of a somewhat unfortunate, banal incident, which needs to be covered up quickly in order to avoid tarnishing the influence of the royal celebration. The Round Table sinks little by little into the reign of hypocritical appearances and a type of superficial etiquette. The solidarity of the brotherhood of arms and religion which constitute the Round Table seem long gone. In addition, no knight is irreplaceable: they all have the air of being interchangeable pawns. At least this is the impression that is given after the death of the Irishman, when another name, that of Erec, appears immediately and miraculously on his empty chair at the table, destined to replace him.116 Instead of making them the chosen ones, God converts the knights of the Round Table into serial characters, without any real substance. Charity and knightly honour. The death of the Irishman is followed closely by another incident, just as consequential for a global view of the Arthurian court: a foreign knight comes to challenge Galahad to a binding sacrifice. Once the latter gives him his word, the stranger tells him that he wants to be beheaded because he has dreamed of being killed by a brave knight. Deliriously he announces that, in any case, he must die the following day, and that he would prefer to choose how. Galahad refuses, at the risk of being seen as dishonourable for having gone back on his word, and distraught, the knight commits suicide publicly, an act followed again by the cleaning of the place by the king’s squires, who, almost mechanically, remove the body from the room!117 These two sequences present us with a caricatured view of Arthur’s court, where adventures take place in a rather “surrealist” way, without being structured in any sense, in an obvious parody of previous romances. The meeting between Galahad and the unknown knight is very original because it unites the prototype of Don Quixote, before he had been created, and an Arthurian figure still anchored in the world of real chivalry. If the suicidal person in the story operates within the fictional paradigm of windmills, Galahad remains in the paradigm of the Grail. These are not two characters who stand face to face, but two worlds or even two types of narrative. However, the chosen knight is different to his French prototype; he no longer represents one chosen by God for the mysteries of the Grail, but a figure more aware of his responsibilities, less selfish, looking less precisely towards the world of

114. La Demanda…: fol. 98r: “Y quando el Rey vio que era ya muerto mando a que lo llevaste fuera del palacio que no quiso que su corte fuesse tornada por el: estoce lo llevaron fuera a muy gran trabajo (…) y pues fue fuera del palacio començaron la alegria como ante…”. The text says that the knights are for all that sad because of the death of their companion, but that they try to keep up appearances to continue the feast. 115. For example in the Lancelot en prose the love of the knights for one another is so much integrated into the spirit of the texts, that quests are often organised because of the disappearance of some of them. 116. La Demanda…: fol. 99. 117. La Demanda…: fol. 104v.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 153 08/06/2009 8:27:14 154 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

adventure.118 The notion of honour loses the absolute value that it had in the Arthu- rian tradition, and is modelled on the needs of others. The incident with the knight is there precisely to prove the complete absurdity of the binding oath. Discovering that his word would lead to a human being’s death, Galahad experiences no exis- tential dilemma. His response is immediate, a categorical, firm refusal,

No vos ha pro cavallero, dixo Galaz, de tal ruego me rogar: ca no ha cosa en el mundo por que vos mate.119

Furthermore, this incident takes place just at the start of Galahad’s career of arms, precisely at the time of his dubbing. At the same time, it is revealing about the evolution of a character who no longer comes under the banner of knightly honour, or even under the sign of the quest for the Grail, but under the influence of reason and simple wisdom, aimed at charity. This is all the more visible since the unknown knight clearly threatens Galahad with a bad reputation from his entrance into the knighthood, rendering the dubbing practically worthless. Furthermore, a reputation as a “bad knight” is one of the worst spectres of the Arthurian world, and is exactly what the unknown knight predicts for Galahad,

Ay senor cavallero esto no hagades en comienço de vostra cavalleria que no me tengades lo que me prometistes, ca estonce seriades vos el peor cavallero y el mas mentiroso del mundo si assi començastes a fazer de fallescer lo que prometedes. 120

We can therefore observe that the pressure that Galahad is under at the start of his adventures is immense, and tends to tarnish his further development in a system of values based on the logic of honour and mechanical, blind respect for the given word. However, he refuses to carry out the murderous act, resolvedly placing himself in a parallel system of values, founded on the logic of charity. In the French romances, this type of dilemma appears occasionally, and certain knights choose the same course of action as Galahad, but after a series of hesitations. In Chrétien de Troyes the principle of two competitive worlds, honour and love is already felt when the hero has to get back on the infamous cart in order to find Guinevere again. He does so, but after having had the famous second of hesitation which earned him the queen’s hatred and which has been the subject of much writing. In a similar scenario, Lancelot finds himself, in the Lancelot en prose, faced with a dilemma. King Arthur is in the process of dubbing him when a knight tortured by a spearhead stuck in his body calls him, asking him to remove it and give him relief. Lancelot abandons the ceremony right in the middle and rushes to help the injured

118. Moreover, in the Tristan en prose Galahad also proves his wisdom and prefers to reject combat several times, shaming himself, rather than harming another human being. 119. La Demanda…: fol. 104v. 120. La Demanda…: fol. 104v.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 154 08/06/2009 8:27:15 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 155

man121. These two examples remind us that the Arthurian subject is no stranger to the “charity/honour” conflict, which may arise in various forms, but in fragments. But the most striking scenario for our purpose is found in the 14th century English romance Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. An unknown knight arrives at Arthur’s court and asks that someone should cut off his head, also taking advantage of the binding oath. Gawain accepts the challenge and carries out the action, however as ill luck would have it the knight is a faé, capable of picking up his head and calmly setting off with it. He demands the same thing from Gawain in return; a year later, Arthur’s nephew is supposed to find the Green Knight again and accept execution. This episode largely proves the contrast between the two attitudes and the decision taken by the author of the Demanda to make the Arthurian protagonist a responsible and charitable character before being courageous. Charity and chastity. The Demanda presents Galahad with a dilemma that the Vulgate Queste would never have implied; arriving with Bors at the castle of a king who gives them shelter for the night, Galahad becomes the object of his host’s daughter’s lust. In the middle of the night, she slips into the room where the two knights are staying and declares her passion to Galahad, who refuses her love. Distraught, the girl threatens to harm him, then to commit suicide. Galahad’s monologue is particularly balanced: he realises that this suicide might weigh on his conscience, but does not want to betray the promise he has made to God to remain chaste until the end of his days. Following a series of arguments, the girl takes his sword and reiterates her threat. Horrified, Galahad jumps out of bed to stop her, promising her without a moment’s hesitation that he will do whatever she wants. The girl, however, is not fooled, and finally succeeds in her deadly deed, adding to the long list of people with suicidal tendencies in this romance.122 The Galahad of the Vulgate Queste was a figure so purged of all human weakness that this type of episode was inconceivable. As for the other knights, young ladies sent by the devil, figures without consistency, functioning as signs rather than as characters, are sent to tempt them. The suicidal person in the Demanda is, moreover, a mirror image of the young lady sent by the devil to put Bors, not Galahad, to the test in the Vulgate Queste, since the latter’s simple presence made the devil flee. A short parallel examination of the two sequences shows the gulf that divides the representations of holy chivalry. In the Vulgate Queste, the young lady climbs up to a window with twelve of her servants, and they all threaten Bors that they will jump from it. In the Demanda, the King’s daughter grasps Galahad’s sword. The similarities end there and the reac- tions triggered in the two knights are completely contrasting. In the Queste, we have the following reasoning,

Et il (Bohort) les esgarde et cuide veraiment que ce soient gentilx fames et hautes dames; si l’em prent grant pitié. Et neporquant il n’est pas conseillez qu’il ne vueille

121. Lancelot. Roman en prose du XIIIe siècle. VII, Du début du roman jusqu’à la capture de Lancelot par la dame de Malohaut, ed. Alexandre Micha. Geneva: Droz, 1980: 268. 122. La Demanda…: fol. 116.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 155 08/06/2009 8:27:16 156 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

mielz qu’eles toutes perdent lor ames qu’ il seuls perdist la soe: si lor dit qu’il n’en fera riens, ne por lor mort ne por lor vie.123

There is nothing of this in the Demanda:

“Y quando Galaz vio alla donzella que tenia la espada en la mano que se queria matar con ella, salio del lecho todo espandado y dixo: Ay, buena donzella, sufrid vos un poco y no vos mateys assi que yo fare todo vostro plazer.”124

This variation is more elegant than the shifting of tones in the system of values of the heavenly chivalry from the Post-Vulgate and its derivatives, in this instance the Demanda. Galahad’s reaction does not at all mean that the author tries to make him a weaker figure or to make him “more profane”. The suicide of the king’s daughter, despite his efforts to prevent it, clearly shows that it is a trap and that, in any case, he was at no time really threatened with losing his chastity. The question of the health of the soul, moreover, is not called upon. In this case, as at other times in the Demanda, Galahad displays a speed of reaction proportionate to the context, and does not lose himself in abstract issues. He shows an absolute flexibility where the supreme value is not purity, but rather charity. The passage about the suicidal girl is not, moreover, an incident on the journey, but it is highly revealing of what Gala- had should become, since he calls the adventure “la mayor maravilla que nunca oystes que esta donzella se mato con mi espada”.125 A greater marvel perhaps, it is implied, than the Grail itself. On the other hand, the king’s daughter reminds us of the tragedy of the Demoiselle d’Escalot who ends her life because of her love for Lancelot. She does not acquire a demonic side, but on the contrary, as Bors suggests, is herself a victim of the devil.126 Galahad therefore, once again, spontaneously follows charity and not honour. Just as he had betrayed his word with regard to the suicidal knight, risking dishonour as a knight, he declares himself ready, at least virtually, to betray his promise to God Himself. He is ready to debase himself as a knight, and even as a Christian or Chosen one, in order to save the life of a human being, a supreme value, which was obviously more important than the Grail. Charity and conversion. The Demanda has very little information on the subject of evangelization. However, there is an interesting character whose path crosses that of Galahad, and whose development gives us the view of conversion held by the author of the Demanda, clearly influenced by the French Post-Vulgate. This character is Palamedes,127 the pagan knight in love with Iseult, who spends his life tracking the Questing Beast. The son of a Saracen converted to Christianity,

123. Queste del Saint Graal: roamn du XIIIe siècle, ed. Albert Pauphilet. Paris: Champion, 1921: 181. The italics are the author’s. 124. La Demanda…: fol. 116. 125. La Demanda…: fol. 116. 126. La Demanda…: fol. 116. 127. Palamedes is one of the protagonists of Tristan en prose and of the Compilation by Rusticiano of Pisa.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 156 08/06/2009 8:27:17 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 157

Esclabor the Unknown, he refuses baptism throughout the romance. In the Tristan en prose, his friendship with Galahad becomes proverbial. He accompanies him in a series of fights, and never, at any time, does the Good Knight attack him, or attempt to force him to convert.128 The conversion of this knight varies amongst the versions of the Post-Vulgate. Thus, in the Tristan variation we see him become Christian solely because of the prayers of King Arthur and in order to join the Round Table.129 The affair is dealt with in a few lines, and no persuasive strategy or exchange of dialogue is entered into. In one version of the Post-Vulgate, followed very closely by the Demanda, the episode is radically changed. Palamedes accepts being baptised after a series of complicated adventures, which we can summarise as follows. Gawain challenges Palamedes, they fight, and the Saracen knocks him off his horse. Furious, Gawain complains to Galahad, accusing Palamedes of murdering Lionel,130 which persuades the Chosen One of the Grail to challenge the guilty party. The battle is reported because of the injuries to the latter who was unable to defend himself well. Having returned to his father’s home, Palamedes is forced to confess to him that he went to confront Galahad, the best knight in the world, and that he risked being killed. The dialogue between the father and son constitutes the first stage of the conversion of the hero. Esclabor explains the meaning of his battle to him, which he it puts down to his greatest sin, that of having constantly refused to accept the Christian religion,

Hijo, dixo el padre, Jesu Christo que es padre de piedad y de misericordia te fue fasta aqui amigo y tu le fueste siempre enemigo: y el te dio tan fermosa grande cavalleria y tan buena andança que segun el pecado en que estavas nunca vi tal cavalleria que yo supiesse; ca el te mostro atan hermoso amor, atan buen talante como no mostro a otro pecador; ca siempre te libro de todos los peligros y a tu honra y el fizo a tanto que fue mucho: y tu nunca nada feziste por el.131

The strategy of persuasion scarcely differs from what we can see in other Arthu- rian romances, the attention of the receiver is retained by the call to an affect, in this instance the father uses his son’s fear and his real concern. The mechanics of this exhortation concern the do ut des exchange: Palamedes having received constant protection and many qualities from God is supposed to answer Him with powerful faith

128. We have discussed Palamedes’s vocation for the saintliness as it is described in the Tristan en prose: Girbea, Catalina. La couronne ou l’auréole. Royauté terrestre et chevalerie celestielle à travers la légende arthurienne (XIIe-XIIIe siècles). Turnhout: Brepols, 2007: 148. 129. Le Roman de Tristan en prose. IX, La fin des aventures de Tristan et de Galaad, Philippe Ménard, Laurence Harf-Lancner, eds. Geneva: Droz, 1997: 250. 130. Lancelot’s cousin and therefore a close relative of Galahad. 131. La Demanda…: fol. 166r. In the Post-Vulgate Queste the passage was more or less the same: “Fils dit li peres, sez tu conment il est? Yhesu Crist, li debonaires Sires et li pitieux, t’a esté dusqu’a cest point pere et amis, et tu Li as toute voies esté ennemis. Il t’a doné plus belle grace de chevalerie et meilleur, selonc le pechié ou tu estoies, qu’a nul eutre chevalier que je sache. Que te diroie? Il t’a mostré greignor amor et greignor bonaireté qu’a nul autre povre chevalier, car Il t’a délivré de touz perils a honor de ton cors et de chevalerie. Il a tant fait por toi, et tu, que as-tu fait por Lui ? Noient.” (La version post-vulgate de la Queste del saint Graal et de la Mort Artu, ed. Fanni Bogdanow. Paris: Société des anciens textes français, 2000: III, 273).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 157 08/06/2009 8:27:18 158 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

and obedience. Esclabor advises his son to have himself baptised urgently, in order to preserve him from the certain death that fighting Galahad would mean. It is more or less the same demand that Joseph makes of King Evelake in the Josep. But, just as Evelake refuses to convert before the battle against Tholome, so Palamedes refuses to be baptised before facing Galahad. He promises, on the other hand, to become Christian if he comes out of the fight alive.132 The two promises, that of the young knight and that of the King of Sarras, are similar. When the day comes, he is defeated and knocked down by Galahad, so injured that he is unable to defend himself and, just like Evelake in the Estoire, he calls upon God’s help,133 asking for Christ’s aid,134 an indication that he had already begun to accept the Christian faith following his father’s speech. Without knowing the vows taken by Palamedes, Galahad decides to ask him for a sacrifice when he sees him fall to the ground. Rather than killing him, he decides to ask him to embrace Christianity, and in exchange promises him his help and eternal friendship.135 Palamedes accepts willingly, both to please his father and to win Galahad’s friendship, another similarity with the conversion of Evelake in the Josep, since the king had, amongst others, embraced the Christian faith in order to become Josephé’s brother in faith.136 Three times, therefore, Galahad goes back on his word to save a life and do something for the Christian community. He goes back on his word as a knight dubbed at the Round Table when he refuses to behead the person who asks it of him. He goes back on his word to God as a Christian when he attempts to save the young lady in love with him. And finally, he goes back on what he has done as a blood relative of Lionel, when he abandons the opportunity of avenging the latter’s death and makes Palamedes a Christian instead of killing him. Charity, kindness, commitment to others. It is also in the sense of a heightened responsibility that Galahad’s involvement in helping Arthur against the armies of Mark of Cornwall should be understood, (an episode shortened again in the Tristram Queste), and not as a development of the holy knight towards profane adventures.

132. La Demanda…: 166r, “E yo prometo agora, dixo Palomades, a Jesu Cristo que si de esta batalla me fera salir con honra y con bien, que luego reciba baptismo, y dende adelante que siempre sea leal cavallero dela Santa Yglesia.”. Also see the almost identical version of the Post-Vulgate: “Et je fais orendroit, fait il, un veu a Nostre Seignor Yhesu Criz que se Il de ceste bataille me lesse partir a la sauveté de mon cors, que je maintenant recevrai crestienté et que je des lors en avant serai loiaux chevalier de Sainte Eglise”, La version post-vulgate de la Queste del saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III…: 274. For the case of Evelake, see note 106. 133. Estoire del Saint Graal…: 121. 134. La version post-vulgate de la Queste del saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III...: 282: “Ha! Yhesu Crist, ne me lessez ci morir, me lessez m’en partir a honor”; La Demanda…: fol. 167r: “Ay! Jesu Cristo, padre de piedad, no me dexes aqui morir mas faze me de aqi salir con honra.” 135. La Demanda…: 168: “Yo os lo dire, dixo Galaz: que si vos quisierdes dechar vostra ley y recebir bautismo yo os perdonare u os terne lo que vos prometi: y tornar me he vostro vasallo quito assi que en todos lugares que de adelante me fallardes me podreys aver en toda cosa que menester me ayays para vos ayudar y para vostro servicio”; La version post-vulgate de la Queste saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III…: 285: “Je vos di, fait Galahaz, se vos vostre loi volez lessier et recevoir baptoisme et venir a la loi crestiane, je vos clamerai quite de toutes les quereles qui entre moi et vos sunt et devendrai vostre chevalier lige en tel maniere que en toz les leux ou vos me troveroiz de ci en avant, vos me porroiz metre en touz perils pour vostre cors deffendre”. 136. La version post-vulgate de la Queste saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III…: 285.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 158 08/06/2009 8:27:19 Th e Ch r i s t i a n me s s a g e i n Jo s e p d’Ab a r i m a ti e a n d De m a n d a d e l Sa n t o Gr i a l 159

In spite of his greater involvement in the world and in society, the Chosen One of the Grail is nonetheless perceived as a saint. When he enters the Castle of the Grail, the king’s magician loses his powers. He explains that his powers come from the devil and that Galahad’s mere presence, surrounded by angels, makes these powers disappear.137 It is true that while he is in the Castle of the Grail he fights the son of King Pelles, which might tarnish his saintly aura. However, it is not he who seeks the fight, but Eleazar. Galahad contents himself with inflicting just punishment on him by unseating him, then he asks him to leave him in peace to continue his journey.138 Finally, at the end of the Demanda, Galahad is crowned King of Sarraz,139 an episode which also exists in the Vulgate Queste but which is dispatched by the narrator in a few lines.140 The essential difference in comparison with the Vulgate is that, whereas in the Queste, Galahad accepts the kingship reluctantly, in the Demanda he quickly finds consolation, telling himself that he could better honour the Grail. A decisive detail, which proves that, at least for the Castilian version, involvement in the world is a premise for improving it, and then to find God at the end of the journey. This is, moreover, the project in several stages constructed in Evast et Blaquerna, and it is not surprising that the Castilian translator preferred to maintain this view of things rather than the one given by the Vulgate. All told, Saint Galahad, portrayed in the Vulgate Queste for his ability to communicate with God, is here portrayed for his openness towards others. Furthermore, kindness seems to be the essential virtue for the Arthurian knights, ahead of courage or even faith or the grace of the Holy Spirit. Thus, the term is used again repeatedly to designate a higher virtue. When Galahad takes pity on Palamedes, hurt and practically defeated, the author says,

Quando Galaz vio que Palomades no tenia poder por se defender, de el ovo piedad por la buena cavalleria qu en el avia y por la gran bondad que en el vio141

On this point, the French version does not speak of kindness, but of prowess.142 Even so, in the Demanda, Arthur speaks to Elyan the White in the following way, “Hijo, soys muy fermoso, mas de vostra bondad no se nada”.143 Kindness, probably a synonym for charity in this case, becomes the virtue competing with courage, and makes

137. Demanda…: 139. The episode is borrowed in Le roman de Tristan en prose. VIII, De la quête de Galaad à la destruction du château de la lépreuse, eds. Philippe Ménard, Bernard Guidot, Jean Subrenat. Geneva: Droz, 1995: 237. 138. La Demanda…: fol. 140. 139. La Demanda…: fol. 178v. 140. La version post-vulgate de la Queste saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III…: 277. 141. La Demanda…: fol. 167v. 142. La version post-vulgate de la Queste saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III…: 283: “Quant Galahaz voit que ce stoit oltree chouse de lui et il conoist que il n’a mes pooir de lui deffendre, il li en prent pitié trop grant por la bone chevalerie qu’il savoit en lui et por la tres grant prouesce”. 143. La Demanda...: fol. 99.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 159 08/06/2009 8:27:20 160 Ca t a l i n a Gi rb e a

the Arthurian world turn. It characterises two of the greatest knights in the world, Palamedes and Galahad. In the Demanda, the figure of Galahad acquires dimensions that are not more profane, but more human. In the Vulgate Queste, he only interacts with God, in comparison with whom one can measure his evolution. From the start, his path was clear of obstacles. Starting with Tristan en prose and culminating with the Iberian amendments, our character starts to interact with various other figures, in different contexts, initiating issues linked not to his purity but to his charity. In place of the love/honour dialectic, or even earthly honour/heavenly honour, the honour/ charity dialectic is implicit in the Demanda. This binomial is nothing new in Arthurian material. The very first Arthurian lesson connected to the Grail, in Chrétien de Troyes, was charity, as the prologue of the Conte du Graal invites us to think. The cycle of the Vulgate puts this aspect aside, it forgets it en route, in order to focus on the revelations of the Grail and on the mystical elevation, containing the ideal of heavenly chivalry in a theological crystal ball and by placing it outside the world.144 In the Castilian Demanda, charity finds its place of honour once again. One of the original aspects of the romance consists of the form of writing through which the issue of charity is introduced, namely dialogue. It is in the discussions, taken from life, that Galahad’s virtues are reviewed. In the three representative episodes that we have analysed, the verbal exchanges turn out to be decisive both for the subsequent attitude of the characters, and for the narrative economy. They render perceptible the unprecedented flexibility of the Grail’s Chosen One. Speech is enough to allow several values onto the stage, and to implement changes of attitude. Our scenario shows a clear separation between the norm and its review, and removes any value from the idea of an absolute value, uncovered under a fossilised day. The reader is reminded that in the Conte du Graal by Chrétien de Troyes, Perceval lost the Grail because, instead of asking the right question, he stayed silent, blindly following the advice of Gornemant, who had told him to speak little. Obviously, the authors of the Post-Vulgate and the Demanda have retained this lesson better than their predecessors: no advice, no vow, no value exists outside its context, and this context is most often given through dialogue. The discussion is therefore central to the Arthurian amendments in the Iberian context, and at various stages it gives measure to the reception of the Christian conversion message delivered by the French romances. The confrontations, openness to others, charity and updated speech are as much persuasive operators in the Josep as in the Demanda. The sermons are contaminated by passages of dialogue that become privileged persuasive strategies, a phenomenon which may lead us towards a better understanding of the world of Iberian expectation.

144. Girbea, Catalina. La couronne…: 530.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 133-160. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 160 08/06/2009 8:27:21 the establishment of a modus vivendi between the franciscans and the clergy: Vic - 1280-1357

Ji l l We b s t e r Un i v e r s i t y o f To r o n t o ca n a d a

Date of reception: 18th of November, 2006 Final date of acceptance: 18th of December, 2007

Ab s t r a c t

The Franciscan house in Vic was one of the first to be established in the Crown of Aragon; in effect the Cathedral Archives possess the earliest extant document referring to the establishment of a Franciscan house in Catalonia, but it is likely that other houses were founded at approximately the same time. In this article we refer to the relations between the diocesan clergy and the friars, always a contentious issue, but apparently less so in Vic than elswhere, possibly due to the agreement reached between the friars and the diocesan clergy as outlined in the three documents reproduced in the appendix.

Ke y w o r d s

Franciscans, Vic, Clergy, Conflicts, Catalonia.

ca pi t a l i a v e r b a

Fratres minorum, Vicus, Clerus, Contentiones, Catalonia.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931 161

Anglès.indd 161 08/06/2009 8:27:22 162 Ji l l We b s t e r

Vic in the late Middle Ages was an important cathedral town1, and from the thirteenth century, various religious orders established houses there, among them the Franciscans. The arrival of the friars was not too welcome to the diocesan clergy who regarded them as a threat to their economic wellbeing, the more so because they soon became extremely popular, preaching eloquent sermons and attracting large crowds to hear them. Although extant documentation suggests that the house at Vic was one of the first to be established, we know far less about its early years than is the case for many other Franciscan houses. There are frequent references to the Vic house in notarial manuals but they tell us little about the daily life of the friars who probably were too occupied in routine matters to keep extensive records. If they did keep them, they would have been legal documents, agreements, concessions, and land transactions, but they have long since disappeared and the historian has to rely mainly on municipal and cathedral documents, piecing together the small amount of information they contain in an attempt to gain an overall picture of Franciscan life. In this regard, the three documents we reproduce in the appendix can be said to be unique, as they deal in depth with one of the questions which caused friction between the diocesan clergy and the friars, the fees payable to the clergy when the friars were involved in funerals and the burial of a parishioner. It is curious that similar documents for agreements regarding baptisms, marriages and other spiritual services do not seem to exist and we can only assume that these matters were less contentious. The documents we reproduce were quite clearly an attempt by the friars and the diocese to arrive at an amicable agreement and in content they differ little from those we published for the Valencian house.2 In Valencia, for example, the burial rites of the clergy vis à vis the four mendicant orders caused years of friction and resulted in a long and complicated arbitration settlement for which the arbitrator was St. Vincent Ferrer, and the final agreement did not occur until 1406.3 It would seem that the issue was not so bitterly contested in Vic, partly perhaps, because other more pressing matters arose in the late fourteenth century which diverted attention away from burials and legacies. In Vic the Franciscans were allowed to go ahead with construction of their friary on the condition that they agreed to be under the jurisdiction of the bishop, an anomaly in itself, as the Rule of the Order of Friars Minor specifically stated that its

1. I would like to take this opportunity of thanking the personnel at the Cathedral Archives in Vic for their extreme helpfulness and kindness to me over a period of years. In regard to this article, I am indebted to Ramon Ordeig i Mata for looking through the transcriptions to ensure the utmost accuracy, and to Miquel dels Sants Gros i Pujol and Rafel Ginebra i Molins for help with some paleographical problems. The author is, of course, responsible for any errors which inadvertently may have remained. 2. The term “burial rites” here is used to include a number of issues which are in some way related and which affected the financial status of the friars or clergy, such as funerals, legacies, donations and general support. 3. Webster, Jill R. Per Déu o per diners: Els mendicants i el clergat al país Valencià. València: Editorial Afers, 1998.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 162 08/06/2009 8:27:23 Th e es t ab l i s h m e n t o f a mo d u s vi v e n d i b e t w e n t h e Fra n c i s c a n s 163

members did not come under episcopal jurisdiction.4 And their ministers were to be directly responsible to the Papacy and their own ministers, and in no way subject to the diocese in which they were located. This provision made rivalry between the early Franciscans and the parish clergy inevitable, as to some extent their apostolate overlapped, and there was no real mechanism for settling the disputes which arose except through recourse to legal counsel. For the ecclesiastical wellbeing of Vic, it was clearly essential that there be a successful outcome to the discussions regarding the fees which the clergy and friars received for all spiritual services. Canon law stipulated that the friars could expect one quarter of any monies paid on these occasions; in the case of funerals, the canonical quarter was due when the funeral was held in the parish church and the friars participated. Despite this, there was constant disagreement between the clergy and the friars, and in some towns we have evidence of aggressive behaviour which resulted in bodily harm to one or other of the parties, although to our knowledge this never occurred in Vic.5 The present introduction to the documents, therefore, looks specifically at how this question was dealt with in Vic, basing its conclusions not only on the documents reproduced but on the information contained in the notarial registers kept in the Vic Cathedral archives. These registers contain wills, contracts, resolution of disputes and other matters which shed some light on Franciscan life in Ausona, but more especially they indicate just how the legacies and donations to the Franciscans increased during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.6 In fact the Vic documents are more specific than any we have found for other Catalan houses. This by no means implies that relations between the clergy and the friars elsewhere in Cata- lonia ran more smoothly —indeed we have many references to the friction which arose wherever the friars established a house, and the legal documents detailing the causes have probably disappeared over the centuries. As the Friars Minor became more well known and popular, it was not unusual for parishioners who were also supporters of the friars to request that the latter of- ficiate at their funerals and some even wished to be buried in the Franciscan habit. Many of these people made significant bequests to the Order thus, theoretically at least, depriving the parish, not only of the canonical quarter, but of the legacy they would previously have expected to receive. It was irrelevant whether or not the legacies finally reached the destined beneficiary, and we have reason to believe that many did not, due to lack of resources at the time of death, or disputes by relatives over clauses contained in the will. The basic problem was not even the canonical quarter, although the importance of this should not be overlooked, but rather the fact that there was a branch of the Church which seemed to be undermining the influence hitherto enjoyed by the diocesan clergy. It was a situation the clergy had

4. Webster, Jill R. Els Menorets: The Franciscans in the Realms of Aragon from St. Francis to the Black Death. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1993: 27. 5. Webster, Jill R. Els Menorets...: 162-165. 6. We hope to produce a detailed account of the early years of the Vic convent in which legacies and donations will form an important section.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 163 08/06/2009 8:27:24 164 Ji l l We b s t e r

not foreseen and one which they regarded as a threat to their mission, a perfectly comprehensible feeling, given the rapid rise of the mendicant orders. In 1225 the Order of Friars Minor first received a gift of land in Vic situated outside the walls and they used an improvised chapel until 1270 when they left the area to build their permanent friary in the Carrer de Sant Francesc.7 This was the first indication that they had made considerable progress since their arrival in Au- sona. After their move to the Carrer de Sant Francesc, they first built the church but like most medieval religious buildings completion took many years and it was not finished until well into the fourteenth century. By the time of our second document several chapels would have been added but there is no doubt that construction was an ongoing project, continuing as and when adequate funding was available. By 1280 the Franciscans were well established in the Carrer de Sant Francesc and legacies to the friars began to mention aspects of the building and a desire for burial in the Franciscan habit. For instance in May 1280 Poncia, the daughter of Ramon de Illa left 2000 malgurensian sous to the friars and asked that her legacy be set aside for the altar in the Franciscan church dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary.8 Other citizens in the last quarter of the thirteenth century wanted their money to go towards chapels such as those of Santa Margarida or Sant Antoni, or altars like that dedicated to Sant Francesc. By the the late 1290s part of the the church at least had been built and legacies to the friars became increasingly frequent. Most of them were quite small amounts of money and in almost every case the testator asked that his legacy be applied to the work the Franciscans were doing in Vic, suggesting that the period under review was one of the most profitable for the friars. Clearly it was the period of major development before the devastation caused by the Black Death, and the economic and social problems of the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. One reference is particularly interesting as it mentions the “albergaria” and we are not sure to what this refers.9 We can only suggest that the “albergaria” was a house in which the friars lived, possibly on a temporary basis while their friary was being built, or a place set aside for visiting friars and those who were not members of the Order but who had made some arrangement with the Franciscans to spend the rest of their lives under their protection. If we are to judge by the extant documents, the majority of people in the late thirteenth century did not opt to be buried in the Franciscan cemetery but rather in that belonging to the Cathedral Church of Saint Peter. Nevertheless, the few references which do exist to burial in the Franciscan cemetery confirm that by 1284, the cemetery was in operation and the friars had acquired sufficient popularity and spiritual credibility among their contemporaries for the latter to choose their last resting place there. With increasing visibility from 1284 onwards the requests for

7. We are iendebted for this section to the work of Junyent, Eduard. La ciutat de Vic i la seva història. Barce- lona: Curial, 1980: 87 which gives a brief summary of the early years of the Franciscan house in Vic. 8. Arxiu de la Cúria Fumada de Vic, registre 6, sense numerar (28 May, 1280). 9. Arxiu de la Cúria Fumada de Vic, registre 6, f. 49v (1st November, 1282).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 164 08/06/2009 8:27:25 Th e es t ab l i s h m e n t o f a mo d u s vi v e n d i b e t w e n t h e Fra n c i s c a n s 165

burial in the Franciscan cemetery also increased and the diocesan clergy had more cause for concern that the burial fees they could expect to receive would diminish correspondingly. This was a year after the date of the first document we reproduce in the appendix. in which the friars claim their right to bury those who so wish in their own cemetery, while the diocesan clergy maintain that if this is done, the friars must pay them the canonical quarter, that is a quarter of the burial fees. The proximity of the two dates indicates that the parish clergy were beginning to become concerned at the amount of money they were losing or could lose to the friars, and wished to settle the matter of the canonical quarter before matters got out of hand. Furthermore, it was also customary for testators not only to will their property or other goods to the clergy or friars but they also left money for masses to be said for the deceased on the anniversary of his death. Previously all these legacies would have gone to the parochial clergy, and if we were to compare the financial state of the mendicants with that of the parish clergy in 1357, we might find that there was a significant decrease in diocesan finances due to the fact that two separate branches of the Church were dependent on the same source, and the friars had increased in number and popularity. Extant documents make such a comparison difficult but there is no doubt that the amounts left to the friars increased in the fourteenth century. At the end of the fourteenth and beginning of the fifteenth centuries when Vic was experiencing a period of unrest from the activities of rival groups, the city councillors, like their counterparts in Valencia and elsewhere, thought that the prayers and sermons of the friars could achieve miracles. Frequently in times of drought, they would ask the friars to pray for rain; and in periods of unrest, to pray for peace and the restoration of good order. It is significant that they chose the friars rather than the clergy, believing perhaps, that their prayers would prove more effective, and their sermons encourage the faithful to pray too. Similarly, during this period the number of friars resident in Vic would have been on the increase, and in addition to the names mentioned in the notarial manuals, there would also have been others, lay brothers perhaps, who made up the complement. Friaries often gave lodging to those who were not members of the Order, the elderly or infirm, or to those who had worked for them, and had nowhere else to go; in return they would be required to pay a sum of money to keep them for the rest of their lives. To estimate the economic wellbeing of a Franciscan house by the number of friars, and others who lived in the friary, not only would be inaccurate but would not be feasible given the documentation available. In Vic we calculate that at the end of the thirteenth century and before the Black Death in 1349 there would probably have been between ten and fifteen ordained friars at any given time, the number recorded for most of the friaries in the Crown of Aragon. There is no evidence that this number declined after that date; on the contrary, by the end of the fourteenth century it had probably increased to between twenty and twenty-five. In the fifteenth century the friars were constantly pleading extreme poverty and requesting money from the municipal authorities, for these were troubled times in

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 165 08/06/2009 8:27:26 166 Ji l l We b s t e r

Vic and the question of the canonical quarter would not have been so significant. By the 1450s the Vic municipal councillors were bewailing the lack of preachers and confessors which, according to them, had diminished due to the “potestat infernal”, “lo enamich de humana natura”.10 The letter claimed that “dit monastir era vengut en punt de total destrucció”, largely it seems because the great preachers of the past have been moved elsewhere.11 The same letter states that this is evident from the number of burials, suggesting that they too had declined, but the reader should be beware of placing too much weight on the veridity of these comments, due to the context in which they were written.They were in fact an attempt by the councillors to put pressure on the Order of Friars Minor to allow certain popular friars who had been moved elsewhere to return to Vic. All the same, this is clearly an indication that the friars’ influence in Ausona is not what it was a century earlier. Further- more, Eduard Junyent states that the final abandon of the Franciscan friary in Vic occurred in 1570, about the same time as that of the Franciscan friary in Puigcerdà. We know that the poverty of the friars increased throughout the fifteenth and six- teenth centuries, making the continuance of the house in Vic unsustainable. The problem of the canonical quarter was to be found throughout the Crown of Aragon wherever the mendicant friars established houses. Documents similar to those for Vic existed in Valencia where the bitterness of the dispute indicates how important it was for both the diocesan clergy and the Franciscan friars to come to an agreement over its payment.12 The longest documents on this issue are to be found in towns where the cathedrals had a strong presence but this may be an accident of fate rather than a true picture of the situation. The long conflict in Valencia, preserved in documents housed in the Valencia Cathedral archives, has much in common with that in Vic, although it involved all four orders of friars: Augustinians, Carmelites, Dominicans and Franciscans.13 In effect, the importance of the resolution of these problems between the clergy and the friars lay in the fact that it was an attempt to draw the parameters within which the two branches of the Church could exercise their spiritual apostolate without impinging on each other’s territory. There is no doubt that the basic point of contention remained: the special independent status of the Friars Minor, leaving them free to conduct services, preach, hear confessions and bury the dead without the need to involve the parish clergy. Although the early friars were not ordained priests, it was not long before they became indistinguishable from the parochial clergy, performing pastoral activities and in many cases luring away parishioners from the parish churches, and thereby benefiting from the fees entailed in the performance of baptisms, marriages and burial services. Inevitably this was to cause resentment among the parish clergy and the need for a modus operandi became increasingly urgent.

10. Arxiu Històric Municipal de Vic, Cartes de la Ciutat, 2, 1450-1451 (6 August, 1451). 11.Arxiu Històric Municipal de Vic, Cartes de la Ciutat, 2, 1450-1458 (11 January, 1452). 12. A discussion of this problem and the papal bulls issued concerning the Franciscan status can be found in Webster. Els Menorets...:149-165. 13. Junyent, Eduard. La ciutat de Vic...:128.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 166 08/06/2009 8:27:27 Th e es t ab l i s h m e n t o f a mo d u s vi v e n d i b e t w e n t h e Fra n c i s c a n s 167

The documents which follow appear to have reached this modus operandi in Vic, although we do not doubt that from time to time minor disputes arose between the friars and the parish priests until, of course, other more urgent problems occupied both branches of the Church.

Appendix

Document number 1: 17 September, 1283, Vic. Agreement between the Friars Minor and the Bishop and Chapter of Vic Cathe- dral concerning burial rites: conduct of funerals, distribution of fees, use of candles and burial cloths. Arxiu Capitular de Vic, Concòrdies, 37/8. Parchment 1 Quarto 1283, measuring 48 cms 8 mms X 36 cms 5 mms. On reverse: Frares Menors 1283 – Provisio super iis que ex tempore occurrebant inter ecclesia Vicense et fratrum minorum conventum; three seals affixed, one of them broken and two missing including those of the Vic Franciscan house and the Guardian of that house. Noverint universi quod cum questio mota esset inter guardianus domus fratrum minorum, Vicense et conventus eiusdem loci nomine sui et ordinis dictorum fratrum, ex parte una agentes. Et venerabiles patrem ac dominum Raimundus, Dei gratia Vicense episcopum et capitulum eisdem loci, nomine suo, et sue ecclesie, ex altera. Def(f)endentes super sepulturis et juribus earundem quas ex privilegiis populibus et aliis juribus dicti guardianus et conventus Vici asserebant se debere habere in cimiterio dicte domus sive conventus de Vico, et super qui- busdam aliis articulis, racionibus et def(f)ensionibus propositis hinc et inde, fuit compromis- sum in venerabiles Geraldum de Gualba, Raimundum de Prato, Vicense canonicos, et fratrem Bernardum de Condaminis, super premissis questionibus sub pena C aureorum, prout in compromisso inde confecto lacius continetur unde nos, Geraldus de Gualba, Raimundus de Prato et frater Bernardus de Condaminis, arbitri predicti, visis et diligenter examinatis uni- versis petitionibus et aliis prepositis, hinc et inde, habita plenaria deliberacione, et diligere in tractatu de voluntate et expresso consensu ipsarum partium. Pronunciamus sub pena in compromisso contenta super questione sepulturarum et justicia que dari debet ecclesiastice ex cuius parrochia def(f)unctorum coram assumentur que erant in ipsorum fratrum cimiterio tumulanda. Quod fratres ipsi habeant perpetuo in ipsorum domus et cimiterio apud Vicum libere sepulturas. Et quod de hiis omnibus que relinquentur a parro- chialis Vicense ecclesie predictis fratrum ratione sepulture habeant ecclesia Vicense medietates. Hec idem fiat de cereis et tortis, et de omnibus aliis que cum corpore portabuntur. Que omnia statim dividentur cum corpus fuerit traditum sepulture. Relique vero medietates habeant fratres ipsis. De aliis vero que defunctus relinquit fratribus minoribus, tam in ornamentis vel pro eis, aut libris fabrica luminaribus anniversariis sive aliis ad perpetuum divinum cultum seu pro pitanciis, aut victu ad sustentacionem eorum vel

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 167 08/06/2009 8:27:28 168 Ji l l We b s t e r

indumentis quam aliis piis usibus dicti fratres nullam justiciam seu canonicam porcionem dare ecclesie Vicense teneantur. In lectis vero in quibus mortuorum corpora portabunt habeant sacrista et ecclesia Vicense jus suum salvum, sicut est antiquitus observatum, nisi aliud de dictis lectis contingeret ordi- nari. Pronunciamus etiam quod corpora illorum qui eligeret sepulturam in cimiterio dictorum fratrum minorum Vicense deportentur et intrantur prius in ecclesie Vicense cum illis clericis quos defunctus sue sepulture voluerit interesse prout consuetum est eos vocari ad corpora mortuorum, et ibi absolvantur, et post absolucionem cum dictis clericis deportentur ad ecclesiam fratrum minorum, et quod ipsi clerici intersint si voluerint sepulture. Si tamen clerici ipsi corpus defuncti de Vicense ecclesia usque ad ipsorum fratrum ecclesiam sive cimiterium nollent sequi, fratres predicti libere veniant usque ad ipsam Vicense ecclesiam et corpus defuncti associent et faciant usque ad ecclesiam suam sive cimiterium deportari. Si vero contingeret vocari canonicos Vicense ecclesie ad exequias aliter corpus ipsius sequi non teneantur ultra cimiterium canonici supradicti. Et in premissis servetur consuetudo que in Vicense ecclesia hactenus est servata. Si tamen mori contigerit aliqua tali hora quod meo debito missa valeat celebrari celebretur missa in majori ecclesia et preterea deportetur corpus juxta formam superius annotatam. Preterea sit salvum clavigero et suo servitori, et etiam ebdomedariis, et tenenti panem, de anniversario et monacho minori, et suis nunciis eloquerii quod eisdem cum corporibus mortuorum de consuetudine dinoscitur pertinere. Item: Pronunciamus quod de cereis seu candelis paschalibus a nemine aliquid recipiant dicti fratres. Item: Pronunciamus quod ille peticiones quas fratres minores faciebant, tam contra Guillermum Xecmar, tam pro corpore Guillermi reddendo quem donatium suum esse dicebant, tam pro illa causa, quam Guillermus de Miravallibus, Guillermus de Frontera, Arnaldus de Quadris, faciebant contra Petrum, clerici Sancti Petri Puellarum, Barchinone, quam aliis usque ad hanc diem motis sint ex utraque parte remisse et penitus relaxate. Item: Pronunciamus quod de dictis parrochianis Vicense ecclesie qui in infinitate habitum dictorum fratrum receperint, habeat Vicense ecclesie consuetudines super mortuorum corporibus in ipsa ecclesia hactenus observatas, si in egritudine eos contingat decedere supradicta. Item: Quod nullus frater inducat aliquem infirmum vel sanum ut in eorum domo eligat sepeliri. Item: Si contingat decedere in parrochia Vicense alique advenam vel viatorem hoc idem servetur de eis quod de parrochianis superius est expressum. In ista atque composicione non intelligantur alie ecclesie parrochiales nisi tamen Vicense ecclesia; set habeant ipse parrochiales ecclesia terciam partem de legato quod fiet fratribus supradictis ratione sepulture. Et de cereis, et de tortis, et de aliis que cum corpore portabuntur. Item: De sermonibus faciendis vel non faciendis in diebus dominicis, et aliis festivitatibus de mane qua hora in Vicense ecclesia predicatur, servetur, et fiat per fratres ipsos sicut in aliis eorum domibus et ecclesiis catedralibus provincie Terrachone. Item: Quod tempore generalis interdicti quod apostolica ordinaria vel quavis auctoritate in Vicense ecclesia observare, fratres predicti in sua ecclesia interdictum observent omnia predictum salvis eorum privilegiis et libertatibus et exceptis dum taxat sanctorum illorum festis de quibus habere noscuntur privilegium speciale.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 168 08/06/2009 8:27:29 Th e es t ab l i s h m e n t o f a mo d u s vi v e n d i b e t w e n t h e Fra n c i s c a n s 169

Item: Cum civitas Vicense, aut pars ipsius, ex quacumque causa cuiuscumque auctoritate fuerit interdicta fratres predicti neminem preterea eorum fratres et servitores assiduos et domes- ticos, si hoc habent ex privilegio apostolico, admittant durante interdicto huiusmodi ad eccle- siasticam sepulturam. Que omnia antedicta dicimus et pronunciamus sub dicta pena in compromisso contenta. Quamquidem sentenciam utraque pars in continenti expresse laudavit et etiam approbavit. Lata fuit hec sentencia XV kalendas septembre, anno Domini MºCCºLXXXº tercio (1283) presentibus fratre Petro de Pulcroforti, guardiano dictorum fratrum, et procura- tore sui conventus. Et Petrus de Torrentibus, et Guillermus de Guardia, canonicis Vicense de procuratoribus dictorum domini Vicense episcopi, et capitulis Vicense, presentibus testibus F(f) errarius de Torrentibus, Bernardus de Angulo, Petrus de Sala, Petrus de Cardona, Arnaldus Laupart et Petrus de Podiolis. De quibus omnibus, ad instantiam et mandatum utriusque partis, fuit factum per me subscriptum scriptorem, publicum instrumentum, die et anno quo sup(p)ra, presentibus testibus supradictis. In cuius rei testimonium, et ad eternam rei memo- riam nos, Raimundus, Dei gratia episcopus, et capitulum Vicense, et frater Petrus de Pulcro- forti, guardianus, et conventus domus fratrum minorum Vicense sigilla nostra presenti pagine duximus apponendi. Signum: Raymundi, Dei gratia Vicense episcopi. Signum: Berengarius de Pulcrovisu, Vicense sacriste. Ego, Guillermus de Angularia, Vicense archidiaconus, firmo. Ego, Geraldus de Gualba, canonicus Vicense, et archiepiscopus, subscribo. Ego, frater Berengarius de Condaminis, arbiter predictus subscribo. Ego, Raymundus de Prato, canonicus Vicense, et arbiter predictus subscribo. Signum: Raymundus de Prato, Vicense canonici, tenentis locum Berengarii de Pulcrovisu, publici Vicense notarii. Signum: Berengarii de Caselle, scriptoris jurati qui hoc instrumentum scribi fecit et clausit, mandato Raimundi de Prato, tenentis locum Berengarii de Pulcrovisu predicti notarii, die et anno quo sup(p)ra.

Document number 2: 7 January, 1347, Vic Settlement of the dispute between the chapter and the friars minor regarding burials in the Franciscan cemetery. The agreement between the Archibishop of Tarragona, the Franciscan, Sancho López de Ayerbe and Bishop Hugh of Vic on matters pertaining to burials, especially of those banished from the town of Vic, with or without the Franciscan habit.. Reference is also made to the Constitutions of Tarragona and the exhumation of En Tarters and Na Mora.V. Arxiu Capitular de Vic, Concòrdies, 37/8. Parchment 1 Ter, measuring 50 cms x 43 cms. On reverese: Super facto fratrum minorum et ecclesie Vicense. (LC). Noverint universi quod cum questio seu controversia suscitata esset et verteretur, ut dicitur, inter reverendum in Christo patrem dominum Hugonem, Dei gracia episcopum, et honorabiles capitulum et ecclesiam Vicense ex una parte, et venerabiles et religiosos guardianum et conventum fratrum minorum, Vicense, ex altera, racione videlicet et occasione sepulturarum

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 169 08/06/2009 8:27:30 170 Ji l l We b s t e r

illorum qui in domo ipsius conventus fratrum minorum, Vicense suas eligunt sepulturas tam cum habitu quam sine habitu. Tandem partes tempore, videlicet dictus dominus episcopus nomine suo, et dicti capituli et venerabiles et religiosi viri, frater Raimundus de Basso, minister dicti ordinis fratrum minorum, provincie Aragone, frater Petrus de Clariana, custos custodie, et frater Ascensis, lector domus eiusdem ordinis, Barchinone, procuratores, yconomi et actores ad infrascripta, et alia specialiter constituti, a dictis venerabilibus guardiano et conventum fratrum minorum, Vi- cense, prout de ipsa procuracione yconomatu et actoria plene constat per publicum instrumentum inde confectum, in posse Guillermi de Terrariis, notarii publici Vicense, auctoritate domini Vicense episcopi, quintadecimo kalendas Januarii, anno infrascripto, nomine dictorum guardiani et conventus ex potestate eis atributa in dicto procuracionis et iconomati instrumento ad tractatum, ut dixerunt, reverendissimi in Christo patris et domini domini fratris Sancii, divina providente clemencia Sancte Terrachone ecclesie archiepiscopi, volentes ipsis questionibus et controversiis finem imponere, de et super predictis inter se convenerunt partes ipdse nominibus predictis per capitula infrascripta quorum series sic se habet. Ad tractatum reverendissimi in Christo patris et domini domini archiepiscopi Terrachone super infrascriptis de pace tractatis inter dominum episcopum Vicense et religiosos ministrum provincialem provincie Aragone, custodem et lectorem Barchinone, qui super infrascriptis tractandis potestatem habent, conventa sunt que sequntur dicto tamen domino episcopo hoc faciente sub ratihabicione (ratificacione?) sui capituli cum nemo sit presens pro capitulo qui super hiis habeat potestatem. Primo vult precise dominus archiepiscopus iuri vel privilegiis utriusque partis minime derogate intendetis quod corpora d’En Tarters et de Na Mora, portentur ad matricem catedralem ecclesiam, civitatis Vici, sub hac forma quod illa copora exhumentur presentibus duobus clericis qui pro parte ecclesie sint ibi presentes, quibus exhumatis et in locis honeste repositis, ut est moris, dicta corpora cum processione ecclesie katedralis deportentur ad katedralem ecclesiam et ibi missa cantetur, ut est moris, vel ut melius cum ecclesia poterunt convenire, et deinde factis hiis que in funeribus def(f)unctorum in dicta ecclesia fieri consueverunt, dicta corpora reducantur ad ecclesiam minorum et in locum pristinum reponantur. Item:Voluit precise dominus archiepiscopus eodem contextu videlicet cum corpora def(f)unctorum erunt exhumata, et in lectis, ut supradictum est, reposita et posita extra domum fratrum minorum, levetur constitucio per vicarium episcopi, et tunc cum processione solempniter, corpora ad ecclesiam deportentur, ut in precedenti capitulo dictum est. Item: Illi de civitate qui, ex hac causa, a civitate sunt banniti, habita littera regia super eorum, indulgentia sint in civitate illa die, et recepta prius absolucione a vicario episcopi, sint presentes in predicta missa, cum singulis cereis unius libre, ad minus accensis in manibus quamdiu missa dicetur qui, post finem misse remaneant in dicta ecclesia et serviant ibi ad elevacionem corporis Christ. Item: Causa appellacionis emisse per ecclesiam Vicense a declaracione facta per vicarium domini archiepiscopi qua declaratum est, fratres minores non posse ligari constitucionibus Sacri Concilii Terrachone, de consensu ambarum precium supersedant ita quod per neutram precium in ea procedatur usque quo sit finitum primum concilium quod dictus dominus archiepiscopus in sua provincia celebrabit per hanc auctoritatem supercessionem neutri procurata

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 170 08/06/2009 8:27:31 Th e es t ab l i s h m e n t o f a mo d u s vi v e n d i b e t w e n t h e Fra n c i s c a n s 171

fiat preiudicium in prosequcione dicte appellacionis vel aliter, ita quod dicto finito concilio, si causa non esset, decisa? veraque precium remanent in eo statu, et eo iure in quo tunc est. Et hec omnia cum ef(f)ectum complere, tam episcopus quam dicti fratres promittant, et alias faciant firmitates prout melius et firmius per sapientes dictabuntur premissorum substancia non mutata. Item: Concordarunt partes predicte[s] quod multa alia capitula super quibus erat contencio inter dictum episcopum, capitulum, et ecclesiam Vicense, ex una parte, et guardianum, fratres, et conventum dicte civitatis Vici, ex altera. Decidantur et determinentur prout hiis diebus fuit inter eos concordatum in presencia domini Bernardi de Ultzinellis. Et si forte super aliqua responsione dictorum capitulorum vel alicuius eorum esset aliqua diversitas inter dictum dominum episcopum et dictos fratres, stetur, dicto dicti domini Bernardi f(f)uit tamen condictum inter dictas partes quod presens firma haberetur, pro non facta in casu quo capitulum nollet firmare infra mensem a presenti die in antea computandum. Que capitula et omnia in eis contenta fuerunt firmata, et concessa per dictas partes nominibus predictis qui iam per eas fuerant, ut dixerunt, lecta. Convenientes et promittentes partes ipse[s] nominibus predictis sibi ad invicem ac eciam michi, Berengario de Villacetrude, notario publico, Barchinone, et scriptori jurato sub Guillermo Turelli, auctoritate regia, connotario meo infrascripto, quod premissa, capitula et omnia et singula in eis contenta tenebunt ac observabunt, prout utraque pars ad ea tenenda, et observanda tenantur, iure ipsorum capitulorum, series et tenores, et quod non in aliquo contrafacient, vel venient, ipsi nec illi quorum nomine hec promittunt iure aliquo causa vel eciam racione. De quibus omnibus dicte[s] partes nominbus predictis petierunt eis fieri tot quot voluerint publica instrumenta. Que fuerunt acta Barchinone die lune intitulata septimo idus Januarii, anno Domini millesimo trecentesimo quadragesimo septimo, presentibus testibus videlicet venerabilibus Bernardo de Ultzinellis, legum doctore, et Guillermo de Planella, licenciato in legibus, ac Romeo Figuera, doctore legum, et fratre Raimundo Mulnerii, de dicto ordine fratrum minorum, et me, Berengario de Villacetrude, notario et scriptore jurato predicto. Signum mei: Berengarii de Villacetrude, notarii publici, Barchinone et scriptoris iurati predicti, qui premissis omnibus et singulis dum sic agebantur, vocatus et rogatus,una cum testibus suprascriptis, interfui, et hec scripsi. Signum Guillermi Turelli, auctoritate regia notarii publici, Barchinone qui hec scribi fecit, cum litteris rasis, et emendatis in quinta linea ubi dicitur “quinto decimo kalendas januarii anno infrascripto” et in octava, ubi legitur “dicto tamen” et in decima nona ubi continetur “predictis que jam per eas fuerant et clausit”.

Document number 3. 20 November, 1357, Vic Permission for the friars minor to participate in the funeral of agnès, wife of the venerable Jaume Paulí. Arxiu Capitular de Vic, Concòrdies, 37/8. Parchement 1 Bis, measuring 32 cms 4 mms X 15 cms 3 mms. On reverse: Llicència per que los frares menors anasen a un enterro junts ab lo clero – any 1357.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 171 08/06/2009 8:27:32 172 Ji l l We b s t e r

Noverint universi quod die et anno infrascriptis in presencia mei, notarii et testium infra- scriptorum, reverendus in Christo, pater et dominus Raymundus, divina providencia Vicense episcopus, et honorabiles viri domini Bernardus de Fenestris, archidiaconus, Petrus Johannis de Avencho, thesaurarius, Petrus de Campis, Arnaldus de Mealla, Berengarius de Podiolo, Raymundus de Villamuntano et Bernardus de Albi, canonici Vicense, in domo capituli claustri novi sedis Vicense existentes, voluerunt et de speciali gratia consenserunt, quod venerabilis et religiosus f(f)rater Petrus de Avinione, guardianus domus fratrum minorum, conventus Vici, ibidem presens, et alii etiam fratres minores presentes tunc in domo dicti conventus fratrum minores possint ire, et intecedere processionaliter unam cum ipsis dominis episcopo, canonicis et aliis benef(f)iciatis et presibiteris sedis predicte, sepulture venerabilis domine Agnetis uxor venerabilis Jacobi Pauli, civis Vicense que ab hoc seculo migraverat, non obstante, ut dixerunt, retencione facta per reverendum dominum olim episcopum et capitulum dicte sedis Vicense in conveniencia que, ut dixerunt, est inter ipsos et dictum conventum fratrum minorum et fratres eiusdem a qua conveniencia, ut dixerunt, tam dictus reverendus dominus episcopus, et canonici Vicense, quam dictus venerabilis guardianus, ut dixerunt, propter hec vel aliter recedere non intendunt, tacite vel expresse, de quibus omnibus supradictis dicti domini episcopus et canonici mandarunt eis fieri, et tradi publicum instrumentum, quod fuit actum in loco predicto die lune que erat vicesima dies, mensis Novembris, anno a nativitate Domini, millesimo CCCº quinquagesimo septimo, presentibus testibus Bernardo Buffiyl et Raymundo de Solario, scutiferis dicti domini episcopi. Signum mei Nicholai Mathei, notarii publici, Vicense, auctoritate domini Vicense episcopi qui premissis omnibus et singulis dum agebantur una cum dictis testibus vocatis, interfui hecque scribi feci et clausi.

Document number 4. 31 January, 1348, Vic Agreement between the Church of Vic and the Friars Minor: This agreement refers again to the use of the Franciscan habit by a deceased parishioner of Vic, but also to other matters of contention: excommunication, the announcement of festivals, the ringing of bells by the friars. It also limits the agreement to the town of Vic. Arxiu Capitular de Vic, Concòrdies, 37/8 Parchment 1, measuring 52 cms x 61 cms 4 mms. It has 6 seals for the friaries of Vic and Barcelona, the latter containing two figures, probably Pope Innocent and a friar minor who would have been Saint Francis. The seal of the Vic friary also has two figures, but they seem to be the saints Peter and Paul and not friars minor. There is also a seal for the Provincial Minister. In nomine Domini, Amen. Sit omnibus notum quod cum inter episcopum, capitulum et ecclesiam Vicense ex una parte; et conventum fratrum minorum domus eorum civitatis Vicense ex altera, plures et diverse questiones, dissensiones et controversie fuissent suscitate, datique ventilate et ducte super infrascriptis tandem partes predicte tractatu et conveniencia ut ipse partes asserverunt reverendissimi patris in Christo domini fratris Sanc(c)ii divina providencia archiepiscopi Terrachone [Sancho López de Ayerbe], reverendi patris in Christo domini Hugonis, divina providencia Vicense episcopi, cum suo capitulo; et reverendo et religiosi patris

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 172 08/06/2009 8:27:33 Th e es t ab l i s h m e n t o f a mo d u s vi v e n d i b e t w e n t h e Fra n c i s c a n s 173

f(f)ratris Raymundi de Basso, ministri fratrum minorum in provincia Aragonie, f(f)ratris Petri de Clariana, custodis Barchinone, et f(f)ratris F(f)rancischi Januarii, guardiani Barchi- none, nominibus eorum et predicti conventus Vici, convenerunt et unanimiter concordarunt gratis consulte deliberate et extra sciencia. Quod conventa et concordata, et etiam jam firmata, predictum dominum episcopum ex una parte, et ex parte dicti conventus ex altera, prout in quodam publico instrumento super hiis, Barchinone confecto, die lune intitulata septimo idus Januarii anno Domini millesimo CCCº quadragesimo septimo. Et clauso per Guillermum Turelli, notarium publicum, Barchinone, lacius et plenius continetur, et explicatur sint et maneant perpetuo, rata, firma et irrevocabilit- er duratura. Et quare in dicto publico instrumento fit mencio de certis capitulis convencionum inhitarum factarum et approbatarum inter partes predictas. Ideo, predicti dominus episcopus et honorabiles capitulum Vicense ex una parte; et reverendus pater, minister ac religiosi viri custos et guardianus Barchinone nominibus supra, et auctoritatibus quibus funguntur approbarunt, laudarunt, ratifficarunt et emologarunt, prout melius et firmius dici, et intelligi potest, ac de jure valere ad maiorem firmitatem et perpetui- tatem eorum capitula que sequntur. Super controversia que erat inter partes predictas an corpora deffunctorum qui in fine suo habitum receperint portarentur cum habita cooperto vel discooperto, est sub hac forma conventum scilicet: Quod ille qui in fine suo receperit habitum f(f)ratrum minorum quamdiu tenebitur in domo sua antequam clerici sedis Vicense venerint cum cruce, possit teneri infra domum cum habitu discohoperto. Ex quo autem clerici sedis cum cruce venerint statim, etia infra domum habeat cohoperiri. Et etiam quamdiu portabitur per carrariam ad ecclesiam matricem, et quamdiu erit in ecclesia, et in cimiterio, et in carraria quousque coram capellam Sancti Bar- tholomei erit per ebdomedarium sedis facta absolucio portetur cum habitu cohoperto, ex tunc autem portetur cum habitu discohoperto usque ad domum fratrum minorum. Item: Super controversiam que erat inter partes predictas an in funeribus deffunctorum possint interesse fratres minores vel non est ita conventum. Quod in funeribus illorum dumtaxat qui habitum elegerint possint esse indistincte quatuor f(f)ratres dumtaxat pro portando funere, vel pro associando qualitercumque non tamen incedendo processionaliter. Et si in funere sint vocati viginti presbiteri matricis ecclesie vel plus, usque ad triginta possint ibi esse ultra dictos quatuor fratres, duo fratres qui incedant cum processione. Non tamen tenendo candelis in manibus sicut faciunt presbiteri ecclesie si autem sint vocati triginta presbiteri ecclesie matricis vel ultra, possint ibi esse ultra dictos quatuor f(f)ratres, alii quatuor fratres qui incedant in processione, ut supra dictum est, de duobus. Si autem esset generalis sepultura, possint ibi esse omnes fratres. In funeribus autem aliorum qui habitum non receperint non possint dicti fratres interesse. Predicta autem omnia intelligantur nisi in casibus in quibus graciose episcopus vel suus vicar- ius et capitulum aliud ducerent concedendum. Item: Cum dictus dominus episcopus, et capitulum de dictis f(f)ratribus congregerentur quod quandoque aliquos denunciabant excomunicatum quod facere non debebant. Idcirco est, sit conventum quod fratres neminem denuncient excomunicatum nisi judex ordinarius vel delegatus qui facit processum eis expresse hoc mandaverit.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 173 08/06/2009 8:27:34 174 Ji l l We b s t e r

Item: Est conventum quod ante festivitates sive sollempnitates festivitatum in quibus popu- lus in sua parrochiali ecclesia offerre tenetur, si capellanus Sancti Petri vel eius locumtenens hoc requisierit per se, vel nuncium, vel scripturam, dicti fratres teneantur in sermonibus suis dicere populo quod illis festivitatibus tenentur offerre in ecclesia parrochiali, et quod alibi of- ferendo non liberantur ab eo quod in ecclesia parrochiali tenentur offerre. Item: Est de hoc conventum quod in vigilia Pasche Domini f(f)ratres non incipiant pulsare campanam illa die donec fuerit pulsata campana sedis. Convenerunt in super et unanimiter concordarunt omnes prenominati nominibus et auctoritatibus quibus supra. Quod per predicta non sunt preiudicium vel derogatio aliqua conveniencie seu convenien- ciis antiquitiis habitis et factis inter episcopum et capitulum et conventum fratrum minorum Vicense. Immo remaneant et perdurent in suo robore et valore nisi quatenus obvient seu con- trarientur presenti convencioni vel nisi quatenus tangit illa que sunt ponita et contenta in decretali qui incipit “Supra Cathedram de sepulturis in cle[mentine]” vel aliquod eorundem. Item: Quod presens convencio intelligatur et sit ita localis civitatis Vicense et eius parrochie quod non extendatur ad alias ecclesias seculares nec ad alios conventos dicti ordinis. Et predicta omnia et singula prout superius continetur, et expressantur fuerunt firmata, laudata, approbata et confirmata, ac emologata in manu et posse mei, notarii infrascripti per reverendum patrem dominum episcopum supradictum. Et per nobilem et honorabiles viros Arnaldum Guillermi de Scintillis, Jacobum de Solerio, Berengarium de Lercio, Jacobum de Sancto Clemente, Petrum de Surigerius, Petrum de Marbuscha, Guillermum de Sala, Ber- engarium de Columbario, Petrum de Avencho et Petrum Johannis de Avencho, canonicos Vicense, ad sonum campane, ut moris est, congregatos in camera maiori episcopalis palacii, civitatis Vicense, propter hec pro capitulo congregatos et tunc simul cum domino episcopo capitulum facientes. Cum alii canonici vel essent absentes in locis a quibus vocari minime ten- ebantur vel non habebant vocem in capitulo, propter etatis def(f)ectum. Et per reverendum patrem, ministrum, custodem, et guardianum Barchinone predictis nominibus et auctoritatibus supradictis. De quibus omnibus et singulis tam dictus dominus episcopus et honorabiles capitulum, quam reverendus minister, custos, guardianus predicti mandarunt, et voluerunt eis nominibus predictis fieri de presenti duo publica instrumenta per alphabetum divisa, et sigillis dictorum domini episcopi et honorabilium capituli, atque reverendi patris, ministri et custodis predictorum, atque g[u]ardiani conventus Vici, et etiam ipsius conventus Vicense appendiciis necnon et prenominatorum domini episcopi et canonicorum atque reverendi minister, custodis, g[u]ardiani, Barchinone, et g[u]ardiani conventus Vicense sub scriptoribus comuniri. Quibus pactis in continenti congregati religiosi f(f)rater Petrus de Gualba, g[u]ardianus, f(f)rater Francischus de Torrente, f(f)rater Guillermo de Arguedis, f(f)rater Petrus Rabaos, f(f) rater Petrus Oriol, f(f)rater Anthonius de Montesicho, f(f)rater Raymundus de Torrente, f(f) rater Francischus Capre, f(f)rater Bartholomeus de Terrers, f(f)rater Petrus Rigaldi, f(f)rater Bernardus de Villanova, f(f)rater Bernardus de Vilardeno, f(f)rater Guillermus Paschalis et f(f)rater Bernardus Ciutat, f(f)acientes conventum predicte eorum domus, in posse mei, notarii infrascripti firmarunt, laudarunt, approbarunt, ratif(f)icarunt et emologarunt. Gratis consulte et deliberate ac extra sciencia omnia et singula supradicta. Et petierunt hoc inseri in hoc publico instrumento que acta fuerunt die jovis intitulata pri- die kalendas F(f)ebroarii, anno a nativitate Domini, millesimo trescentesimo quadragesimo octavo, presentibus testibus vocatis et rogatis ad firmas domini episcopi, reverendi, ministri,

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 174 08/06/2009 8:27:35 Th e es t ab l i s h m e n t o f a mo d u s vi v e n d i b e t w e n t h e Fra n c i s c a n s 175

custodis et guardiani Barchinone, honorabili Guillermo Arnaldi, decretorum doctore et vicario et officiali dicti domini episcopi, f(f)ratre Berengario de Cumbis de dicto ordine conventuali, conventus Barchinone, f(f)ratre Raymundo Monerii, socio predicti ministri, Raymundo de Se- radello, notario dicti domini episcopi et Guilaberto de Sala, scriptore Vicense. Presentibus vero testibus ad firmas predictorum f(f)ratrum conventualium conventus Vici, predicto Guilaberto de Sala scripture, Guillermo de Solerio lapicida, Bernardo de Riaria fusterio, civibus Vicense et Bernardo Pictoris de villa Berge, atque Petro Laurentii comorante pro ortolano in dicta domo fratrum minorum Vici. Nos, Hugo, episcopus Vicense predictus, predicta omnia firmamus et laudamus et ad maiorem firmitatem sigillo nostro appendicio iussimus sigillari. Ego, Raimundus Guillermi de Scintillis qui predictus canonicus predicta f(f)irmo. Ego, Jacobus de Solerii Vicense canonicus, predicta firmo et laudo et subscribo. Ego, Berengarius de Lercio, canonicus Vicense, predicta laudo et firmo et subscribo. Ego, Petrus de Suriguineri, Vicense canonicus, predicta firmo, laudo et subscribo. Ego, Petrus de Marbuscha, canonicus Vicense, predicta firmo laudo et subscribo. Ego, Guillermus Ça Sala, canonicus Vicense, predicta firmo, laudo et subscribo. Ego, Berengarius de Columbario, canonicus Vicense, predicta firmo et subscribo. Ego, Petrus de Avencho, canonicus et subsacrista Vicense, predicta firmo et subscribo. Ego, Jacobus de Sancto Clemente, Vicense canonicus, predicta firmans subscribo. Ego, Petrus Johannes de Avencho, canonicus et thesaurarius Vicense, predicta firmans subscribo. Ego, Frater Raymundus de Basso, minister predictus, omnia et singula subscrita, aprobo et confirmo, et subscribo mane propia, et sigillum meii officii appono appendicium. Ego, Frater Petrus de Clariana, custos prenominatus hec firmans subscribo et sigillum appendicium mei oficii appono. Ego, Frater Franciscus Januarii, guardianus fratrum minorum Barchinone, predicta omnia laudo, et aprobo, et subscribo. Ego, Frater Petrus de Gualba, guardianus, f(f)ratrum minorum Vici predicta omnia laudo, et aprobo, et subscribo sigillum mei of(f)ici appendicium apponendo. Signum mei Bernardi Salati, notarii publici Vicense, auctoritate domini Vicense episcopi qui predictis omnibus et singulis dum agebantur una cum testibus superius nominatis, vocatus et rogatus interfui, et hec scribi feci et clausi cum raso et emendato in prima linea nisi dicitur et in tricesima ubi dicitur a nati[vitate] die et anno quo supra.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 161-175. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 175 08/06/2009 8:27:36 Anglès.indd 176 08/06/2009 8:27:36 A Chronicler King: Rewriting History and the Quest for Image in the Catalan Chronicle of Peter III (1319-1336/ 1387)

Fr é d é r i c Al c h a l a b i Un i v e r s i t é d e Na n t e s Fra n c e

Date of reception: 4th of December, 2006 Final date of acceptance: 18th of December, 2007

Ab s t r a c t

In this article, we study the treatment and writing of history in the Chronicle of King Peter III. Following the example of James I, the Ceremonious wrote or had written the most important events of his reign. Thus, the king —thanks to rigorous and highly elaborated rhetoric— had the invaluable occasion to present the readers with a revised and corrected version of what happened to him. It is chiefly a possibility to construct an image that would be bequeathed to posterity.

Ke y w o r d s

Peter III, Historiography, 14th Century, Writing, Image.

Ca pi t a l i a v e r b a

Petrus Tertius, Rerum Scriptura, Quartum decimum saeculum, Scriptura, Imago.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931 177

Anglès.indd 177 08/06/2009 8:27:36 178 Fr é d é r i c Al c h a l ab i

The Chronicle of Peter III is a relatively unknown medieval work1. However, nothing justifies it being so unfairly overlooked. Indeed, this work, written in around 1386 in Catalan, is very rich and provides proof of originality in a genre, i.e. historiography, which, truly, does not seek to be original. One of the peculiarities of this chronicle is that the author is the king himself, Peter III, called the Ceremonious, a sovereign with a passion for history and an avid reader of the Chronicle of one of his illustrious predecessors, James I, who was his model on both literary and personal levels. Careful analysis of Peter III’s work shows that, for the Catalan sovereign, writing history was, above all, a way of justifying personal action by means of rigorous argument and rhetorical processes, with the aim of demonstrating his good reason. Indeed, history and writing become instrumental, as both were placed at the service of the king2. Peter III considered them to be tools that enabled him to legitimise a political action that might be open to criticism. It is for this reason that, in his work, he earns recognition as a skilful king, even subtle in the pejorative sense of the 13th century, his prose being far less spontaneous and much more elaborate than that of previous Catalan chroniclers, giving the impression of a more accomplished chronicle. He even begins to project the image of a wily and calculating Renaissance prince with a highly-developed political conscience3. In this sense, his discourse is really that of a victor or, to be more precise, of a man seeking to present himself as a victor. The main effect on the Chronicle is that history, from then onwards, is not precisely written, but rather rewritten because the historian, simultaneously judge and protagonist, is, in this case, personally involved in the story. The present study will enable us to tackle the questions of rewriting history and the quest for image, which are closely connected in this case. This will be done in two parts. The first part will examine Peter III’s view of himself as well as some biblical allusions in his chronicle. The second part will focus on the place of the vanquished, particularly through the discourse dealing with this subject.

1. The edition used as a reference is: “Crònica de Pere el Cerimoniós”, Les quatre grans Cròniques, ed. Fer- ran Soldevila. Barcelona: Editorial Selecta, 1983: 1001-1225. Henceforth, CPC. We can also benefit from consulting the work of Tasis i Marca, Rafael. Pere el Cerimoniós i els seus fills. Barcelona: Editorial Vicens Vives, 1994: on Peter III and his Chronicle. 2. The same can be done —as we had begun to argue in our PhD thesis L’écriture de l’Histoire dans les Chroniques de Pierre Ier et de Pierre III— with another great chronicler of the 14th century, Jean Froissart, who contributed to the evolution of writing in the chronicle genre. On his Chronicles, see Zink, Michel. Froissart et le temps. Paris: Presses Universitaires France, 1998: 1-223; Ainsworth, Peter F. Jean Froissart and the fabric of history: truth, myth and fiction in the Chroniques. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990: 1-329. 3. On historiography, see Guenée, Bernard. Histoire et culture historique dans l’Occident médiéval. Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1980.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 178 08/06/2009 8:27:37 A Ch r o n i c l e r Ki n g : Re wr i t i n g hi s t o r y a n d t h e qu e s t f o r im a g e 179

1. The biblical image of a victor: Peter III as seen by himself

From the prologue of the Chronicle onwards, Peter III reveals his devoutness. All- powerful as he is, he shows himself to be a good Christian and submits himself to God. Hence the references, particularly to Genesis4. But above all, the sovereign fully identifies himself and his deeds with emblematic biblical characters, such as David (“E açò, si guardam los grans fets qui són estats en lo regne d’Aragó en temps nostre, com així com altre David”5) and Lot: “E així com altre Lot, contra lo qual cinc reis eren convenguts, e ell fon delliurat per Abraham e la sua substància, “sicut habetur Genesi, XIV° cap°”, així nós de la mà del rei de Castella”6. These two explicit comparisons are not insignificant: Lot, the only righteous man in a town of sinners, escapes the destruction brought down on Sodom, Gomorrah and their surroundings7, and David is the king chosen by God8, victor over the giant Goliath9, courageous, magnanimous and very pious. We can therefore see very clearly the advantage that Peter III draws from using these biblical images. The tone is determined from the outset. Peter III then devotes several lines to the objective which he himself assigns to his Chronicle. This objective —and in this sense he follows in the footsteps of earlier chroniclers, whether connected to the Crown of Aragon or not— is that of setting himself up as a model king. In this way, the sovereign declares that he is not seeking to boast of his actions but to edify his readers, preferably royal, through his behaviour as a Christian king beyond reproach10.

4. “La raó de la veritat és com Déus és omnipotent, “unde Gen. XVII°: Ego”, inquit, “Déus sum omnipotens”, e, per tal com ha infinit poder ha Ell creat lo món,“ unde Genesis I°: In principio creavit Deux coelum et terram”; e no solament nos ha creats, mas conservats, car si no era la conservació sua, tots tornaríem en no ésser, com tot ço qui és creat ha dependència del Creador.” (The reason for truth is that God is omnipotent, and because his power is infinite he created the world, and not only did He create it, but He also maintains it because were it not for his care we would cease to exist, because all creation depends on the Creator) CPC: 1003-1004 (prologue, paragraphs 2, 3, 4). 5. “And thus, if we follow the great events that have occurred in the kingdom of Aragon in our times, like another David” CPC: 1003-1004 (prologue, paragraphs 2, 3, 4). Author’s emphasis. 6. “And like another Lot, against whom five kings allied, he was saved by Abraham and his substance, “sicut habetur Genesi, XIV° cap°”, as we were from the hands of the king of Castile.” CPC: 1003-1004 (prologue, paragraphs 2, 3, 4). Author’s emphasis. 7. Genesis, 19, 1-29. 8. First Book of Samuel, 16, 11-13. 9. First Book of Samuel, 17, 40-54. The implicit allusion to Goliath - Peter I of Castile seems clear. 10. “Nós, doncs, rei, per la sua gran e llarga pietat, regnant en lo regne d’Aragó, qui havem reebudes diverses gràcies, e multiplicades en nostra vida, de la bondat infinida del nostre Creador, havem pensat e proposat que aquelles hajam o dejam en escrit posar e fer-ne llibre, no pas a jactància nostra ne llaor, mas per tal que els reis, succeïdors nostres, lligent en lo dit llibre, oint que diverses perills e multiplicades guerres de poderosos enemics nostres, per ferma esperança e fe, ab paciència ensems, que havem haüda en la gran bondat e misericòrdia del nostre Creador, havem passats e som-ne estats delliurats ab gran honor e victòria, prenguen eiximpli, que, en llurs tribulacions, deuen esperar e confiar en lo llur Creador, de qui vénen tots béns, victòries e gràcies, e suportar e soferir les dites tribulacions ab gran paciència que fa, segons mossèn sent Jacme en la sua Canònica, la obra acabada e perfeta”, “We, the king, through God’s great and long piety ruling the kingdom of Aragon and have received various graces from God’s infinite goodness, multiplied various times throughout our lives, have thought and proposed that these have to and ought to be written and placed in a book, not as a boast nor praise but rather so that our future kings, reading in

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 179 08/06/2009 8:27:38 180 Fr é d é r i c Al c h a l ab i

Consequently, his past actions —which imply, without exception, being worthy of being remembered— are not meant to serve him, but are useful to other people, that is to say that they are intended to fulfil the role of royal models. That in itself is the definition of the medieval mirror11. To this description it is safe to add that Peter III, like a painter who is working on a self-portrait, seeks to examine himself, admiring the image he is painting of himself. On this canvas, the pen serves as a brush12. It is even reasonable to ask whether, through writing, the author may not even be changing his identity, by a reverse process of transfer: by ridding himself of his physical identity, the sovereign acquires another identity of paper and ink. In fact, the chronicler goes beyond his human status to reach a literary dimension of his person, even a fictional one, despite the fact that, essentially, a historiographical story cannot be fictitious. Consequently, the writer traverses the page, which becomes, in the space of a few words, a distorting mirror. Peter III constructs his own character which is more than an alter ego: Peter III gives birth to Peter III. The arrival of a fictional being at the heart of a historiographical story is not free from certain difficulty because, and this is where the ambiguity lies, such a story cannot be fiction. Nevertheless, at times we get the impression that Peter III does not write himself as he really was, or does not write what he really did, but rather as he would have liked to be or as he wished to be represented. We do not necessarily see political design here. It is obvious that representing himself as favourably as possible places the author in a more comfortable position. We here appreciate the effort made by the sovereign to recall certain passages of his life and mend his ways. This leads us to distinguish a dual writing process in Peter III which, to our eyes, is fundamental between writing and rewriting. Behind the writing of the Chronicle of Peter III, a veritable search for identity is hidden. To talk of an identity crisis would

the above book, listening to various dangers and many wars with powerful enemies of ours which have been overcome with great hope and faith and patience that we together have had in the great goodness and mercy of our Lord, take example in their tribulations to trust in our Creator from whom all the goods, victories and graces come, and bear and suffer these tribulations with great patience according to Saint James in his chronicle, the finished and perfect work.”CPC: 1005 (prologue, paragraph 5). 11. Le Goff, Jacques. “Roi”. Dictionnaire raisonné de l’Occident médiéval, Jacques Le Goff, Jean-Claude Sch- mitt, eds. Paris: Fayard, 1999: 985-1004, especially page 991. 12. In a previous work, we have tried to analyse the relationship which the work maintains with the self-portrait. We made the connection with Albrecht Dürer’s tableau, the first composition of this genre. The painter is shown at the age of 22. His face is serious and he is holding a thistle in his hand, which is an allusion to the crown of thorns carried by Christ during the Passion. There is an inscription on the tableau — “Things happen to me as it is written in heaven”— which recalls the self-portrait from 1500 where Dürer appeared in Salvator Mundi, as basking in the glow of God’s glory. In this tableau, which is the common point shared with Peter III’s work, two Is are side by side. The first is included with the sole intention of drawing the viewer’s eye towards the handsome man: the brush strokes are precise, and the colours are well chosen. The second is symbolic: our eye is quickly drawn to the thistle, and we have to interpret the painter’s intention. There are therefore two Dürers: the real and the ideal. These are also the two dimensions of Peter III. See Alchalabi, Frédéric. “La plume et le pinceau: la technique de l’autoportrait dans la Chronique de Pierre III (représentation et mise en scène)”, Colloque Ecrire sur soi en Catalogne au Moyen Age, organisé le 14 décembre 2 000 au Centre d’Etudes Catalanes à Paris, Christian Camps, ed. Montpellier: R.E.C., Université de Montpellier III, in forthcoming.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 180 08/06/2009 8:27:39 A Ch r o n i c l e r Ki n g : Re wr i t i n g hi s t o r y a n d t h e qu e s t f o r im a g e 181

perhaps be a little exaggerated: the sovereign is not looking for himself, he does not need to find himself, rather he tries to capture his image as best as he can in order to convey it to the reader. Peter III therefore starts to look into himself, since for him, writing is the ideal means of achieving this introspection. However, this self re-examination soon reveals its limitations. Indeed, if the author is honest with himself, this process of atonement by words implies painting an objective portrait of his person. And yet, Peter III is again satisfied with bringing to light only the most flattering aspects of his personality. The reason for this inner search is easily understood: Peter III’s objective is not to achieve his own image, but that of a king occupied with the affairs of his kingdom. Consequently, it could be argued that the writing process of the Chronicle of Peter III corresponds to that of guided introspection: the king is not seeking his true self, but rather his image. This is what we are now going to demonstrate. There are two formulae that best characterise a Christian king: rex imago dei and Christus rex. The king is the image of God on Earth and has a special relationship with Christ13. We have to appreciate the extent to which these traits are found in Peter III and, in this sense, confirm, in their own way, the legitimacy of the king. The medieval king developed a special relationship with Christ. This means that the sovereign shared or, more precisely, dreamed of sharing and wished to cultivate, the principal Christ-like virtues. The intentions and ambitions of the kings are very clear: this enabled them to award themselves a messianic role. Peter III was no exception and, whilst he wrote, did not prevent himself from referring, implicitly, to several passages from the New Testament. Thus, his entrance into Lleida evokes that of Christ into Jerusalem14: Christ, seated on a donkey, enters the town and re- ceives a triumphant welcome from the townspeople. This episode is found again, in a different form, in the Chronicle of Peter III, to be precise in Chapter II, where the sovereign relates his own entrance into the town of Lleida, the first place where he legitimises himself after having been crowned king. He writes: «e com entram en la

13. Le Goff, Jacques. “Roi”…: 986. 14. “E nós depuis, a cap d’alguns dies, partim de la dita ciutat de Saragossa, e venguem-nos-en a Lleida, e com entram en la dita ciutat de Lleida, fom aquí reebuts ab gran alegria e gran festa, e gran honor qui ens hi fo feta per tots aquells qui eren en la dita ciutat.” (“and we, after several days, left the city of Saragossa and went to Lleida, and when we entered the city of Lleida, we were received with great happiness and celebrations and greta honours from everybody in the city”), CPC: 1028 (chapter II, paragraph 23); The Gospel according to Saint Luke reveals, “After he had said this (the parable of the mines), he proceeded on his journey up to Jerusalem. As he drew near to Bethphage and Bethany, at the place called the Mount of Olives, he sent two of his disciples, saying, “Go into the village opposite you and as you enter it you will find a colt tethered on which no one has ever sat; untie it and bring it here. And if anyone should ask you, “Why are you untying it?” you will answer, “The Master has need of it”. So those who had been sent went off and found everything just as he had told them. And as they were untying the colt, its owners said to them, “Why are you untying this colt?” They answered, “The Master has need of it.” / So they brought it to Jesus, threw their cloaks over the colt, and helped Jesus to mount. As he rode along, people were spreading their cloaks on the road. As he was approaching the downward slope of the Mount of Olives, the whole multitude of his disciples began to praise God aloud with joy for all the miracles they had seen. They proclaimed: / “Blessed is the King who comes in the name of the Lord! / Peace in heaven and glory in the highest!”, The Gospel according to Saint Luke, 19, 28-38.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 181 08/06/2009 8:27:40 182 Fr é d é r i c Al c h a l ab i

dita ciutat de Lleida, fom aquí reebuts ab gran alegria e gran festa, e gran honor qui ens hi fo feta per tots aquells qui eren en la dita ciutat” (…and when we entered the city of Lleida, we were received with great happiness and celebrations and great honour from everybody in the city). A parallel may therefore be drawn between the figure of Christ the King and that of Peter III. The enthusiasm of the crowd does not disappoint the reader: the sovereign is, in his turn, welcomed as the Messiah. The comparison, flattering though it may be, successfully conveys Peter III’s ambition. Peter III granted himself a second image of Christ, namely that of Christ the miracle worker. Because of this, the king wishes to be seen as a healer king, even, if we take the title of the famous study by Marc Bloch, a thaumaturgical king15. The Gospels relate the several healings performed by Christ: that of Simon’s mother-in- law16, that of a leper and a paralytic17, the healing of a centurion’s servant18 and, of course, the resurrection of Lazarus19. Peter III himself, although he is not blessed with the same ability to heal, tries to promote this image of the healing king. Thus, finding himself in Majorca, he declares what some consider a declaration of principles: “no érem venguts per destrouir ne per fer-los messionejar, mas així com lo metge qui sana e guareix les nafres dels malalts nafrats e consumats”20: he is there to do good, to ease the pain of the people. The comparison with the doctor —lo metge— healer par excellence, is therefore explicit. Once again, this quote calls to mind what can be read in the Gospels. Even if the Chronicle of Peter III is not a collection of miracles, over which, moreover, the author does not claim paternity, this idea of the king’s role is intended to bring Christ’s values closer to himself.

2. The speech about the vanquished

A victor’s speech must be constructed with great care. It is for this reason that the skilful Peter III highlights the moments that seem to him to be crucial, by constructing particular phrases: the syntax therefore varies according to the author’s intention. Like his contemporaries, Peter III uses polysyndetons21, which illustrate

15. Bloch, Marc. Les rois thaumaturges. Etude sur le caractère surnaturel attribué à la puissance royale particu- lièrement en France et en Angleterre. Paris: Gallimard, 1983. We can also refer to Ullmann, Walter. Medieval Political Thought. Harmondsworth-New York-Markham: Penguin Books, 1979; Kantorowicz, Ernst. Les deux corps du roi. Paris: Gallimard, 1989. 16. Luke, 3, 38-39. 17. Luke, 5, 12-26. 18. Luke, 7, 1-10. 19. John, 11, 1-44. 20. “We came not to destroy, nor to oblige them to argue, but rather, like the doctor who cures and heals the wounds of the injured and the sick.” CPC: 1055 (chapter III, paragraph 47). Author’s emphasis. 21. Georges Molinié defines the polysyndeton as follows: “The polysyndeton is a constructive microstructural device. It consists of the frequent and systematic use of linking structures, explicitly marked, between the groups, particularly in those concerning coordination.” Molinié, Georges. «Polysyndète ». Dictionnaire de rhétorique. Paris: Le Livre de Poche, 1992: 275.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 182 08/06/2009 8:27:41 A Ch r o n i c l e r Ki n g : Re wr i t i n g hi s t o r y a n d t h e qu e s t f o r im a g e 183

the numerous repetitions of e within his Chronicle22. But this use goes beyond simple convention, as we will recall. Peter III combines polysyndetons with binary syntactic constructions: the originality of this combination lies in the fact that it is associated with the description of a precise time, the writing becoming, from then on, predetermined. Thus, Peter III, for example, wanting to endow his Chronicle with a touch of solemnity, writes: “Diem primerament que la divinal excel.lència per sa suficiència fa e manté tot creat. (…) La segona és: Gran és, doncs, congruència que a l’alta potència sia atribuït e dat.”23 God here is the central axis of the author’s argument and, thereby, deserves special treatment since two verbs then two past participles are used side by side: it insists on the greatness of the Creator and, simultaneously, fully submits to Him. Peter III also uses binary syntagms to describe a festive atmosphere, particularly his own coronation: “E com fom intrats dins l’Aljaferia, qui era encortinada e empaliada d’alt e de baix de molts rics draps d’aur e de seda (…), e les taules foren aparellades e meses, posam- nos a menjar…”24. Here we notice the extent to which everything works in pairs: the fabrics, the description of the building and the tables evoke the wealth of the celebrations that followed the coronation of the king, the greatest event of his life. It is thus that the Catalan sovereign seeks to share the joy of this great celebration. Similarly, it is thanks to this recording process that Peter III can emphasise the injustices of which he believes himself guilty and which lay the motivation behind his retaliation. In this way, the king of Majorca, James, one of his great rivals, seems to persist to annoy him and thereby demonstrates his malicious intent: “En aquest terç capítol és declarat en qual manera lo rei de Mallorques, qui era vassall e hom nostre lige, tractà e s’esforçà en denegar la senyoria alodial e la feeltat de què ens era tengut…”25 In this example, the use of the two verbs tractar and esforçar-se is significant: for Peter III, it is a question of showing the king of Majorca’s dedication in trying to harm him. He defends himself moreover with a double binary syntactic construction:

22. There are obviously many examples. However, to quote Peter III: “E puis començaren a segar la torre. E havia-hi vint-e-nou hòmens, los demés genovesos. E foren al combatre nafrats en les mans e en la cara, e veeren-se perduts, e feren senyal de retre. E puis encara foren combatuts una peça.” (And thus, they began to assault the tower. And there were twenty-nine men, mainly Genoese. And in the fight, they were wounded in the hands and the face, and seeing themselves lost, they made signals to surrender. And they still fought in the same place) CPC: 1074 (chapter III, paragraph 139). Author’s emphasis. 23. “Let us state first that God’s divine excellence through his sufficiency makes and maintains all creation. (..) The second is, it is thus of great congruence that it is attributed and given to his great power.) CPC: 1003-1004 (prologue, paragraphs 2 and 3). Author’s emphasis. 24. “And as we entered the Aljaferia, which was curtained and draped from top to bottom with very rich golden and silk drapes (…), and the tables were set and laden, we began to eat…” CPC: 1026 (chapter II, paragraph 14). Author’s emphasis. Later on, in order to describe the joy of the inhabitants of Lleida, during his entrance into their town, the author writes these few lines: “(…) fom aquí reebuts ab gran alegria e gran festa…” CPC: 1028 (chapter II, paragraph 23). The stress is ours. In the latter example, the repetition of the adjective gran, added to the binary syntactic construction, still further emphasises their happiness. 25. This third chapter, describes the way the king of Majorca, who was our vassal and liege, forced himself to deny the allodial seigniorial right and the loyalty that he owed us … CPC: 1037 (chapter III, paragraph 1). Author’s emphasis.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 183 08/06/2009 8:27:43 184 Fr é d é r i c Al c h a l ab i

“(…) nós, ab l’ajuda de nostre senyor Déus, qui és endreçador de tots aquells qui amen justí- cia e veritat e en Ell han ferma esperança, destruïm e anullam en tot, e corregim e castigam, per via ordinària e justa, molts d’aquells qui les havien començades e tort hi tenien…”26

After having, in his own time, settled this disagreement by force, Peter III now answers the king of Majorca in words and, to a simple binary syntactic construction he retorts with a double binary syntactic construction, which, rhetorically, represents, to his eyes, a weighty argument. In a similar way, the Catalan sovereign sets out to blacken the image of Peter I of Castile:

En aquest sisè capítol és contengut e declarat lo fet de la guerra, la qual lo rei de Castella iniquament e maliciosa s’esforçà de fer contra nós (…). Lo dit rei, mogut de gran malícia e supèrbia, ab totes les sues gents, venc en les partides de Tarassona en lo mes d’abril següent e assejà la ciutat de Tarassona.27

With this binary syntactic construction, Peter III denounces even more vigorously the unfair attack of which he is the target, pointing out the hypocrisy and the pride of his Castilian counterpart. It is therefore by a new accumulative effect due to the same form of binary syntactic construction that the author, in his consideration, can criticise the attitude of Peter I. In addition to this syntactical aid, Peter III uses laughter as a rhetoric tool. It is by this means that he also imposes his point of view. It is worth highlighting right away that laughter is lexically present in the Chronicle of Peter III. After taking over the kingdom of Majorca in order to punish James, the king includes this title amongst those that he had obtained previously. However, the subjects of the kingdom of Majorca are touched to appear after those of the kingdom of Valencia, to which Peter III, amused, retorts that this will perhaps improve the kingdom’s fate, since, positioned in second place, on account of the past, luck had not smiled upon it:

E puis diguem-los, rient, que en aquell lloc segon del títol no havia haüda ventura Mal- lorques de romanir a la Corona d’Aragó, ans era estada donada e retuda dues vegades, e així ara volíem assajar si melloraria la ventura en lo tercer lloc del títol. E ells així mateix rigueren-se’n, e no ens parlaren pus enant28.

26. (…) we, with the help of our lord God, who guides all those who love justice and truth and who have firm faith in Him, destroy and annul in all, and correct and punish, by the ordinary and just way, many of those who have begun to damage us … CPC: 1091 (chapter IV, paragraph 1). Author’s emphasis. 27. “In this sixth chapter there is contained and declared the event of the war, which the king of Castile wickedly and maliciously launched against us (…). The said king, moved by great malice and arrogance, with all his people, came to the area of Tarassona in the following month of April and besieged the city of Tarassona”. CPC: 1123-1131 (chapter VI, paragraphs 1 and 10). Author’s emphasis. 28. “And so we said, laughing, that in that second place in the title Majorca had not had the luck to remain in the Crown of Aragon, but rather that it was given and offered twice, and thus now we wished to see if our luck would improve in the third place of the title. And there they laughed about it, and did not talk to us until later”. CPC: 1053 (chapter III, paragraph 36). Author’s emphasis.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 184 08/06/2009 8:27:44 A Ch r o n i c l e r Ki n g : Re wr i t i n g hi s t o r y a n d t h e qu e s t f o r im a g e 185

The anecdote greatly amuses the king, who laughs, according to his own words (E puis diguem-los, rient), at his own witty remark. He even goes as far as explaining it to the reader —(…) que en aquell lloc segon del títol no havia haüda ventura Mallorques de romanir a la Corona d’Aragó, ans era estada donada e retuda dues vegades, e així ara volíem assajar si melloraria la ventura en lo tercer lloc del títol— in order to make the reader share with him and thereby prolong the pleasure of a witticism of which he is evidently proud. This anecdote is revealing for two reasons. On the one hand, this line of thought is not pointless as it enables the sovereign to demonstrate that he is all-powerful: he has just defeated King James of Majorca and therefore seized his title —moreover, shortly before, he stresses the fact that the latter will no longer be called King, which is humiliating to say the least: E d’aquí avant lo rei qui fo de Mallorques no fo apellat ne intitulat rei (And from hereon he who was king of Majorca will no longer be called or titled king)— and he takes possession of his lands. Besides, it is not certain that the subjects of the kingdom of Majorca, present at this event, are laughing sincerely at the words of Peter III: on the contrary, their laughter must surely be forced. On the other hand, the trait of humour is turned into a rhetorical method because it enables the author to conclude the subject in apparent good humour but not without firmness. Peter III’s humour is often tainted with cruelty and mockery because, according to the author, it is another method of affirming his legitimacy and his power, the victor crushing the vanquished and pushing him into a corner. The narrator therefore tries to ridicule the person who is undergoing the critical examination of this pen, as he does, on another occasion, with James of Majorca, the pathetic defeated, who, before leaving his ancient lands, cries, asks for food which is refused him, tries to kill himself and is forced to beg the help of the Count of Foix:

E en Jacme de Mallorques tornava de Vilafranca de Conflent, e, com fo en la plaça de Puigc- erdà, en Llívia, oí lo repicar e lo tabustol, e pres-li mal senyal, e aturà’s una peça. E après venc avant vers la vila, e com fo a un git de ballesta, los del mur començaren a tirar, cridants altes veus —Aragó !—. E ell encara volc forçar d’acostar-se, e los del mur trameteren-li a dir, per frare Ramon de Canet, preïcador, que es llunyàs e se’n anàs, e ell encara repremia, dient moltes paraules. Finalment, lo preïcador hi tornà bé tres vegades, e dix-li que, si no se n’anava, que ell era mort ab tots quants hi eren ab ell. E, llavors, ell començà de plorar e fer gran dol, e dix que ell e la companya eren dejuns e havien passat lo port. E demanà que li fos donada la vianda que li havien aparellada en sa posada, e fon-li respost que no n’hauria gens. E, puis pregà e suplicà que li fossen donades ses robes e son saumatge. E fo-li respost que no se’n menaria res sens llicència del senyor rei d’Aragó. Ab tant ell e los altres seus se’n partiren d’aquí dolents e ab gran tristor e ab malediccions que es gitaven, e anaren-se’n. E, aquell dia mateix, pasaren lo port de Primorent dejuns, e cuidaren tots morir de fred e de mal, e cuidaren ésser contrets, majorment los hòmens delicats. Així que oïm dir que En Jacme de Mallorques se baté molt la cara e lo cap de dol, e es volia ferir en si mateix ab brotxa e d’altres armes, mas que les li tolien. Puis fo a Acs, e aquí manllevaren què despendre, que no havien vestidures. E, puis, anaren a Foix e el comte donà’ls diners e els acollí bé. E feren la via de Montpesller contínuament.29

29. “And James of Majorca was returning to Vilafranca de Conflent, and, when he was in the place of Puigcerdà, in Llívia, he heard a ringing and clanging, and took it as a bad sign, and stopped there. And

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 185 08/06/2009 8:27:45 186 Fr é d é r i c Al c h a l ab i

Coming from Peter III’s pen, the description of this crushing defeat is in no way pathetic. On the contrary, the author takes pleasure describing, voraciously, the misfortune that strikes his adversary: his requests for help, which are always refused:

E demanà que li fos donada la vianda que li havien aparellada en sa posada, e fon-li respost que no n’hauria gens. E, puis pregà e suplicà que li fossen donades ses robes e son saumatge. E fo-li respost que no se’n menaria res sens llicència del senyor rei d’Aragó. Ab tant ell e los altres seus se’n partiren d’aquí dolents e ab gran tristor e ab malediccions que es gitaven, e anaren-se’n

And his cries are just an occasion to ridicule him because his reaction is not compatible with that of a king. Stripped of his lands, James therefore submits to the worst humiliation possible, a progressive physical deterioration that culminates in a suicide attempt. Not without a certain cynicism, the author finds a valuable advantage in this mockery as he makes it a new demonstration of his power, insofar as he decides, at leisure, to be king. Just as in this example, the humour such as it is used in the Chronicle of Peter III is savage and cruel but never pointless, for it responds to a rhetorical necessity. This is how the sovereign affirms his authority to the detriment of those who practice this kind of humour, who become the butt of the jokes. Finally, in Peter III’s Chronicle, it is worthwhile considering the place of the vanquished’s body because the body helps to establish a power relationship between the different players. The most telling example is supplied by the interview granted by the sovereign of the Crown of Aragon to James of Majorca. This takes place near Elne, at the encampment of the king who has defeated him:

Dijous, a quinze de juliol, estant nós en les tendes prop d’Euna, per lo matí, don Pedro d’Eixèrica tornà a En Jacme de Mallorques, per amenar-lo’ns. E nós esperam la venguda

later he came towards the town, and when he was a crossbow shot away, the ones on the wall began to shoot, and began shouting “Aragó!” And he still wanted to try to get closer, and those on the wall sent the message, through friar Ramon de Canet, a preacher, to him to go away and he left, and he returned again, saying many words. Finally, the preacher went back three times, and told him that if he did not leave, he would be killed with all those who were with him. And, then, he began to cry and to be sor- rowful, and said that he and the company were hungry and had crossed the pass. And he asked to be given the food that had been laid out in his place, and he was told that there would be none. And, then he begged and prayed to be given his clothing and draught animals. And he was told that he would not take anything without the permission of his highness the king of Aragon. And both he and his people left here with great sorrow and deep sadness and with curses that they threw, and they left. And, that same day, they crossed the Primorent (Puymorens) pass hungry, and trying not to succumb to the cold and illness, and looked after the sick, mainly the weaker men. Thus, we heard it said that James of Ma- jorca beat his face and head with sorrow, and wanted to hurt himself with a lance and other arms, even though they were taken from him. Then they reached Acs (Aix-les-bains), and here they were got rid off, being told there were no clothes. And then they went to Foix and the count gave them money and received them well. And they continued on their way to Montpesller (Montpellier)”. CPC: 1087-1088 (chapter III, paragraph 195).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 186 08/06/2009 8:27:46 A Ch r o n i c l e r Ki n g : Re wr i t i n g hi s t o r y a n d t h e qu e s t f o r im a g e 187

del dit En Jacme de Mallorques, e no venc. Puis oïm missa e esperam-lo una peça, e encara no venc. Puis asseguem-nos a taula a dinar, car diguem que, si venia, bé ens en llevaríem. Fi- nalment, tro après dormir de sesta, En Jacme de Mallorques no venc. E llavors nós estiguem asseguts en un banc, al cap del nostre llit, en la tenda, ab l’infant En Jacme e ab tots los barons e cavallers e molta altra gent, que no n’hi podien més cabre. E En Jacme de Mallorques venc tot armat, salvant lo cap. E, com nos fo après, nós nos llevam de peus, e ell, tantost, al venir, que ens fo prés, ficà lo genoll en terra, e nós prenguem-lo per la mà per llevar-lo. E ell, sens volentat nostra, quaix forçant, besà’ns la mà; e nós aixecam-lo alt e besam-lo en la boca. E fet açò, ell nos dix estes paraules en suma… (…) E, mantinent, dites aquestes paraules, ell se n’anà ensems ab don Pedro d’Eixèrca a Euna, e nós romanguérem així com nós érem en la tenda ab l’infant En Jacme e los barons, cavallers e altres gents.30

Three moments of variable length make up this passage and each of them is proof of a real gestural richness. First, the king awaits the arrival of his recently defeated adversary alone in his tent. He cannot hide his desire to see him kneel before him and ask his forgiveness for the crime that he has just committed towards his lord. Peter III loses patience and ardently wishes to humiliate, once again, the unsubdued subject. He literally paces up and down, no longer knowing how to temper his impatience: he waits for him in vain the first time, then he attends Mass. His host has still not arrived. He therefore eats lunch sitting down, ready to get up to welcome the deposed king, he sleeps, wakes up, then sits on a bench when James finally ar- rives31. During this first stage, Peter III tries to relieve his boredom with harmless, everyday activities. Nevertheless, his movements —getting up, sitting down, going to sleep, carrying food to his mouth—, barely manages to cool his ardour: only the taste of victory and of humiliation will be able to satisfy him.

30. “Thursday, the fifteenth of July, while we were in the tents near Euna (Elne), in the morning, sir Peter of Eixèrica went to James of Majorca, to take him with us. And we waited for the arrival of said James of Majorca, and he did not come. So we said mass and waited for him there, and still he did not come. So we sat down around the table to eat, as we said that, if he came, we would take him. Finally, after taking our siesta, James of Majorca still had not come. And we sat on a bench, beside our bed, in the tent, with Prince James and with all the barons and knights and many other people, so that there was no room for any more. And James of Majorca came fully armoured, except for his head. And, when he was there, we stood up, and he, immediately upon arriving, was taken and knelt on the ground, and we took him by the hands to take him away. And he, without us wanting to, almost forcing us, kissed our hands; and we raised him up and kissed him on the mouth. And that done, he said these words to us together… (…) And, meanwhile, having said these words, he went with Peter of Eixèrca to Euna, and we remained there as we were in the tent with Prince James and the barons, knights and other people.” CPC: 1079 (chapter III, paragraph 163). 31. “E nós esperam la venguda del dit En Jacme de Mallorques, e no venc. Puis oïm missa e esperam-lo una peça, e encara no venc. Puis asseguem-nos a taula a dinar, car diguem que, si venia, bé ens en lle- varíem. Finalment, tro après dormir de sesta, En Jacme de Mallorques no venc. E llavors nós estiguem asseguts en un banc, al cap del nostre llit, en la tenda, ab l’infant En Jacme e ab tots los barons e cavallers e molta altra gent, que no n’hi podien més cabre.” (“And we waited for the arrival of the said James of Majorca, and he did not come. So we said mass and waited for him there, and still he did not come. So we sat down around the table to eat, as we said that, if he came, we would take him. Finally, after taking our siesta, James of Majorca still had not come. And we sat on a bench, beside our bed, in the tent, with Prince James and with all the barons and knights and many other people, so that there was no room for any more”) CPC: 1079 (chapter III, paragraph 163).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 187 08/06/2009 8:27:47 188 Fr é d é r i c Al c h a l ab i

The long-awaited presence of his adversary finally enables him to obtain what he desires. James of Majorca arrives armed, bareheaded. As the circumstances require, Peter III gets up: E, com nos fo après, nós nos llevam de peus. The wording is quite ambiguous so that we take notice of it because we should not only see politeness in it. Indeed, it is more a question of refusing to feel belittled by his enemy, the latter standing up and himself sitting down. This aspect is confirmed by what follows. The two men engage in a curious dance: the king of Aragon is standing and James of Majorca, under the guise of respect and submission, kneels down; Peter III takes him by the hand and raises him up. Here, the Catalan sovereign needs to feel physically superior to his interlocutor. This ritual allows him to do so but one cannot help but make a connection with the ceremony that was usually applied to the king and that earned him his nickname. Then, an unexpected event takes place: James kisses Peter III’s hand. The circumstances surrounding this gesture deserve our attention. Indeed, the Catalan king pulls back his hand but, defeated by the grip of his adversary, he does not manage to free himself: E ell, sens volentat nostra, quaix forçant, besà’ns la mà32. The last part of the utterance is highly meaningful: without being able to get a clear description here of this subject —perhaps the author does not wish to reveal what could be perceived as a weakness—, we imagine that Peter III tried to free himself of this unwanted grip. Forced to accept this mark of respect, he raises his host to his feet and embraces him, in accordance with convention. There is therefore, in this passage, a succession of gestures which inform us of the attitudes and the intentions of the characters. Peter III confirms his wish to show himself as physically superior to his enemy, that is to say by using his body. As for James of Majorca, on the contrary, he seeks the clemency of the king and this may explain his desire not to let go of his hand and, conversely, the wish of Peter III to take his hand away. Finally, the third stage, which is very short, regards the separation of the two kings. Stripped of his lands, James goes to Elne and Peter III, the victor, remains in his encampment. The defeat and the victory are expressed in these two attitudes: the first because the body rises and moves away and the second because the body stays, having established its dominant position. For this reason, the body language is more explicit than that of words, the gestures say more than the words. There is therefore an inexpressible language for the victor and it is the body that undertakes to express it.

32. Author’s emphasis.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 188 08/06/2009 8:27:48 A Ch r o n i c l e r Ki n g : Re wr i t i n g hi s t o r y a n d t h e qu e s t f o r im a g e 189

3. Conclusion

There is no doubt that Peter III’s speech is the speech of a victor. On the one hand, he punctuates his work with biblical references. He is thereby, in turn, David, Lot and even Jesus Christ. The image presented to us is that of a perfect sovereign. Obviously, far from depicting him, these icons idealise him and he therefore becomes a forceful individual, that is to say that he reveals an image to us that is not real but ideal, even, to a certain extent, a fantasy. Peter III’s speech thus becomes tense because what is at stake for the sovereign is considerable, as he must leave an enduring image to posterity. On the other hand, the author, a skilled man of letters (let us not forget the importance which literacy held for kings because rex illiteratus quasi asinus coronatus) knows how to compose his speeches in such a way as to depict himself as all-powerful. He therefore completes his defeat on paper after having overwhelmed his enemies on the battlefield. Two methods are offered to him, namely the use of appropriate syntax —serving, in particular, as binary syntactical constructions— and the use of other, more original means, such as laughter or affirmation through the body. Consequently, the place of others (whether conquered or submissive) is negligible. That is certainly the price to pay for these secondary figures, who play a thankless role, banished to the shadows of history, unable to eclipse Peter III, and who are only useful because they serve the king and improve his image.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 177-189. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 189 08/06/2009 8:27:50 Anglès.indd 190 08/06/2009 8:27:50 Quonstituido en estrema vejez. Old age and life expectancy in Late Medieval Navarre

Ju l i a Ba l d ó Un i v e r s i d a d d e Na v a r r a Spa i n

Date of reception: 28th of November, 2006 Final date of acceptance: 18th of December, 2007

Ab s t r a c t

This article presents and analyses the deep transformation of the concept of old age during the medieval period. Thus, while a generalised aversion to this stage of human life was reflected in the early centuries, this was transformed during the following centuries, thanks to a series of mental and social changes, into a great respect and a valuation that were reflected in the confirmation of a series of rights that guaranteed and recognised the old as a group in need of protection and aid. From this, different modes of attention and protection, which are examined closely, arose with the aim of guaranteeing them a subsistence of quality and that ended up generating a greater life expectancy that benefited the late medieval society col- lectively.

Ke y w o r d s

Middle Ages, Social history, History of mentalities, Old age, Ages of life.

Ca pi t a l i a v e r b a

Medium Aeuum, Ciuilis Historia, Idiosynchrasiarum Historia, Senectus, Aetates.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931 191

Anglès.indd 191 08/06/2009 8:27:50 192 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

If medieval people managed to overcome disease, wars, accidents and all the other difficulties they faced throughout their existence, they had a high possibility of reaching old age, the last of the ages that human life is divided into, and thus the threshold of death. This old age could be enjoyed with health, although it was more frequently associated with a range of ailments and diseases that complicated their final years, especially if the old person did not receive the specific care he or she needed. The study of old age during medieval times has an incentive that makes the theme especially attractive, as it allows a comparative to be established between the problems faced by those who lived longest in the Middle Ages and their counterparts in our own times, thereby offering a true reflection of the internal contradictions of both societies: a juxtaposition on one hand, of youth-beauty against aging-ugliness and thus abandonment-poverty contrasted as the end of a life marked by different “troubles”. However, it must be pointed out that the stereotypes of old age that circulated in medieval times, a pleasant old age as a symbol of wisdom, or the family that took charge of caring for its elderly members, cannot be generalised, given that there were other realities (some of them brutal) that will be analysed in this article and that remind us of other similar ones that are happening in our day and age. Returning to the Middle Ages, it must be borne in mind that the condition of the elderly was not static throughout this period, but was subject to a series of psychological transformations that took place over time and modified the group’s social perception. It was not until the 14th and 15th centuries that the elderly finally acquired a legally and socially recognised status as a protected entity, a new condition that allowed them to enjoy a series of benefits. In the first instance, the system of care fell to the monastic institutions and their families. Those not wealthy enough to enter the tutelage of a religious order, or who lacked relatives to take them in, were left in total indigence. However, around the 13th century, other instruments were established that extended the possibilities of help to a larger number of people. Thus, a network of more professional hospital provision was created and expanded, and there was also the creation of hospices, some run by religious or trade fraternities and others by the municipality, all aimed at helping those who had nobody to look after them, as well as those with limited income and the homeless who had no support. One of the great achievements of the late Middle Ages was precisely the recovery at the family and social level of a section of society that had been marginalised during the previous centuries. It was given power and a degree of responsibility within the community, this being the most effective way to combat situations of abandonment and destitution. Thereby, the main tasks of the elderly were to attend specific events within the social calendar, and to act as transmitters of the collective memory. This article1 has two aims. On one hand, the research is aimed at learning about the way of life of the oldest section of late medieval Navarrese society and, on the other,

1. The text presented here forms part of one of the chapters of my doctoral thesis: ‘Requiem aeternam’. Ritos, actitudes y espacios en torno a la muerte en la Navarra bajomedieval. Pamplona: University of Navarre, 2005 financed by the Caja Madrid Foundation (2000) and the Government of Navarre (2001-2004). This

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 192 08/06/2009 8:27:51 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 193

at establishing the degree of their inclusion into the daily life of the community. To this end, different types of documentary sources have been studied and compared with other Hispanic and European texts, as well as with the abundant bibliography. This has allowed some meaningful conclusions to be drawn allowing the lives of the elderly in Navarre at the end of the medieval period to be reconstructed. All this is presented in the different sections below. The first section focuses on the concepts of old age which were disseminated during the medieval centuries. It begins by investigating the idea of the different stages of life and the biological limits at which old age as such developed, according to the visions of the religious authorities and various contemporary writers. Second, there is an analysis of the concept of old age. This evolved as a result of a series of historical, social, and psychological events that determined the perception of the elderly from different angles. Some of the causes of this mental evolution will be analysed here. Third, the specific characteristics of old age perceived through the eyes of the elderly themselves and other individuals are studied along with the role that they played during the different stages of the medieval period. A further section concentrates on the question of life expectancy and the proportion of old people in the total population. Another point examined here is that of the care for the elderly during the late medieval period, which was carried out through different means, such as family and hospital assistance, the help from guilds, alms to the aged homeless, or old-age pensions. The final section is dedicated to studying the consideration of the elderly in their close circles; the results obtained corroborate a special veneration of and respect for the elderly in their respective communities.

1. Treatment of the subject in the historiography

The first author to write a history of old age was George Minois with his famous Histoire de la vieillesse en Occident, de l’Antiquité à la Renaissance, published in 19872. This research, based in turn on previous studies of a chiefly demographic character, was, from a historical and sociological point of view, a novelty in the treatment of this theme. The appearance of this monograph served as a base for further research.

study was part of the Interdisciplinary Research Project “La muerte en la Navarra medieval” (1998-2003) directed by Dr Julia Pavón Benito and involving Ildefonso Adeva Martín, Javier Martínez de Aguirre Aldaz, Mikel Ramos Aguirre, Ángeles García de la Borbolla García de Paredes and Julia Baldó Alcoz. This project received finacial support from the University of Navarre, the Ministry of Science and Technology (PB 1998-0220), the Government of Navarre (Resolution 96/2000, of 15 December) and the private foundation The Friendly Hand. I wish to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to Professors Javier Martínez de Aguirre and Flocel Sabaté for having made the publication of this article possible. And similarly, I give thanks to Íñigo Arzoz for having patiently corrected this text, which was improved by his valuable and ingenious contributions. The research is based on unknow documentation from the next archives: Archivo de la Catedral de Pamplona (ACP); Archivos Eclesiásticos de Tudela (AET); Archivo General de Navarra (AGN); Archivo Histórico Nacional (AHN); Archivo Municipal de Tudela (AMT). 2. Minois, George. Histoire de la vieillesse en Occident, de l’Antiquité à la Reinassance. Paris: Fayard, 1987.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 193 08/06/2009 8:27:52 194 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

Thus, Jean Pierre Bois wrote a Histoire de la vieillesse following this model, although he did not only focus on the medieval period, but rather covered different times, from Antiquity to the contemporary world, to complete a historical panorama of this theme3. Similarly worth mentioning is the magnificent study by Shulamit Sha- har4 on medieval England. Although she also extended her inquiries to all the Euro- pean continent, including the Iberian Peninsula, hers constituted an original study, different from the rest of the works mentioned here, both for the novelty of some of the sources used and for the way they were treated. With regard to the work undertaken on Hispanic territories, mention must be made of the work by Raquel Homet, Los viejos y la vejez en la Edad Media. Sociedad e im- aginario5, as the most complete and brilliant of those written to date. The abundance of sources together with the exhaustive research into these makes for a splendid synthesis of old age and its experiences in the setting of the Iberian Peninsula that is in no way inferior to the research carried out in France. In Spain, other authors with partial studies on this subject also stand out, such as Susana Royer de Cardi- nal6, José Ángel García de Cortázar7 or Julio Valdeón8. Similarly, the article by Isabel Pérez de Tudela9 must be mentioned for its originality, thanks to which old age is discovered via an alternative and complementary approach of great interest and value: the literary and chronicle sources, acting as an ideological complement to everything seen before in the Spanish case. Finally, and in the Navarrese context, it is essential to mention the study by San- tos García Larragueta on the documents donated personally to the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, called by this author “letters of protégés” (cartas de paniaguados), which have been influential in the section dedicated to offerings, including also

3. Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1994. The following work was written from a totally different viewpoint: Cochelin, Isabelle. “En senectute bona: pour une typologie de la vieillesse dans l’hagiographie des XIIe et XIIIe siècles”, Les Ages de La Vie au Moyen Âge. Actes du colloque du Départament d’Études Médiévales de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne et de l’Université Friedrich-Wil- helm de Bonn. Provins, 16-17 mars 1990. Paris: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 1992: 119-138. 4. Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old in the Middle Ages. London: Routledege, 1997. 5. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez en la Edad Media. Sociedad e imaginario. Rosario: Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina, 1997. 6. Royer de Cardinal, Susana. Morir en España. (Castilla Baja Edad Medias). Buenos Aires: Universidad Católica Argentina, 1992. 7. García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo: del nacimiento a la muerte”, Historia de España Menéndez Pidal. XVI. La época del gótico en la cultura española (c. 1220-c.1480), Ramón Menéndez Pidal, José Mª Jover Zamora, dirs. Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994: chap. V, 301-320. 8. Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo: en las puertas de la pobreza, de la enfermedad, de la vejez, de la muerte”, La vida cotidiana en la Edad Media: VIII Semana de Estudios Medievales, Nájera, del 4 al 8 de agosto de 1997, José-Ignacio de la Iglesia Duarte, coord. Logroño: Ediciones Instituto de Estudios Riojanos-Asoci- ación “Amigos de la Historia Najerillense”, 1998: 275-288; Andrade Cernadas, José Miguel. “Una aproxi- mación a la historia de la vejez en la Galicia medieval: algunas fuentes y sus posibilidades de información”. Semata. Ciencias Sociais e Humanidades. Vejez y envejecimiento en Europa Occidental, 18 (2007): 229-246. 9. Pérez de Tudela, Isabel. “Vejez, viudedad. El hombre medieval en su edad postrera”, La familia en la Edad Media: XI Semana de Estudios Medievales, Nájera, del 31 de julio al 4 de agosto de 2000, José-ignacio de la Iglesia Duarte, coord. Logroño: Ediciones Instituto de Estudios Riojanos-Asociación “Amigos de la Histo- ria Najerillense”, 2001: 285-315.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 194 08/06/2009 8:27:53 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 195

personal donations that were directed to other monastic institutions, such as Leyre or Roncesvalles10.

2. Documentary evidence, typology of the documents

Testimonies referring to old age in Navarre during the Middle Ages, although not as abundant and detailed as one might hope, are sufficient to allow us to construct the framework of the lives of these individuals, together with their perception of this. The majority of the sources that provide data on these issues are from the 14th and 15th centuries, although some others, such as contracts for oblations have been found from the 13th century, which was the peak for this phenomenon, as will be shown below. The information has been found in the following types of documentary sources. In documents from the Chamber of Comptos: certificates that contain the accounts of expenses and payments by the Crown principally localised in the section dedicated to alms. In Notary Protocols: mainly wills, but also marriage contracts and judicial proceedings. In collections of ecclesiastical documents: funds of regular clergy of the Archivo General de Navarra, various documents from the Archivo Municipal de Tudela, the Archivo de la Catedral de Pamplona and the Archivos Eclesiásticos de Tudela, and the section on Navarrese clergy and the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem in the Archivo Histórico Nacional. Information has also been found in published catalogues, inventories and diplomatic collections, as well as in historical chronicles that deal with the kingdom of Navarre and its monarchs and, finally, in legal texts, such as the Fuero General de Navarra, in municipal ordinances and the statutes of religious and professional guilds. However, it must be pointed out that the sources available are limited if compared with those used by other researchers, with authors such as Raquel Homet, Georges Minois or Jean-Pierre Bois listing a greater range of both typology and contents11.

10. García Larragueta, Santos. “Cartas de paniaguados”. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, LIII (1983): 205-236. 11. Thus Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire of the vieillesse…: 39, worked with Italian birth and marriage registers (15th century), registers of French and German burials (15th century) and French, Catalan and English fiscal documents from the 13th and 14th centuries, amongst other documentary sources. Russell studied excavations in cemeteries and post mortem investigations (Russell, Josiah Cox. “La población en Europa del año 500 al 1500”, Historia económica de Europa 1. La Edad Media, Carlo M. Cipolla, ed. Barcelona: Ariel, 1979: 46-47). And George Minois gathers his own research and that of other authors, based on archaeological witnesses, analysis of funeral inscriptions, literary tales or monastic cartularies, among other sources (Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 196-197, 200). For her part, Shulamit Shahar is the one who uses the widest range of documentary sources, from confessors’ manuals, profane legislation, and chronicles to literary tales and canonical sources, managing to give an image of old age throughout Europe, including the Hispanic kingdoms (Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 1-11). Also Raquel Homet (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 12-14), stands out for the variety and quality of the documentary sources dealt with. Using literary, historiographical, hagiographical, epistolar, legislative (lay and ecclesiastical), philosophical, medical, religious, notarial (inquiries, pacts, wills) and judicial sources

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 195 08/06/2009 8:27:54 196 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

It would be interesting, with regard to future research into this subject, to do an in-depth analysis of the fiscal documentation, such as tax censuses or juridical sources including judicial proceedings, which would undoubtedly provide more extensive and detailed data about the elderly and their longevity. Similarly, if studies were carried out on the remains of bones found in archaeological excavations in Navarre in recent years, these might further contribute to this assessment, supplying extremely interesting information about people’s living conditions and age at death in different periods in medieval Navarre, to complement the data obtained from documentary research12.

3. Concept and characteristics of old age

As stated in the initial paragraph of this article, if a man or woman succeeded to overcome the different threats to their existence during their lives, they managed to enter the stage of old age. However, this was no easy feat in the late Middle Ages. Outbreaks of plague, famines and poverty, together with a wide range of diseases and other causes (war, murder, suicide, accidents), could shorten anyone’s life, especially the lives of those who had the fewest resources. Thus, only a limited number of those individuals who formed a community reached old age. Nevertheless, the first difficulty that the historian comes up against isto reconstruct the concept that people had of old age in the Middle Ages. This was not the same in the high Middle Ages as it was in the later Middle Ages. One of the first authors who put the configuration of old age in writing was Saint Augustine at the beginning of the 5th century. In his work Genesis against the Manichaeans, he established the basis of this by dividing human life into different periods as examples of the ages of the world that were indicated in the Holy Scriptures, at the same time combining them with the number of days of the creation and the number of generations in each age of man; in each of them, the last would be old age, symbol of a profound renovation of spiritual life. However, in The 83 Various Questions, he

related to the whole peninsula, this work is a fundamental guide when studying the subject of old age not only in the Hispanic context but also on a wider European level. 12. In recent years, archaeological excavations have been carried out in the cathedrals of Pamplona and Tudela, about which, to date, hardly any analysis of the remains found has been published. Also, a Muslim necropolis has been found in the Castle Square in Pamplona and next to it the cementery of the convent of Santiago, both very well conserved. In the same way, smaller scale research has also been undertaken in the streets around the parishes of San Saturnino and San Nicolás in Pamplona and in San José Square (close to Pamplona cathedral) as well as on the site at Rada, and in old hermitages or churches in villages such as Noáin, Gorráiz or Azuelo. In the same way, in the town of Estella excavations were also undertaken in the squares of the churches of San Miguel and San Juan, leading to the discovery of abundant bones. (I thank Íñigo Arzoz, eyewitness of these excavations, for this information). The examination of the remains of bones found would undoubtedly supply a unique record of the habits of these individuals, including their nutrition, diseases, ages and causes of death, which would complete the panorama supplied by the documentation studied during this project.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 196 08/06/2009 8:27:55 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 197

reduced human life to six ages and old age covered the ages from 60 to 120 years13. Similarly, later authors adopted this division of life into ages, including Saint Jerome, who considered that old age began at 70, an exceptional age and one valued as a particular blessing14. However, it was the theories that Saint Isidore of Seville put forward in his Etymologiae (for which he used the same sources as Saint Augustine, reaching very similar conclusions) that enjoyed the highest regard during the late medieval and Renaissance periods. He also divided life into 7 periods of which the maturity or gravitas began at the age of 50, followed by old age or senectus until 70 and finally senility orsenium lasting until death, with no age limit15. The characteristics of old age were also defined by the discourse of the religious authorities, who framed life within a concept of time marked by eternity. Within this, old age was only a moment in which age had no place, as the monastic rules indicated, in which the members of the community of friars did not die, but rather simply crossed a threshold to another stage; they were thus “timeless men”16. In the lay world, the elderly existed as individuals, but were not recognised as a group, which may be due largely to the imprecision concerning people’s ages and with that, the lack of a definition of when people entered old age17. During the high medieval period, the Church Fathers provided no specific thoughts about the condition of the elderly, given that they adhered to the pessimis- tic vision prevailing in the Old Testament and Greek and Roman culture18. However, it must be noted that, at the same time, old age was considered as a double symbol, as shown below, falling between two paradoxes. On one hand, the elderly were revered as symbols of wisdom, given the experience they had acquired during a life of hard work19. Despite this, Saint Augustine indicated that wisdom and old age did not necessarily go together, as old age did not intrinsically bring wisdom. Instead, knowledge would derive from the practice of virtue, which was not inherent to any specific age, but more to an individual’s way of life. On the other hand, the elderly were looked down upon as sinners, for their vices, decrepitude and proximity to death20. As a result of this, they were urged to make efforts to seek regeneration and

13. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 37 and the table on page 38; Minois, George. Historia de la vejez...: 159-160. 14. Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse...: 29. 15. Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 159-161; Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 283; Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse...: 28-29. 16. Expression from Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse...: 30. 17. Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse…: 31, where it is indicated that the majority of the persons who gave evidence in canonical and civils processes were not fully aware of their age, and limited themselves to an approximation based on multiples of five or ten. Also in Homet, Raquel.Los viejos y la vejez…: 48-51. 18. Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire of la vieillesse...: 31; Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 166-167. 19. Pérez de Tudela, María Isabel. “Ancianidad, viudedad”…: 307-312; Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 284. 20. The literary example included in Shulamit Shahar is very graphic, in which Guillaume de Deguilev- ille’s Pèlegrinage de la vie humaine establishes the contrast between the vices of old age in women (glutton- ery, lasciviousness, indolence, hypocrisy, envy, heresy, tribulations, disease, ageing and death) against the

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 197 08/06/2009 8:27:56 198 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

pardon through penitence and the practice of virtue21. This image of old age as an epoch of vices and temptations (a question of the most humiliating ridicule in the eyes of the young) failed to be understood by most of society and the religious au- thorities22. Therefore it should come as no surprise that the elderly received no security beyond what their relatives provided, nor were there any legal rights they could rely on to find help. Thus, those who failed to obtain guarantees of protection from their families or a monastery ended up forming part of the marginal mass forced into mendicity23. This set of thoughts and actions had its origin in the configuration and functioning of society in the early Middle Ages. The elderly had no specific role, as the community needed strong young people (bellatores and laboratores) who could defend and cultivate the recently conquered lands for the benefit of everyone; young people who died at an early age. That is why the few old lay people that lived with their families were often considered a burden. It was among the oratores where the most abundant examples of old people were found, living an active life within a religious community —monks and clergy did less physical work and enjoyed better food, which allowed more of them to reach old age. However, from the 11th and 12th centuries onwards, alongside the appearance of family surnames, there was a strengthening of intergenerational ties and old people began to be considered depositories of community experience and memory. From as early as the 13th century, hospitals specialising in the care for the oldest began to appear, which contributed to creating a more favourable environment for them, and to consider them as a group in need of specific care24. However, a crucial event changed this attitude towards the elderly. The outbreaks of the Black Death that swept Europe periodically after 1348 had serious demographic consequences. The pestilence was more virulent among children and the young, while adults and the elderly were less affected25. This led to a rise in the proportion of old people all over the continent26. Thus, family structures changed

virtues of youth (charity, mercy, wisdom, moderation, diligence and grace of God) in Shulamit, Shahar. Growing Old...: 48. 21. Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 167-175; Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 134-138. 22. Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 166-175. However, Shulamit Shahar (Shahar, Shulamit. Grow- ing Old…: 54) points out that there are many texts that indicate a different attitude, in which the aim is to comfort the old person who suffers. Thus, she makes special mention of the works by Bernard de Clairvaux, Petrarca or Dante, among others. Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 54-59. 23. Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 186-194. 24. Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse...: 32-36. 25. Navarrese sources indicate a special incidence among women and children under 14, who made up two thirds of the mortal victims. Monteano, Peio. Los navarros ante el hambre, la peste, la guerra y la fiscalidad. Siglos XV y XVI. Pamplona: Universidad Pública de Navarra, 1999: 200, table of population structure between 1433 and 1437, and the graph on pages 92 and 94. See also Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 47-48; Ariès, Philippe; Duby, George. Historia de la vida privada, 2. De la Europa feudal al Renacimiento. Ma- drid: Taurus, 1988: 224 and Bois, J.-P. Histoire de la vieillesse…: 39. 26. Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse...: 38-40; Ariès, Philippe; Duby, Georges. Historia de la vida privada…: 231, where the number of old people in the Italian cities and territories is not very high (3.8% of the population in Prato, in 1371, 4.8% of the population of Florence in 1480 or 10% of Tuscan peasants in 1427). Among these, the majority were concentrated in the lower and middle classes where there

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 198 08/06/2009 8:27:57 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 199

completely and with them, those of the state, with authority and power being concentrated in the hands of the old. The partial disintegration of the community provoked a reconstitution of affective ties, and marriages with age differences of twenty or thirty years became the norm, as did disparities of fifty or sixty years between fathers and sons27. Given all this, it has to be noted that, although the characteristics of old age continued to be the same throughout the high Middle Ages, the attitude of society towards them was markedly different, as the elderly came to form a group within society with their own function and specific necessities28. On another level, it must be noted that physical weakness and indifference were among the intrinsic characteristics that Saint Isidore attributed to the elderly29. Disease had to be added to these factors, as Virgil wrote in a verse of the Georgics30. Guillermo de Mariscal, after an intense life of military exploits, stated of himself, “I am too old, weak and completely broken-down31”. Similarly, Jean Regnier, in 1460, complained about of his own suffering: runny nose, lack of teeth that led to a diet of only soups and milk, trembling hands, decrepitude and perennial cold that made him wear abundant clothing and spend most of the day sitting next to the fire. To all this, in 1500, the old Molinet added the whitening of the hair, senility, the loss of voice and sight and sexual impotence. All this turned the process of aging into a curse and a punishment that transformed old people into grotesque beings, dependent on their own physical and moral miseries, and thereby an object of sin, as mentioned above. However, old age also brought profound experience of life, intellectual maturity and sharp wisdom. It was these latter characteristics that triumphed in most cases, thanks to which the elderly managed to become councillors for their communities and models for the young to follow, having already run life’s course, all the elderly could do now was to await the journey beyond death, liberation from all the work that had marked their earthly existence32.

were the highest percentages, with over 11%. In contrast with these, and contrary to what one might expect, the upper classes only contained 3-4% of the elderly in Italian society. 27. Monteano, Peio. Los navarros ante el hambre…: 93. (Translation from Spanish): “This therefore confirms the image of a population with a high birth rate. As we have stated on dealing with the theme, this was the only way to guarantee a generational renewal in a period plagued by epidemics and a very high infant mortality rate. That is why the female fertile period was used to the biological limits. In fact, in the same survey we find cases like those of Sancho García, a farm worker from Sesma, who, at his 75 years of age had a son aged 8; Johan Grueso, an octogenarian from San Adrián who had a fijo chico; or Miguel Martiniz, aged 70, who had an 18-year-old son and another two smaller children”. 28. Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 285. 29. Pérez de Tudela, María Isabel. “Ancianidad, viudedad”…: 299-307; Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 283-284; Ariès, Philippe; Duby, George. Historia de la vida privada. 2…: 231-232 and 589. To this we can add loneliness and abuses, which are discussed in Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 129-133. 30. “Disease and sad old age are approaching” (Translation from Spanish). Cited by Pérez de Tudela, María Isabel. “Ancianidad, viudedad”…: 299. 31. Duby, Georges. Guillermo el Mariscal. Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1997: 7 (translation from Spanish). 32. Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 283-284; Pérez de Tudela, María Isabel. “Ancianidad, viudedad”…: 299, 307-315.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 199 08/06/2009 8:27:59 200 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

4. Life expectancy

This is no trivial subject. Many scholars have struggled to find a general answer, due to the difficulties they face in obtaining generally relevant data —thereby allowing conclusions to be drawn that are applicable to wider geographical areas— from sources that tend to supply very specific local evidence. Moreover, it must be added that the process of ageing is part of a life process that happens gradually, is different in each individual case, and that implies both physical and mental deterio- ration33. Thus, in practice, the establishment of a certain age as the onset of growing old depends on the internal characteristics of different medieval societies34. The frequent widespread epidemics, common illnesses, accidents and the difficulties of daily life provoked a very high death rate, mainly amongst children and young people, which meant a generally short life expectancy35. However, the problem of establishing the age of death comes from documentary sources, which, with few exceptions, do not mention the years that are really of interest. This is the case, for example, with obituaries, which indicate the dates of death for a series of people but do not include their age36. Not even wills, the most complete documents, with a lot of information about the family situation of the deceased, reveal useful details in this respect. On exceptional occasions, they mention the age of the testator, but none of the cases studied in Navarre includes this information. Given this, other alternative sources that might help to clarify this question must be taken into consideration. Thus, judicial proceedings, in which the oldest members of the community testify, sometimes give their approximate ages. On other occasions, some chronicles mention dates for specific events that allow the life of a person to be reconstructed. Population censuses can even be used to track a specific individual or members of the same family37. Archaeology also provides details

33. Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 12. 34. Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 25 where examples of the normatives that limited the recruitement of soldiers to those under 60 or 70 years old are mentioned. Other examples can be found in Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 25-31. 35. Russell, Josiah Cox. “La población en Europa del año 500 al 1500”…: 49. 36. This is the case with the obituary in Pamplona cathedral transcribed by Ubieto, in which is stated that the annals and chronicles are frequently limited to mentioning the year of death of kings and bishops without specifying neither the month nor the day (Ubieto Arteta, Antonio. Obituario de la catedral de Pam- plona. Pamplona: Institución Príncipe de Viana, 1954: 5). Other publications that include obituaries from religious centres are: Le Houx, Françoise. “Deux obituaires de Saint-Germain-des Prés, retrouves aux Ar- chives Nationales”. Bibliothèque de l’Ècole des Chartes, 97 (1936): 257-304; Castro, Manuel de. “Necrologio del Monasterio de Santa Mª de Pedralbes (s. XIV)”. Hispania Sacra, XXI (1968): 391-427; Ubieto Arteta, Agustín. Un obituario calahorrano del siglo XV. Logroño: Editorial Gonzalo de Berceo. Servicio de Cultura de la Excma. Diputación Provincial, 1976; Trenchs Odena, José. “El necrologio-obituario de la catedral de Cuenca: noticias históricas y crónicas de la vida ciudadana”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 12 (1982): 341-379; Portillo Capilla, Teófilo; Rubio Semper, Agustín. “El obituario del cabildo de curas de la villa de Soria”. Revista de investigación, 3/9 (1985): 89-119; Fábrega Grau, Ángel. “El obituario de la catedral de Barcelona en el siglo XIII”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 18 (1988): 193-215. 37. Other authors do have documentation that indicates ages. Thus Jean Pierre Bois mentions marriage and birth registers (Italian towns, 15th century), registers of burials (France and Germany, 15th century), Catalan fires of 1359 and thePoll Tax in England in 1377 (Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la Vieillesse....: 39),

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 200 08/06/2009 8:28:00 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 201

through the remains of bones indicating the age at death and the diseases suffered by the individual to which they correspond. However, all this anthropological data cannot be extrapolated beyond the local environment where it was obtained, given the various circumstances that cause variations within ageing38. Some researchers have ventured to attach specific figures to this. Many restrict the average age to thirty39, but these figures must be revised in the light of the two questions that have been mentioned above. On one hand, throughout the Middle Ages, there were a series of changes that transformed the demographic landscape of the European continent. Thus, the scarcity of data, especially during the high Middle Ages, impedes suppositions about the impact of old age on demography. It seems infrequent for anyone to have lived beyond the age of sixty, according to the information offered by George Minois and, therefore, those who lived to an old age constituted a very small percentage of the population, consisting, to a great extent, of members of religious orders40. An example of this is the study by Susana Royer de Cardinal, which, by analysing the lives of some members of the Castilian nobility through different chronicles, demolishes the hypothesis of premature old age that has been so widely spread, and which, in the light of this, has no scientific basis. Thus she set the average age of the men in the Mendoza family at 64.3, while the historical figures in Fernán Pérez de Guzmán, Generaciones y Semblanzas, reached approximately 66, and those

among others Josiah C. Russell and George Minois mentions that other authors have based their work on archaeological excavations, analysis of funeral inscriptions, literary tales or monastic cartularies (Mi- nois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 196-197, 200; Russell, Josiah C. “La población en Europa”...: 47). In Navarre, principally in judicial proceedings and in fiscal censuses. 38. Royer de Cardinal, Susana. Morir en España…: 41-47; Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 238-242. 39. It should be noted that researchers differentiate two concepts. On one hand, Clife expectancy at birth” and on the other “life expectancy once the person is an adult”. However, the data that they supply are very different from each other, although they would agree on the habitual existence of people considered old who woud reach sixty years of age. Following the theories of Josiah Cox Russell, Shulamit Shahar demonstrates that a person of 20-25 might live beyond thirty; when this person reached 50-55 he or she could aspire to live to about 70 and, in exceptional cases, even 80 or 90. (Shahar, Shulamit Grow- ing Old…: 32; Russell, Josiah C. “La población en Europa del año 500 al 1500”…: 44, 47, 49). Jean Pierre Bois, however, estimates for the 15th century a shorter life expectancy than in the 13th century. (Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse…: 39-40). José Ángel García de Cortázar indicates a life expectancy at birth of 30 years for Spanish territory in the 14th and 15th centuries; if one survived this age, the persepec- tives of life extended to the sixties. (García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 304). As Valdeón also affirms following Minois. (Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 283). 40. George Minois cites the research by other authors such as Pierre Riché, who studied inscriptions on two 7th-century French necropolises and verified the existence of people older than sixty, constituting a minority within the total population (Minois, George. Historia de la vejez...: 196-197; Riché, Pierre. “Problèmes de démographie historique du haut Moyen Âge. Ve-VIIIe siècles”. Annales de démographie historique, [1966]: 45). In turn, he mentions B. Guérard whose analysis of another contemporary necropolis ratifies the abundant presence of seventy-year-olds. And the cartulary of the abbey of Saint Victor in Marseilles indicates that over 11% of the serfs survived to over sixty years of age. (Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 200, note 35). With regard to the Merovingian royalty, only two of the twenty-eight kings lived past the age of 60; however, there is more information regarding members of religious orders who reached very old age. (Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 198, 201-206, 242-250).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 201 08/06/2009 8:28:01 202 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

who appeared in Claros Varones de Castilla by Hernando del Pulgar, reached 6241. Thus the average life expectancy of all these people would be 64, with peaks of 75, 80 or even 85, which shows that, although it was not a habitual occurrence among the majority of the population, some individuals could reach a ripe old age42. With regard to royalty, it is significant that most of the Christian kings in the peninsula died before they reached the age of 50, very few of them living till 60 and even fewer managed to pass the barrier of 7043. It must be said that the average age of Navarrese monarchs in the later medieval period was significantly lower than 42,44 those people who surpassed the barrier of 60, such as Charles III, “the Noble”, who died at 64, and even fewer who the lived beyond 70, with only two, Sancho VII “the Strong”, who died at about 7945 and John II of Aragon, at eighty, being the exceptions to this rule. Most of them, including Theobald I, Phillip I, Phillip III, Joanna II, Charles II, Lady Eleanor of Trastámara, Blanche of Navarre, her children Charles, Blanche and Eleanor, her son-in-law, Gaston IV of Foix and Queen Catherine, died between 40 and 50. This low survival rate could undoubtedly have been influenced by some aspects of life at court, extending to all European courts of the time, including the abundance of food and drink, the excessive use of spices to season the food, or the sedentary lifestyle, especially in the case of the women, that could provoke a range of diseases and chronic ailments including heart disease, gout or gastrointestinal problems that would drastically reduce their life expectancy and be the direct cause, in some cases, of early death. These causes were accentuated

41. See also Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez en la Edad Media…: 51-53. 42. As Homet states in the survey of San Zoilo de Carrión (dated 1220) included in his study, in which he handles figures that the author considered disproportionate both for the alleged excesive longevities and for the scarcity of women who were called to testify in the process (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 48-51. 43. Raquel Homet indicates that, out of a total of 79 Christian kings, only one lived beyond 80 and two exceeded seventy-five. Another five reached fifty and seven, sixty. The others (63, which equals 80%) did not live past the barrier of fifty (Homet, Raquel.Los viejos y la vejez…: 59-60. 44. A survey has been done of a total of 24 kings and queens. Sancho VII “the Strong”: 79 years old; Theobald I: 52; Theobald II: 31; Henry I: 25; Joanna I: 33; her husband Phillip I “the Fair”: 46; Louis I “the Quarrelsome”: 27; John I “the Posthumous”: 0 (4-6 days); Phillip II “the Long”, 30; Charles I “the Bald”, 33; Phillip III of Evreux, married to Joana II: 42; queen Joanna II: 37; Charles II “the Bad”: 54; Lady Eleanor of Trastámara, wife of Charles III: 55; Charles III “the Noble”: 64; queen Blanche of Nav- arre: 55; John II of Aragon, husband of Blanche of Navarre: 80; Charles, Prince of Viana, 40; his sister Blanche, heiress of Navarre: 40; her sister Eleanor, queen of Navarre: 53; her husband Gaston IV of Foix: 49; Francisco Febo: 16; his sister Catherine of Foix, queen of Navarre: 48; John III of Albret, married to Catherine: 39. (Gran Enciclopedia Navarra. Pamplona: Caja de Ahorros de Navarra, 1990; Jaurrieta, Segundo Otazu, ed. Reyes de Navarra. Pamplona: Mintzoa, 1986-1994; Moret, José de. Anales del Reino de Navarra, ed. Francisco de Alesón. Tolosa: Establecimiento tipográfico y Casa editorial de Eusebio López, 1890. 12 vols). 45. There are various problems associated with this question. And, although the date of birth of this monarch is not known exactly, after analysing the known historical data, Luis Javier Fortún indicated that it took place in July, 1154, instead of 1153, the date that the king himself stated to James I of Aragon in 1231 and that was undoubtedly the result of an error of memory. In contrast, the exact date of his death is known. This occurred in Tudela castle on Friday 7th of April, 1234. Thus it can be concluded that he died shortly before his eightieth birthday. Fortún Pérez de Ciriza, Luis Javier. Reyes de Navarra, IX. Sancho VII “el Fuerte” (1194-1234). Pamplona: Mintzoa, 1987: 35, 342.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 202 08/06/2009 8:28:02 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 203

among women, owing, without doubt, to the complications derived from giving birth46. The moment of birth was so dangerous for the mother and baby that Didier Lett, based on hagiographical texts that qualified it as the “door to death”, defined it as a paradoxical meeting between life and death47. The improvement in knowledge of obstetrics in the following centuries had a decisive influence on the reduction of the mortality of both mothers and babies48. In the later medieval centuries, however, the testimonies of death of mothers and their babies, during birth or in the hours immediately afterwards, were common both at court and amongst the wider population. Some well-known cases in Navarre were those of John I “the Posthumous ”, son of Louis I “the Quarrelsome” and Clemence of Hungary, who only lived some 4-8 days after birth49 and Mary of Luxemburg, wife of Charles I “the Bald”, who died together with her new-born child after giving birth in 132450. All this is perfectly contrasted if the ages of some ordinary people are taken into consideration. This revealed a longer life-span, especially in some northern areas of the kingdom. Thus, three examples, corresponding to different valleys (Malerreka, also known as Santesteban de Lerín, Baztán and Bertiz-Arana, next to the former, and Val de Goñi, situated further south) provide some data about men and women. These people were cited to testify in a series of trials and, as such, stated their age when they made their declarations. The most interesting thing about these witnesses is that they not only gave an approximate age, but also stated the years that they had enjoyed memory, which gives them a high degree of reliability. Thus, in a case that took place in the village of Santesteban, situated in the Maler- reka valley, in 1486, some of its residents stated their ages as follows:

Maria de Tuida, viuda de Lope Capaton, de 75 annyos poco mas o menos (and a memory of 60 years) Johana, madre de Johan de R[...]de [damaged] vecina de Santesteban, de 70 annyos aproximadamente (and of memory) [damaged] Teresa, mujer de Martin Martiniz de Rethea, de 75 annyos aproximadamente (60 years of memory) Maria de Atea, hija de Legasa y vecina de Santesteban, de 65 annyos (50 years of memory) Dominga, viuda de Pedro Sabat de Aribas, de 70 annyos (55 years of memory) Gemma of Agerroeta, viuda de Apayoa, de 70 annyos (55 years of memory) Martino of Amunabidea, de 70 annyos (with a memory of 60)

46. Pérez de Tudela, María Isabel. “Ancianidad, viudedad”…: 288. 47. Lett, Didier. L’enfant des miracles. Enfance et société au Moyen Age (XIIe-XIIIe siècle). Paris: Aubier, 1997: 194. 48. Cressy, David. Birth, Marriage and Death. Ritual, Religion and the life-cycle in Tudor and Stuart England. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997: 28, 30-31. About birth and the training of midwives, see García Herrero, Mª del Carmen. “Administrar del parto y recibir la criatura. Aportación al estudio de Obstetricia bajomedieval”. Aragón en la Edad Media, VIII (1989): 283-292. 49. Gallego Gallego, Javier. Reyes de Navarra, XII. Enrique I. Juana I y Felipe I “el Hermoso”. Luis I “el Hutín”. Juan I “el Póstumo”. Felipe II “el Largo”. Carlos I “el Calvo” (1270-1328). Pamplona: Mintzoa, 1986: 266; Moret. José de. Anales del Reino de Navarra…: vol. V, lib. XXVII, cap. I, I: 192. 50. Gallego Gallego, Javier. Reyes de Navarra, XII…: 323.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 203 08/06/2009 8:28:03 204 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

Sancha of Aussaquo, viuda de [...]dar de 80 annyos (65 years of memory) Mallea de Oteyza, de 70 annyos (with a memory of 55 years) Johanigo dicho Quixon, vecino de Santesteban, de 70 annyos (with a memory of 55)51

As we have seen, all these neighbours enjoyed longevity, with an average age of 71.5 years. Undoubtedly, the geographic and climatic conditions of the area where this village is situated, the mild temperatures all year round, the food, the work (fundamentally agriculture and pasturing) and the genetic predisposition contributed to the place being full of individuals with extraordinary ages. Moreover, it is also significant that the oldest ages were declared by women, four (out of eight) of them widows, who had outlived their husbands. Another trial was held in the same place in 1507, although those involved were not really neighbours of Santesteban, but from nearby villages in the same Maler- reka valley (Gaztelu and Elgorriaga), and in the neighbouring Baztán (Legasa) and Bertiz-Arana (Oronoz) valleys.

Martine, vezino de Gaztelu, de hedat de LXXX aynos poco mas o menos de [damaged] [memoria] de LXVº aynos. Johanico Echeberri, vezino de Legassa, de hedat de LXXª aynos poco mas o menos. Peroane Gaztelu, vezino de Legassa, de hedat de LX aynos poco mas o menos e memoria de XLVº aynos. Marthin de Gaztelu, vezino de Oronoz, de hedat de LX aynos poco mas o menos y de memoria de XLVº aynos Nicolau of Gaztelu, habitant en el logar dElgorriaga, y de hedat of LX aynos poco mas o menos y de memoria de XLVº aynos52.

The ages stated are slightly lower than the previous ones, with an average of 66. This may be due to some of the circumstances mentioned in the previous case and that worked slightly against these other villages, or the fact that all these witnesses were males, which might indicate that in these communities it was the women who enjoyed longer lives. All of this somehow conditioned deaths at a younger age in comparison with the residents of Santesteban. In the case of the residents of Azanza (Val de Goñi) the ages of the witnesses were as follows:

Miguel Sanz de hedat de L.ta. annios e de memoria of XXXVº annios fue interrogado dixo que el dia de... Martin de Larragate, vezino de Açança, de hedat de XXIIIIº annios e de memoria de XII annios interrogado... Garcia Lucea, vezino de Açança, de XL annios e de memoria de XXVº annios...

51. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Santesteban, c. 1, n. 56, year 1486. 52. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Santesteban, c. 1, year 1507. (The date appears partially mutilated, but there is still a “VII” due to which the date has been interpreted as 1507. Moreover, a document that appears after this one in the same folio is dated in the year 1507).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 204 08/06/2009 8:28:04 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 205

Miguel Andia de Açança, vezino del dicho lugar, de hedat de LXX.ta. annios e de memoria de LX.ta. annios... Martinico Galant de hedat de LX annios poco mas o menos e de memoria de XLVº annios... Sancho Martiniz de Açança de hedat de LXª annios e de memoria de XLVº annios. Martin de Açança, estudiant, de hedat de XXX annios poco mas o menos e de memoria de XV annios... Gracia de Berraga, muger del fustero, de hedat de XL annios e de memoria of XXV annios... Don Johan de Açança de hedat de L.ta. annios e de memoria de XXXV annios...53

It must be asked if these corresponded to the oldest people in the village, or if they only comprise a representative selection of the members of the community. If they were really the oldest people in the place, then it is very noticeable that the average age descended drastically to 47.11 years of age. However, given the notable differences between the ages cited, it is more reasonable to think that they were simply residents of the place, who were not necessarily all the oldest, but rather represent a sample of the place. Nevertheless, the data proves extremes of 60 and 70 years, ages that, although advanced, were lower than those in Santesteban, whose residents could boast of having a record of longevity for the epoch54. Similarly, there are other outstanding cases which involve very old people, as occurred in the testament of Graciana, serora55 of Iturgoyen, widow of Juan de Peru, resident of Maya (Baztán valley). This woman not only mentioned her grandchildren but also some great-grandchildren (called Catalinqua, Maruxco and Gracia). This might indicate early marriages with an equally premature age of fertility, according to which this woman could be between approximately 40 and 50 years old. However, the most likely explanation is that her long life allowed her to live together with three generations of her family, as she declared in the document:

...maguera constituyda en bejez e ocupada grandemente en la disposicion de mi persona56.

53. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Salinas de Oro (Estella), Juan Miguel de Salinas, c. 2, 25th of June 1503.-Azanza. 54. It must be noted that the geographical and climatic conditions of the Valley of Goñi are more extreme than those of the Malerreka and Baztán valleys. The altitude (835 metres instead of the 123 m. of Santesteban or the 144 m. of Elgorriaga) and the more rigourous climate might mean less favourable living conditions. 55. Beata, diaconesa, sacristana (Spanish). Nun whose job it is to take care of the inside of a church and its surroundings, and to perform some simple duties during church services, ring the church bell, light the candles, clean the floor and the graves, etc. For further information, see Iribarren, José Ma. “Serora”. Vocabulario navarro: seguido de una colección de refranes, adagios, dichos y frases proverbiales. Pamplona: Diario de Navarra, 1997: 467. 56. “…had constituted in old age and occupied greatly in the disposition of my person” (AGN, Protoco- los Notariales, Santesteban, c. 1, 15th December 1505. Maya). This might be true if we consider another similar case mentioned in Monteano (Monteano, Peio. Los navarros ante el hambre, la peste, la guerra y la fiscalidad…: 203). On that occasion lady Urraca of Ubani even outlived her daughter and her grandson (transcription by this author): ...eilla, por quoanto es biuda de grandes tiempos aqua, mantenia su casa et su laurança con el trabaillo et esfuerç de su nieto Martin Ferrandiz, qui fue fijo de su hija que fue, lo quoal dexo quoatro

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 205 08/06/2009 8:28:05 206 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

For the moment, information about age has been very scarce. More information would allow us to know the different situations throughout Navarre and analyse the differences between valleys, urban and rural zones, as well as between north and south, and this would surely supply highly interesting demographic information, providing an enriching panorama of the mental and social behaviour of the Navarrese during the late Middle Ages57.

5. Provisions for old age: the care for the elderly

Despite all the theorising, reality imposes itself. And as such, the majority of the population, peasants and craftsmen, would find their old age threatened by poverty, which was more acute if they had no relatives to take care of them, but less so if they had someone to look after them58. These people could not always afford to retire to a monastery, so they had to continue working to support themselves as long as their strength allowed, and if nobody took care of them, they ended their days begging and at the mercy of the alms that would help them for a time. The older members of the nobility and clergy also continued work in their estate activities. The royalty exercised their power, which could include military campaigns as well as the tasks of ruling the kingdom, until death. Many nobles assumed roles as councillors of state and tutors to kings and princes, while others continued to take part in military expeditions. The clergy continued their tasks as priests or ministers, in the case of secular clergy until death, but the regular clergy were relieved from the physical tasks of the community to concentrate on purely intellectual activities or those that

creaturas et una de aqueillas en la tota et las otras de menor hedat de cada siete aynos poco mas o menos, las quoales cria la dicha doyna Hurraqua. Et que maguer eilla sea bieia quesi ciega que no puede beer ni andar... (Document found in AGN, Papeles Sueltos, 2ª Serie, leg. 9, carp. 89, dated 1415). 57. Monteano, Peio. Los navarros ante el hambre, la peste…: 93. This author contributes other information extracted from the Libros de Fuegos and demographic censuses, and referring to other areas of Navarre that dated from the mid-15th century: Sancho García, farm worker from Sesma, who was 75, Juan Grueso, from San Adrián, who was aged around eighty or Miguel Martíniz, of 70. The numerous demographic studies carried out for the kingdom based on census books, calculations of hearths and population registers, hardly indicate details of the ages of those persons listed in them. Some of those that have been consulted are: Zabalo Zabalegui, Javier. “Algunos datos sobre la regresión demográfica causada por la peste en la Navarra del siglo XIV”, Miscelánea a José María Lacarra. Estudios de Historia Medieval. Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza, 1968: 81-87. And by the same author, Zabalo Zabalegui, Javier. La administración del Reino de Navarra en el siglo XIV. Pamplona: Universidad de Navarra, 1973; Carrasco Pérez, Juan. La población navarra en el siglo XIV, Pamplona: Universidad de Navarra, 1973; López Elum, Pedro. “La depresión navarra del siglo XV”. Príncipe de Viana, 33 (1972): 151-168; García Arancón, Ma Raquel. “La población de Navarra en la segunda mitad del siglo XIII”. Cuadernos de Etnología y Etnografía de Navarra, 17/46 (1985): 87-101; Monteano Sorbet, Peio. “Navarra de 1366 a 1428: población y poblamiento”. Príncipe de Viana, 57/208 (1996): 307-343; Monteano, Peio. Los navarros ante el hambre, la peste…; Monteano, Peio. “La Peste Negra en Navarra. El catástrofe demográfica de 1347-1349”. Príncipe de Viana, 62/222 (2001): 87-120. 58. Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”..: 284-285; García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 304-305.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 206 08/06/2009 8:28:06 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 207

required less physical effort. In these fields, the elderly were especially venerated for their wisdom and the experience acquired during their lives which allowed them to become examples for their respective surroundings59. There is abundant testimony for old age spent in poverty and need60. In some circumstances, together with economic penury, this coincided with certain afflictions and diseases, such as blindness61,

Carlos III comunica a García Lópiz de Roncesvalles, tesorero del reino, que, considerando la vejez y pobreza de Romeo Gento de Falces, el cual había perdido la vista, le concede gracia y remisión, así como a sus nietos, Romeo y García, que son huérfanos y pobres, de 9 cahices y un robo de pan meitadenco y 52 sueldos carlines, o sea la mitad de la pecha ordinaria que estaban obligados a pagar, durante la vida del antedicho Romeo62.

Most commonly the elderly refer specifically to the old age which they were suffering, understood as a long and painful ailment. As Pedro de Épila, widower, resident of Tudela, stated,

Estando quonstituido en estrema vejez et en alguna dolencia de su persona pero en su buen seso sana e firme memoria e palabra maniffiesta, temiendo morir pero no sopiendo quando para cada que Dios ordenare de su anima63.

or Miguel Caritat, precentor of Tudela cathedral, who explained,

Por aquesto yo don Miguel Caritat olim cantre de la yglesia collegial de Sancta Maria de la ciudat de Tudela et habitante de la sobredita ciudat estando doliente de mi persona por extrema vejez y aun de grave enfermedat per Dios mediante...64

59. Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 284-285; Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 56-80. 60. One of them is the following: “Los oidores de comptos comunican a Miguel Lópiz de Aoiz, colector de la merindad de Sangüesa, que han hecho composición con García Garceiz, labrador de Eizco, en Val de Aibar, en forma que pagando dicho García 3 cahices de pan meitadenco de pecha anual por los tributos de las heredades de María Lópiz, de Semén Périz y de Semén de Arzánegui no esté obligado a pagar más, porque en ese caso, por su vejez y pobreza, dejaría la tierra al rey y abandonaría dicha villa”. (AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 82, n. 1, XXXVI, 24th of November 1406.-Pamplona). Extract of the contents of the document by Castro, José Ramon. Archivo General de Navarra. Catálogo de la Sección de Comptos. Docu- mentos. Pamplona: Aramburu, 1960: XXVI, n. 1465. 61. Old age was also identified with blindness in Homet, Raquel, Los viejos y la vejez…which cites some examples. Similarly, it adds other conditions typical of old age including deafness, lameness or gout (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 54-55); Monteano, Peio. Los navarros ante el hambre, la peste…: 203, includes another document in which Urraca de Ubani explains the problems she sufered owing to her old age (AGN, Papeles Sueltos, 2ª Serie, leg. 9, carp. 89. Document dated 1415): ...Et que maguer eilla sea bieia quesi ciega que no puede beer ni andar... 62. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 116, n. 42, VII, 20th January 1417.-Olite. Extract from Castro, José Ramón. Catálogo de la Sección de Comptos. Documentos. Pamplona: Aramburu, 1962: XXXII, n. 315. 63. AMT, Protocolos Notariales, Tudela, Juan Martínez Cavero, c. 4, faj. 1494-1500, f. 1v.-3r., January 1500. 64. AET, c. 8, let. T, n. 12, Juan Martínez Cavero, 30th November 1503.-Tudela. Another example is the following: maguera constituyda en bejez e ocupada grandemente en la disposicion de mi persona empero seyendo

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 207 08/06/2009 8:28:07 208 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

5.1 Fostering

Thus, some people, on reaching maturity or old age, signed contracts with their children or other relatives, such as nephews, for these to take care of them until death65. This was the case of Toda Martínez de Asso, widow and resident of Tudela, who bequeathed her goods and chattels to her son Pedro Marques, in exchange for the latter supporting her, giving her food and drink, clothing and footwear honestly according to what belonged to her66. This measure was very common and was even regulated in the Navarrese law code, specifically in the Fuero General, under which the older generation, and, more specifically, parents, enjoyed the right to be helped and fed by their children, according to the economic possibilities of the latter, throughout old age, poverty or weakness. The legal obligation of children to feed and attend to their parents was based on the moral duty established in the Holy Scriptures67 that demanded respect and assistance for them68. García Martínez de Vidaurreta and his wife, Gracia Ibáñez de Larramendi, from Vidaurreta, settled it this way when they established a contract that ceded their goods and rights to their children in exchange for the latter maintaining them during old age, giving them food, drink, clothing and footwear as will be necessary for us69. In addition to providing their board, the children agreed to hold funerals for

por gracia of Dios en mi buena memoria e sano entendimiento temiendo las orribles penas infernales e deseando ser colocada con los amados de nostro sennior Dios en la su santa Gloria e Paradisso... (AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Santesteban, c. 1, 15th December 1505.-Maya. Will of Graciana, serora of Iturgoyen, widow of Juan de Peru, resident of Maya). 65. This type of contract was not exclusive to Navarre, because was also found in other kingdoms in the peninsula from the 11th century onwards. A varied selection that covers the areas of Castile-Leon and Catalonia-Aragon can be found in Homet (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 91-97). In the village of Paredes de Nava an old woman gave her belongings to her children so that they would keep her (in the year 1428). Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 91-97; Martín Cea, Juan Carlos. El mundo rural castellano a fines de la Edad Media. El ejemplo de Paredes de Nava en el siglo XV. Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 1991: 351. 66. AMT, Protocolos Notariales, Tudela, Martín Don Costal, cuad. 1381-1383, f. 284, 30th December 1383. 67. Exodus 20, 12; Deuteronomy 5, 16; Epistle to the Ephesians 6, 1-3; Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 88-89. These Christian precepts formed part of family education in the Middle Ages as the honour of the family was based on the honour of the fathers as heads of the same. Apart from the commitment made by the children to look after their progenitors and other old members of their family, it must be mentioned that the celebration of suffrages for the souls of other relatives who had already died were a common practice that was documented in the vast majority of late medieval wills. 68. Similarly, this supposition was raised in various regulations such as the Fueros of Daroca, Viguera, Val de Funes and of La Novenera: Martínez Gijón, José. “Alimentos en favor de los ascendientes en el Derecho medieval de Navarra”. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, 50 (1980): 207-209, 218. Another similar study by the same author is: Martínez Gijón, José, “Alimentos en favor de los ascendientes en el Derecho de Castilla y León”. Historia. Instituciones. Documentos, 8 (1975): 171-194. 69. Fuero General de Navarra, Lib. III, Tit. XII. De conpras et vendidas. Cap. XIX. Cómo non deve vender ni empeynar padre et madre heredades los fijos conpliéndoles (Fuero General de Navarra. Amejoramiento del Rey don Phelipe. Amejoramiento de Carlos III, eds. Pablo Ilarregui, Segundo Lapuerta. Pamplona: Diputación Foral de Navarra-Institución Príncipe de Viana, 1964: 114), where it states that the help of a child for a parent consisted of vida e vestidos. In the Fuero of La Novenera, it refers to food and drink, clothing and footwear.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 208 08/06/2009 8:28:08 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 209

them with two funeral torches, novenas, an annual cabo de año (anniversary mass) and a chaplaincy of 24 florins for their souls and those of their dependants, and distribute alms to different churches —5 sueldos febles to Santa María in Pamplona, Roncesvalles, Ujué and San Miguel Excelsis, 2 florins to San Julián in Vidaurreta and the same number of libras de oleo (pounds of oil) to San Juan and San Miguel— for each of them.

Garcia Martinez de Vidaurreta dicho Burgayz y Gracia Ybaynez de Larramendi, su mujer, vecinos y moradores de Vidaurreta, veyendo e conssiderando que buenament nos non podriamos sostener ni soportar nostra vida e mantenimiento segunt debriamos como ataqui en los tiempos a venir ni goardar nostra honor e provecho sino que oviesse a ser grant de honor nuesstro e perdona e destrucion de nuestros bienes (...) e ayamos algun ayutorio e socorro de alguna perssona o perssonas qui nos quisiesse socorrer, sostener e ayudar en nuestra vegez e antiguidat atendiendo e considerando assi bien los muchos buenos e agradables servicios, socorros, adjutorias, sostenimientos e plazeres que vosotros Gonzalvo, Johanato e Theresa nos fijos habitantes en el dicho lugar de Vidaurreta (...) nos avedes fecho ataqui e nos fazedes de cada dia continuadament e intenssament quanto mas e mejor podeys esperando e creyendo que mucho mejor e mas nos fazedes en adelant Dios mediant70.

Another example is that of Gracia Miguel de Garísoain who, owing to his inability to continue living alone as a result of his age, granted some goods to his granddaughter and her husband (todos e quoalesquiere otras casas, casales, huertos, hortales, heras, faxinales, vinas, piezas of tierra labradas e por labrar, arbores fructifferos e non fructifferos, vezindades, prerrogativas, derechos e preheminencias de iglesias e cimiterios e de todos e quoalesquiere otros derechos e prehemiencias that yo he e me pertenescen (…) en el dicho lugar, iglesia, cimiterio e terminos del dicho lugar de Garissoayn) so that they look after him, giving him food, clothing and footwear and celebrate for his soul, on his death, his burial, novena and cabo de año.

Seppan quantos esta present carta veran et oyran. Que yo Gracia Miguel de Garissoayn, viuda vezina e moradera en el dicho lugar de Garissoain, non forçada, premiada ni ffalagada ni por otra arte algunna a lo infradicho fazer induzido ni por induzicion alguna non devida, detovida, seduzida ni engaynada mas de mi pura libera e agradable voluntat, cierta sciencia e saber, principio, momiento e querer, veyendo e conssiderando que buenament yo non puedo ni podria sostener ni soportar mi vida e mantenimiento segun debria como ataqui en los tiempos a venir ni goardar mi honrra e provecho sino que obiesse a ser a grant desonor mia e podria e deste nocion de mis bienes assi muebles como terribles tanto por la antiquidat e vegez de mi perssona como por otras inpotencias que me son sobrevenidas menos que yo hubiesse e aya algun jutorio e socorro de alguna perssona o perssonas qui me quisiesse socorrer, sostener

Martínez Gijón, José. “Alimentos en favor de los ascendientes en el Derecho medieval de Navarra”…: 218-219. 70. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Salinas de Oro (Estella), Juan Miguel de Salinas, c. 2, faj. 1502, 15th De- cember 1502. Vidaurreta. Raquel Homet incorporates some similar examples: some people took care of relatives who they not only maintained during their old age with clothing and food, but also held their burials and the masses that they chose. These individuals not only showed interest in the physical care during the years that of life they had left, but also a deliberate prevision for the care of their souls, which would bring them eternal benefits (Homet, Raquel.Los viejos y la vejez…: 96-97, 99-100).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 209 08/06/2009 8:28:09 210 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

e ayudar en mi vejez e antiguidat atendiendo e considerando assi bien los muchos buenos e agradables servicios, socorros, aiutorios, sostenimientos e plazeres que vos Maria Miguel de Garissoain, muger de Johanot de Vidaurreta, fferrero, qui esta present e por delant, mi nieta fija de Miguel Lopiz de Garissoayn, mi fijo, qui estades present e por delant, a una con vuestro dicho marido me avedes fecho ataqui e me ffazedes de cada dia continuadament e incessamment quanto mas e mejor podeys esperando e creyendo que mucho mejor e mas me faredes en adelant Dios mediant71.

It was similarly customary for marriage contracts to cover the way in which the parties should look after their ancestors, with an evident preventative sense72.

...que si caso quontescia lo que Dios no mande el dicho don Karlos moriesse sin testamentar en tal caso la dicha Catelina sea tenida de fazer cantar una capellania de XXIIII fflorines e hun anyverssario con XXX capellanes a los quoales les daran sus respices e seran tenidos de traher obladas e candela en todo el annio assi bien el dicho don Karlos aya de vestir a la dicha Catelina de los vestidos que le seran necessarios según a ella pertenezcan 73.

5.2 Adoption and neighbourly alms

However, there existed more dramatic situations like that of those abandoned by their relatives, who did not wish to take care of their necessities74, and who thus had to look for other ways, such as adoption by neighbours who would commit themselves to look after the old person, through an act of prohijamiento (adoption):

Johan de Monieras, vecino de Tudela et habitant que solia ser de la villa de Arguedas de su cierta sciencia, no forzado o falagado de... ni enganyado... ni considerant que no tiene fijo ni fija que sus bienes de derecho heredar deva ni otro tal pariente et que aquellos que son fuera deste regno a los quales junta o divissament por el ayan seydo rogados et requeridos que con sus bienes lo tomase et inherent... non podia regir sus dichos bienes lo qual fazer no han querido... por ello andava aun al cabo et se estranya lo suyo en tanto gradio que pora venir mayor danyo de persona et sostenimiento de su vida et visto que Miguel de Sant Cristobal et Johana su muger apiedandose del lo han recollido et tomado en su casa et quieren mantener, vestir et calçar justa su poder razonadamente durante su vida et lo fazer de que finado sepelir

71. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Salinas de Oro, Juan Miguel de Salinas, c. 4, 12nd September 1510.-Garí- soain. 72. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez...: 96, where two similar examples are cited, dated in Saragossa in 1401 and 1475. 73. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Salinas of Oro, Juan Miguel of Salinas, c. 2, n. 142c, 4th September 1499. Church of Novar. Marriage contract in which Catalina, niece of Carlos of Azcona, rector of the parish church of Azcona, agreed to hold the religious services ordered by her uncle. 74. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 91-92, mentions a case of family abandonment in which some of Albito’s children (1163) did not want to take on the responsibility of looking after him. In this situation, one of his daughters helped him, so he decided to give her his possessions and disinherit the others. Another similar case happened in 1079 when Habdella (christened Rodrigo) fell ill and was abandoned by all his friends; the only people who offered to help him were two of his cousins who took him into their family monastery, supplying him with food and clothing.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 210 08/06/2009 8:28:10 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 211

et fer por su anima con los bienes del dicho Johan de Monieras... los ha tomado como fijos y los hace sus herederos75.

Other old people, frequently labourers who had no fortune and lived in the most extreme destitution, were maintained thanks to the charity of their neighbours, who offered them small alms, as occurred in the case of Martín de Pero Juan, who was blind, and Dominga, his wife, from San Martín de Unx, who no han criazón ni parientes que los siervan et viven esperando la merced de Dios et la almosnas de la buena gent. However, this couple, despite lacking economic resources or relatives who could take care of them, were forced to pay the ordinary pecha76 for the jurymen of the villa where they lived. Nicolau Blanc, advocate to the court, on hearing the news, informed the monarch, Charles III, who granted them his favour and remission of the 7 robos, 1 cuartal, 1 almud and 1 octava of wheat and the same quantity of barley, plus 9 sueldos and 2 dineros fuertes, that they needed to pay for the pecha they owed77.

5.3 Oblation

Another alternative was oblation, which Orlandis has called familiaritas78 and which consisted of the entry of an individual, bachelor, widower, married man or, even, a couple either with or without children79, into a religious order, thereby devoting their body and soul, literally, to a specific monastery or religious establish- ment80.

75. AMT, Protocolos Notariales, Tudela, Juan Pérez de Calvo, c. 9, n. 1, f. 168, 15th September 1477. 76. The pecha was a direct tax paid individually or communally (translator’s note). (“Pecha”. Diccionario de la lengua Española – Vigésima segunda edición. Real Academia Española de la lengua. 27 de agosto de 2006. < http://buscon.rae.es>). 77. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 93, n. 72, 30th November 1406.-Olite; Orlandis José. “’Traditio Cor- poris et Animae’. La ‘Familiaritas’ en la Iglesias y Monasterios españoles en la alta Edad Media”. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, XXIV (1954): 212-213, gives another possibility in “Traditio corporis et animae”, pp. 212-213, namely that of taking of the poor, the sick and the old who have no family or have been abandoned by their relatives into the wards and hospices of the monasteries. 78. Orlandis José. “Traditio Corporis et Animae. La Familiaritas en los Iglesias y Monasterios españoles en la alta Edad Media”. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, XXIV (1954): 95-279. 79. Raquel Homet, backed by José Orlandis, demonstrates that the people professed did not correspond exclusively to mature or old people, but that young people also appeared who contemplated the possibility of having children (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 90, 103; Orlandis, José. “Traditio corporis et animae”…: 132-135). All this might be confirmed by the following case: “María, señora de la sala de Eguirior, hija de Juan de Errazu y mujer de Juan de Lacarra, ambos escuderos, vecinos de la tierra de Cisa, hace donación al hospital de Apat de la mitad de dicha sala, con la condición de que, si tuviera hijos, esta donación sería nula; ella y su marido entran como donados en dicho hospital, donde tendrán que decir misa por ellos”. (Fortún Pérez de Ciriza, Luis Javier. “Documentación medieval de Leire: Catálogo (ss. XIII-XV)”. Príncipe de Viana, 53/195 (1992): 57-167, n. 1382, 15 de Junio de 1381). 80. Raquel Homet derives the word oblation from oblatos, “entrega del cuerpo y del alma” (translation into English: “to deliver over the body and the soul”), as indicated in the texts analysed (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 103). José Orlandis defines the act as such as a traditio or personal submission con-

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 211 08/06/2009 8:28:11 212 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

Seppan quantos esta present carta veran et oyran. Como yo dona Tharessa, fija de don Miguel de Lerat qui fue por la gracia de Dios, seyendo en mi salut e en mi buena memoria e en mi acordamiento. Con buen coraçon e con buena volundat. Offrezquo mi anima e mi cuerpo a Dios e a Sancta Maria de Irach e ffago donadio desde hoy adelant al monasterio de Sancta Maria de Irach de lo que yo he en Lerat y en sus terminos e devo haver yermo e poblado81.

There were cases in which several members of the same family might offer themselves, as in the case of three brothers who did so.

De Vynnaga. In Dei nomine. Sabuda cosa sia a totz omnes, als qui son et qui son por venir, que yo don Arnalt Bos, chantre de Pomplona et abbat de San Miguel de Celsi, recibo a ti Sancho Pascoal con ambas las tuas hermanas Maria et Domeca por coylliaço de seynnor Sanct Miguel de Çelsi con la heredat de Vynnaga, qui fo de don Yenego de Ilardia en defensision e en adiuda per secula cuncta, tu dando a nos et a Sant Miguel de Celsi I kafiz de avena, tu o tu natura o aqueyll qui tenent sia d’aquela heredat sobre nomnada. Et don Yenego de Ylardia desso estos collaços a Sant Miguel dando cada anno esta peyta sobreescripta al abbat de San Miguel de Celsi82.

sisting in a link to a church. (Orlandis, José.“’Traditio corporis et animae’…: 127, nota 63). George Mi- nois states that the entry of old people from the powerful classes into monasteries had already begun to happen in the 6th century. (Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 186-187). The monastery thus becomes a refuge or voluntary asylum for the old people who decide to ensure their salvation individually, enter- ing a religious order to separate themselves from the world and begin the preparation for passing into the eternal life. About donations of body and soul and goods see: García Larragueta, Santos. “Cartas de paniaguados”…: 210-214, 217-222. 81. AGN, Clero, Irache, n. 219, 10th July 1291. Similarly in 1234, don Fortún de Arce donated his properties in Cizur to devote himself to the Hospital of San Juan Bautista in the same place: In Dei nomine. Sciant presentes et futuri presentem paginam inspecturi quod ego dompnus Fortunius d’Arci dono Deo et Hospitali santi Iohanis Babtiste corpus et animam et omnem hereditatem quam habeo in Ciçur, peças, vineas et domus, ab herbis usque ad aquas, in remissionem peccatorum meorum necnon et aliorum parentum. (García Larragueta, Santos. El Gran Priorado de Navarra de la Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén. Pamplona: Institución Príncipe de Viana, 1957: II, n. 255; Gutiérrez del Arroyo, Consuelo. Catálogo de la documentación navarra de la Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén en el Archivo Histórico Nacional. Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, Departamento de Educación y Cultura, 1992: n. 2514). 82. “Arnaldo de Bosón, chantre de Pamplona y abad de San Miguel de Excelsis, recibe por collazos de San Miguel a Sancho Pascual de Viñaga y a sus hermanas María y Domenca”. Year 1238. (Goñi Gaztambide, José. Colección Diplomática de la Catedral de Pamplona (829-1243). Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, Depar- tamento de Educación y Cultura, 1997: I, n. 597). Raquel Homet, following the theories of Orlandis, stated that examples can also be found of parents who offered themselves as lay brethren together with their children, or various members of the same family. (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 103, 104- 108; Orlandis, José. “’Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 132-135). All this would seem to be confirmed by the outstanding example which follows: “Urraca de Garísoain, con su hija Gracia, se entregan como donadas a la Orden de San Juan, con la condición de ser enterradas en la casa de Bargota, a la que entregan todos los collazos que tenían en Garísoain, con todas las pechas que señalan, además de unas heredades que delimitan”. 13th April 1273-1274. (Gutiérrez del Arroyo, Consuelo. Catálogo de la documentación navarra de la Orden de San Juan…: n. 1499).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 212 08/06/2009 8:28:12 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 213

The Navarrese texts call these people paniaguados83 (protégés), donados (lay brethren) and familiares (relatives)84. Although laymen, they all enjoyed a status very similar to that of full members of the order85. For this, they gave to a religious community a series of goods or properties, as a kind of dowry, with the obligation that they be kept during their lives, in many cases their old age, as an integral part of the community, enjoying the same spiritual benefits and sharing the daily life of the house in which they had taken vows86. This is what Juan Sánchiz de Ororbia and his wife Sancha García de Ubani, from Ororbia, agreed with the Benedictine community of Leyre, to which they donated their goods in exchange for the community to receive them as protégés and lay brethren into their house in Lizaberria, whose administration they took over, and to take care of them until the end of their days, supplying them with food and clothing:

...et considerada la buena e grant devocion, affeccion e voluntat que vos Johan Sanchiz de Hororbia e Sancha Garcia de Hubani, su muger, vezinos e moradores en el dicho logar de Hororbia, todos tiempos avedes mostrado e uy en dia mostrades en servir al dicho monesterio et a nos et a nuestros predecessores. Et queriendo continuar en la dicha vuestra buena devocion, afeccion et voluntat ayades suplicado a nos que en el dicho nuestro monesterio vos queramos recebir paneagodos et donados et dar vos la pan et agoa del dicho monesterio en todos los dias de la vuestra vida e de cada uno de nos asi como a quoallesquiere otros panea-

83. “El abad fray Pedro de la Ciudad y el convento de Leire reciben como paniaguado y familiar del monasterio a Sancho Martínez de Tiermas, comprometiéndose a mantenerlo como a tal durante toda su vida”. (Fortún, Luis Javier. “Documentación medieval de Leire”...: n. 634, 5th April 1377.-Leire). This also uses the same name: García Larragueta, Santos. “Cartas de paniaguados”…: 205-207. 84. In his magnificent study, Orlandis shows that the names the documentation gives to those who offer themselves as lay brethren were frater, confrater, familiar, traditu, oblatus, dato or donatus. (Orlandis, José. “’Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 127). Moreover, he includes the opinion of other researchers about these designations and their obligations to the monastic community which they entered. Father Bergan- za defined the lay brethren as laymen “who offered themsleves, with the right to be fed by the monks”. The familiarity consisted in the spiritual benefits for these oblates from the monks through their prayers, sufrages and mortifications. However, the fullest definition is undoubtedly that by fray Romualdo of Escalona, who differentiates three types of oblations: the pure donations, those that were based on the compensation through the good works of the community and a third based on material compensations (food and care). Orlandis, José. “’Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 99-100, notes 6, 7. 85. Orlandis, José. “’Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 141-14, see especially note 92. According to Raquel Homet, “los socios que ingresaban al monasterio constituían una categoría distinta de la de los monjes aunque también pudieron ser llamados con ese nombre” (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 103). Santos García Larragueta distinguishes two types of postulants, those who enter as friars (frayres) and the brethren (confrayre), subjets to different types of votes: while the friars took a vote of obedience, chastity, poverty and dedication to the Order, the brethren promised to serve and defend the Order and its task, thus exercising a secular existence dedicated fundamentally to tasks of assistance. (García Larrageta, Santos. “Cartas de paniaguados”…: 207-211). 86. About this, José Orlandis includes the opinion of Julio Puyol y Alonso, who called this act “an insurance contract against illness, poverty and old age”, “in which it is stated that if the donor ceases to be able to look after himself for any of these reasons, the monastery will take charge of his care and maintenance for the rest of his days”. However, Orlandis notes that the spiritual ideals were inherent to the act of oblation. (Orlandis, José. “Traditio corporis et animae”…: 102 [note 13], 145). The Fuero General obliged everyone who entered into religion to clear their debts before professing. FGN, Lib. III, Tit. XXII. De las hórdenes. Cap. I. Cómo deve pagar sus deudas et qui entra en órden, et si depues que entra faz deudas, enpues su muert á qué es tenida the órden. (Fuero General de Navarra...: 151).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 213 08/06/2009 8:28:13 214 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

guados, donados e familliares que son et por tiempos han seydo en el dicho monesterio et a seydo usado e acostumbrado et recebiendo vos en la dicha paneagoa vos nos ayades prometido dar et dedes por tenor deste publico instrument pora huevos et proveyto del dicho monesterio todos vuestros bienes muebles e terribles que a present avedes et daqui adelant avredes bien et lealment pora enpues los dias de la vuestra vida et de cadauno de vos. Por esto nos los dichos abbat, prior, monges et conviento del dicho monesterio, (…) recebimos a vos los dichos Johan Sanchiz e Sancha Garcia su muger pora en todos los dias de la vuestra vida et de cada uno de vos por paneagoados e donados del dicho monesterio la quoal dicha paneagoa vos asignamos en la casa o pallacio de Liçaberria que el dicho nuestro monesterio et nos avemos cerca Sailli- nas cabo Mont Real. Et queremos et nos plaze que vos los dichos Johan Sanchiz et Sancha Garcia su muger e cada uno de vos en todos los dias de la vuestra vida mientre b…[scraped] …des vivades et moredes et siades desta in abitacion et morada et que ayades la ministracion et claveria en la dicha casa o pallacio de Liçaberria con sus pertenencias et ailli prometemos et nos obligamos nos los dichos abbat, prior, monges et conviento por nos et por todos nuestros susscessores, abades, monjes et conviento que por tiempo seran del dicho monesterio tener, sostener et mantener vos de comer, beber, mientre que vos et cada uno de nos vivredes seyendo sanos o enfermos segunt a otros semblantes paneagoados del dicho monesterio es usado et acostumbrado fazer ataqui87.

Another example is the document with which Toda Pérez, widow of don Lope López de Antoñana, surrendered her body and soul to Santa María de Nájera and to the house of San Jorge, in remission for her sins and those of her husband, don Lope López, as well as those of her parents, relatives, friends and all the faithful deceased. For that, she gave her house in San Jorge in exchange for food, clothing and footwear for the rest of her days.

In Dei nomine. Conoçuda cosa sea a quantos esta carta vieren. Como yo dona Toda Perez, mugier que fui de don Lop Lopez de Antoniania, sana seyendo e en mio seso e en mi memoria de buen coraçon e de buena voluntad, riendo, e do mi cuerpo e mi alma a Dios e a Santa Maria e a la casa Sant George e a vos maestro Vivian, arcidiagno de Guadalfaiara, cappellan del apostoligo e sennor de la casa de Sant George. E en remission de mios pecados e de mio marido don Lop Lopez e de nuestros padres e de nuestras madres e de nuestros parientes e nuestros amigos e de todos fideles defunctos, yo dona Toda Perez do e otorgo e confirmo con esta carta a la casa de Sant George las heredades que mio marido don Lopz e yo hy aviamos dadas e atorgadas ante que el finasse. (...) e en voz del prior e del convento de Naiara, recibo a vos dona Toda Perez por familiar e por compannera e por freyra de la casa de Sant George. E prometo vos e do vos en la casa de Sant George que ayades comer e beber e vestir e calçar ondradamientre en todos los dias de vuestra vida88.

It was also very common for the lay brothers to request to be buried in the establishment they entered89. Rodrigo López, son of don Lope Garcés de Oriz,

87. AGN, Clero, Leire, n. 357, 21st September 1310. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 107, where she indicates that, in the case of oblations of married couples, the pact also envisaged care for the surviving partner once one of them had died, which was included particularly in order to avoid the abandonment of widows. 88. AGN, Clero, Benedictinos de Nájera, n. 56, 15th October 1253.-San Jorge. 89. The surrender of the soul is complete if it is accompanied by the donation of the body, with the corresponding burial rights, which would represent the full participation of the lay brother in the spiritual

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 214 08/06/2009 8:28:14 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 215

requested this... esleio mia sepultura en el çimiterio del devandito Hospital or quiere que avienga mio fin, e nomnadament en el çimiterio del devandito Hospital que es en Çiçurr Menor...90 as did lady Elvira Íñiguez de Sada... et esleio mia sepultura en el çimiterio de la casa de Bargota...91 García Miguel de Guizarudiaga who offered himself as a lay brother to the house of Cizur, likewise requested this, also choosing burial in the same cemetery, swearing before the great prior, fray Montoliu of Laya, to comply with the obligations he was assigned by the latter92. Other people, in contrast, entered contracts of different types, which concerned spiritual affairs, but which did not necessarily require the donor to join the monastic life. They only commissioned masses or anniversaries for their souls93 or the celebration of their funerals94, but did not take vows in a religious order; they rather established a donation in return for spiritual help from the community of monks95. The numerous oblations scattered throughout the documentary collections of the different Navarrese religious institutions bear witness to this, the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem standing out especially with 38 documents, followed by the monasteries of Irache and Leyre, with 13 and 6 respectively96. The success of the Order of Saint John as a recipient of oblates is surprising if we bear in mind that

activity of the community in life and after death. (Orlandis, José. “‘Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 174-175). This is also affirmed by the same Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 102. See also García Larragueta, Santos. “Cartas de paniaguados”…: 215-217. 90. 5th December 1262. García Larragueta, Santos. El Gran Priorado de Navarra de la Orden de San Juan...: II, n. 396. 91. 5th May 1290, Friday.-Echávarri. García Larragueta, Santos. El Gran Priorado de Navarra de la Orden de San Juan...: II, n. 515. 92. Gutiérrez del Arroyo, Consuelo. Catálogo de la documentación navarra de la Orden de San Juan, n. 2696, dated the 17th of November, 1370. 93. Sancho de Güesa, racionero of the church of Santa María de Sangüesa, who donated all his goods and property in Sangüesa to the monastery of Leyre, reserving for himself only their usufruct for life and asking to be maintained while he lived. It also established that an annual anniversary be held for his soul after his death. 15th August 1436. (Fortún Pérez de Ciriza, Luis Javier. “Documentación medieval de Leire”...: n. 722). 94. “Gracia López de Navascués, viuda del escudero Juan de Pomar, entrega al monasterio de Leire a casa, varias viñas y otros bienes situados en Undués, a cambio de que el monasterio le proporcione anualmente 14 robos de trigo, 3 cargas de uva, 3 manos de lino y suficiente companaje, provenientes de las rentas de la parroquia de Navascués. Asimismo, lega al monasterio sus bienes muebles (salvo joyas y vestidos) tras su muerte, con la condición la que Leire pague los gastos de su entierro y aniversario”. 5th July 1490. (Fortún Pérez de Ciriza, Luis Javier. “Documentación medieval de Leire”...: 821). 95. Orlandis, José. “’Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 218-227, especially page 218, where he states that contracts might be established between individuals and a community based on personalised care in cases of sickness, old age or poverty, without including any other obligation for either party. On pp. 222-223, he explains that other agreements could cover only the choice of burial in the said institution that might or might not include the obligation to hold spiritual suffrages for the soul of the interested party. 96. The order of Saint John of Jerusalem accumulated 56% of the total number of oblations, compared with 19% for Irache and 8.9% for Leyre. Santa Clara de Estella holds three documents of oblation. There are two each in the cathedrals of Pamplona and Roncesvalles, and in San Pedro de Ribas and Santa En- gracia, both monasteries situated in Pamplona, one each, as in the Benedictine convent of Santa María of Nájera. Some of the references to Saint John of Jerusalem have been analysed and published, from a textual and documental point of view, by García Larragueta, Santos. “Cartas de paniaguados”…: 222-236.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 215 08/06/2009 8:28:15 216 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

its statutes required members to be of noble origin in order to join the order, a condition which would have restricted access to a limited number of people. Thus, those individuals who entrusted their body, soul and goods to the Order, and agreed to pay a annual sum of money, though they were linked to it by a promise, they were not considered full brothers (freires). As a compensation, they had an income for life, enjoyed a series of privileges (spiritual benefits and burial in its cemeteries) —as with the guilds— and took part in the prayers and charity of the Hospital, thereby becoming associated for life with the house that had admitted them97. The study of the documents indicates, as Raquel Homet has concluded, that most of the people that entered a contract of oblation were from rural areas. Moreover, the majority of them chose a religious institution, either a monastery or a military order, near their home. In a few cases, the choice was based on the devotion to the chosen establishment, as affirmed by don Íñigo, priest of the church of Cizur Menor of the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem98. The phenomenon of oblation reached its peak during the 13th century, to which most of the texts belong, while it fell notably in the following century until it practically disappeared in the 15th century99. This might have been due to a number of causes that coincided over time, thereby leading to a decline in hospital care by the monastic and military orders,100 institutions that were mainly located in rural sur-

97. Ciérbide Martinena, Ricardo. Estatutos antiguos de la Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén. Versión original occitana y su traducción al español, según el códice navarro del AHN de Madrid (1314). Pamplona: Departamento de Educación y Cultura del Gobierno de Navarrra, Institución Príncipe de Viana-Instituto Complutense de la Orden de Malta, 1999: 31-32, notes 35,36. Also García Larragueta, Santos. El Gran Priorado de Navarra de la Orden de San Juan...: I, 242. 98. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 108. Don Íñigo expressed it in these words: que io don Ienego capelano de la glesia del Hospital de san Johan de Çiçur Menor, stando sano e alegre esleio sepultura pora mio cuerpo en poder del Hospital de san Johan; encara io devantdito don Ienego prometo e fago voto primerament a Dius e a vos don Guarcia de Artiga comendador de Çiçur que io non pueda entrar en otra orden si non ena del Hospital de san Johan, nin recebir sepultura si no es con poder del Hospital, e de mas io sobre dicto don Ienego, por la gran devocion e voluntad que he con el devantdicto Hospital, do las mias casas de la Navarreria of Pamplona, con todas lures estagarias e con el uerto e con todas lures pertinençias e con todos aqueilos dreitos... (García Larragueta, Santos. El Gran Priorado de Navarra de la Orden de San Juan…: II, n. 282; Gutiérrez del Arroyo, Consuelo. Catálogo de la documentación navarra de la Orden de San Juan…: n. 2526. August of 1239). 99. Of a total of 67 oblations, 47 (70%) date from the 13th century, while 17 (25%) and 2 (2.9%) were registered in the 14th and 15th centuries respectively. This coincides with Raquel Homet’s conclusions (Homet,Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez...: 102) where she indicates that the peak of oblations was in the second half of the 13th and first half of the 14th centuries, continuing until the 15th. See Orlandis, José. “’Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 187, where he states that the oblations by couples were more frequent during the last quarter of the 12th century and the first half of the 13th. Thus, the last oblations that the Order of Saint John registered in Navarre date from 1377 and 1381, while the Benedictines of Leyre, for example, recorded two in the 15th century (in 1436 and 1490). Gutiérrez del Arroyo, Consuelo. Catálogo de la documentación navarra de la Orden de San Juan…: nos. 1108, 1382; Fortún Pérez de Ciriza, Luis Javier. “Documentación medieval de Leire”...: n. 722 y 821). Roncesvalles, following the trend in Leyre, recorded an oblation in 1484. (AGN, Clero, Roncesvalles, n. 1623). 100. The first dissolution of the Temple in Navarre took place on 23 of October 1307, when the Navarrese Templars were imprisoned on the orders of king Louis “the Quarrelsome”. The Order of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem had a double purpose (hospital vocation and armed defence of the Holy Land), which led it to become a military order. After the abolition of the Order of the Temple, Clement V decreed through a bull (1312) the handing over of its goods to the Order of Saint John, which had to maintain

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 216 08/06/2009 8:28:16 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 217

roundings. The better organised local and municipal network of hospitals, mainly located in an urban environment, would supplant these establishments as a refuge for the sick and the old101. This is what the Navarrese documents indicate, especially the ones kept in the notary’s office of Salinas de Oro. These collections, dating from the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th, show a dense network of hospitals along the valley of Guesálaz, to which the villages Salinas de Oro, Izurzu, Ar- guiñano, Guembe, Vidaurre or Guirguillano belong, and the nearby Val de Echauri, (Echauri, Ciriza, Belascoáin or Vidaurreta), in the NE, and Val de Goñi, in the North (Goñi, Urdánoz, Munárriz or Azanza). Although the type of care they offered their patients is not described, it seems that their function corresponded to that of a hos- tel for the homeless, the elderly and pilgrims102. In the cities, the different guilds maintained better-organised hospitals with a range of functions. In Pamplona there was, for example, the Hospital of Santa Catalina in the Burgo de San Cernin, in Es- tella that of the Guild of San Pedro de la Rúa, and in Tudela, the one of the Guild of Crossbowmen, among many others scattered all over Navarre103.

its two original functions, an order that was strictly obeyed in Navarre. (Martín Rodríguez, José-Luis. “El reino de Navarra”, Historia de España Menéndez Pidal. XII. La Baja Edad Media peninsular. Siglos XIII al XV. La población, la economía, la sociedad, Ramón Menéndez Pidal, José María Jover Zamora, dirs. Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1998: 534; Martínez Díez, Gonzalo. Los templarios en los reinos de España. Barcelona: Planeta, 2001: 49-50, 249, 361, 364. 101. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez...: 115-118, Raquel Homet affirms that the process of secularisa- tion of social assistance developed fully from the 14th century onwards in Barcelona. However, during this period, there were already numerous urban hospitals run by religious brotherhoods, guilds or the town councils that took care of the elderly. This development of hospitals could have been related to the increase in the proportion of old people in late medieval society as well as the resulting change of mentality that happened as a consequence of this demographic phenomenon. There are studies on Logroño and Saragossa, though these do not provide any conclusive data about the reception and help of the elderly in the hospitals. Thus, in Logroño the hospitals of San Gil and San Juan ultra Ebro housed the sick; that of Santa María del Rocamador may have been an asylum. (Cantera Montenegro, Margarita. “Asistencia a los pobres y enfermos en el Logroño medieval (siglos XIII-XV)”. Brocar: cuadernos de investigación histórica, 12 (1986): 209-210). In the case of Saragossa, the urban hospital infrastructure was developed from the mid-12th century, although it reached its peak in the 15th century. There were parochial hospitals (San Pablo or La Magdalena) and others that were run by private individuals, such as Santa Marta, built in 1315 by the Saragossa doctor, master Guillermo Fuert. The foundation of the Hospital of Santa María de Gracia in 1425 was the opening of a centre for the care and shelter of all kinds of sick and homeless people. (Falcón Pérez, María Isabel. “Sanidad y Beneficencia en Zaragoza en el siglo XV”. Aragón en la Edad Media. III [1980]: 189-193). 102. Iria Gonçalves carried out in-depth research into hospital care in Portugal, applied to both urban and rural places; in the latter surroundings he emphasised the lack of material means. (Gonçalves, Iria. “Formas medievais de assitência num meio rural estremenho”, Imagens do mundo medieval. Lisboa: Livros Horizonte, 1988: 53-68). 103. García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 305, states that the hospitals were clearly an urban phenomenon, and were rather scarce in the rural world. They were typically small and lacking in sanitary equipment. More than curing disease, they were places for palliative care and for looking after the old and the homeless, Claramunt, Salvador. “La muerte en la Edad Media. El mundo urbano”. Acta Historica et Archaeologica Mediaevalia, 7-8 (1986-1987): 210. He also mentions that the urban hospitals reserved some places for poor old people, not necessarily sick, who were cared for until death.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 217 08/06/2009 8:28:16 218 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

5.4 Royal pensions

Another mode of aid might be received from the king himself, who, on exceptional occasions and attending to a direct petition, could concede different types of favour and help to specific vassals104. This was the case with García Amigo, from Falces, whom Charles III pardoned the 4 cahíces105 of wheat and barley and 16 sueldos in money that he owed for his ordinary pecha for 1392, in consideration of his age106. Sancho Miguel Cavalarte, from Loizu (Val de Imoz) was pardoned the 7 sueldos and 11 dineros that he was due to pay as taxes on the loan of 40,000 florins as well as future charges, in consideration of his decrepitude and poverty107. Specific alms were distributed for other people, such as the annual 20libras fuertes that Juan Allen, nicknamed Bretón, received for having fallen into indigence and old age108. And on other occasions, it was the monarch who involved himself directly in the care of his servants, assigning them a food, monetary or mixed pension in order for them to live a dignified life, without suffering hardships or deprivations109. An example is Lorencet of Pamplona, a messenger to Charles II, who was given 6 cahíces of wheat per year for sustenance during his old age110. Juan Tumberel, caretaker of the royal palace of Puente la Reina, in recognition of the services that he had given in his youth to Charles II, and later to queen Eleanor, was awarded 10 pounds annually from the pecha from the village of Aniz, and 9 cahíces of wheat from the pecha of Cirauqui111. Similarly, in consideration for María Xeméniz de Mendívil, housekeeper of the queen of England112, for her service to the latter and her father Charles II, and wishing to sustain her in her old age, she was assigned all the ordinary pecha and income of bread of the place called Oricin (pecha of La Valdorba) that amounted to 8 cahíces and 3 robos of wheat and the same quantity of oats113. And Martín Lópiz de Muga, from San Vicente de la Sonsierra, who was in charge of

104. The gifts and charity by monarchs for their subjects was not exclusive to Navarre. Raquel Homet includes various examples of charity and help (circumstantial or permanent) that the Catholic Monarchs awarded to certain vassals. (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 123). 105. Unit of dry weight. 1 cahíz is approximately 666 litres (translator’s note). “Cahíces”. Diccionario de la lengua Española – Vigésima segunda edición. Real Academia Española de la lengua. 27 de agosto de 2006. < http://buscon.rae.es>. 106. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 69, n. 23, V, 6th June 1393.-Estella. 107. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 86, n. 7, 31st January 1401.-Monreal. 108. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 94, n. 59, I, 1st September 1407.-Pamplona. 109. About these questions, see also Narbona Cárceles, María. La Corte de Carlos III el Noble, rey de Navarra: Espacio doméstico y escenario del poder, 1376-1415. Pamplona: EUNSA. Ediciones Universidad de Navarra, S.A., 2006: 146-148, 370-371, 435-436. 110. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 78, n.4-5, II, 20th December 1395.-Estella. 111. The first payment would begin at the next festival of Santa María of August. AGN, Comptos, Docu- mentos, c. 85, n. 8, 22nd January 1400.-Olite. 112. Juana, princess of Navarre, daughter of Charles II of Evreux and sister of Charles III. Second marriage to Henry IV of Lancaster, king of England. 113. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 116, n. 73, III, 23rd June, 1417.-Olite.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 218 08/06/2009 8:28:18 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 219

the guard of Buradon castle, received 10 cahíces of wheat per year in compensation for his condition as an old person114. The case of María Xeméniz of Mendívil is very particular because when this old woman abandoned her occupations in the court as governess to the princesses Jua- na and María, Charles III’s sisters, she was taken in by relatives, but at the same time received a pension and a house from the king so that she could live in it115.

5.5 Care provided by guilds

To avoid destitution in one’s old age, there was an ultimate possibility that gained popularity throughout the Middle Ages, due to its economic affordability and the social and spiritual gratifications that people received in exchange for the payment of a reasonable entrático. This option was to join a guild, which was in charge of protecting all its members, both in sickness and in poverty and old age116. The principles of charity that were stipulated in their statutes defined equality of conditions for all their members, who forged deep ties of solidarity and mutual assistance117, thus avoiding the helplessness of any of its members with any problem they might face in later life.

Establecemos que si confradre ca fuere en (...) pobredat o sel cayere casa o sel quemare por occasión, o si quiere yr en peregrinación [a Roma o a Iherusalem] o a otro [sanctuario] quel ayudemos todos 118.

114. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 70, n. 36, 3rd August 1394.-Pamplona. Similarly, Charles III conceded Per Ibáñez de Arraztia, mayor of the Court, an annual pension of 100 gold francs minted in France to maintain him in his old age. (AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 77, n. 33, 30th August 1399.-Estella). 115. The princesses María and Juana, daughters of Charles II “the Bad” and sisters of Charles III “the Noble”. María, the younger one, married Alfonso, count of Denia, and Juana married first John IV of Monfort, duke of Britanny and later Henry IV of Lancaster, king of England. “Carlos III concede a María Xeméniz de Mendívil, además de 5 cahices de trigo y una casa y jardín que le concedió en el lugar de Tie- bas, la pecha pleiteada del lugar de Muru de Artederreta (Muruarte de Reta), en atención a los servicios prestados a las infantas María y Juana, duquesa de Bretaña, hermanas del rey, a la segunda de las cuales crió, y a las infantas, hijas del rey, ya que, a causa de su vejez, ha tenido que ir a vivir entre los suyos” (Castro, José Ramón. Catálogo de Comptos. Documentos. XX, n. 877) (AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 70, n. 37, 12th June 1394.-Pamplona). 116. This is also affirms by García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 305; and Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 119, 121. 117. ...establecemos en esta manera uera karidat, que Dios es confraternidat, por ont conuiene que ayamos entre nos uerdadera fe, pura e firme to Dios, a los confrades amor, por la qual (sic) nos podamos ser saluos por siempre, et ser librados en el día del iudicio. De la qual amor el bienauenturado Sant Iohan apóstol et euangelista fauló e dixo: Dios es karidat e qui [finca en karidat, finca] in Dios, et Dios en él. En esto apareció la karidat de Dios en nos, porque enuió el su fillo engendrado en el mundo (para) que nos(otros) uiuamos por Él, en que esto es karidat, no assí como nos(otros) amamos a Dios, mas como Él primeramente nos amó a nos(otros), e enuió su fillo en el mundo por redemptón (sic) de nuestros pecados. Ordinances of the Guild of Corpus Christi or the Santísimo Sacramento, first half of the 14th century. In Silanes Susaeta, Gregorio. “La cofradía del Santísimo Sacramento de Tudela”. Cuadernos de Etnología y Etnografía de Navarra, 71 (1998): 53-58. 118. Ordinances of the Guild of Corpus Christi or the Santísimo Sacramento, first half of the 14th century. (Silanes Susaeta, Gregorio. “La cofradía del Santísimo Sacramento de Tudela”…: 53-58).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 219 08/06/2009 8:28:19 220 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

However, some kinds of guild offered a wider range of services than others119. Thus, a religious guild had the licence and the obligation to attend to all its members in the last moments of their lives, as well as to procure the health of their souls after death, paying for funerals and anniversaries of those brothers who lacked the necessary means120, as can be seen from the rules established in the founding statutes of the Guild of Santa María de Eunate,

Ittem hordenaron que quando algun confrade fuere finado, que los mayorales vayan ante [de la] noche a demandar a los cabezaleros o herederos si tienen manera de fazer el entierro, et si no tubiere manera de fazer o no quisieren fazer, los mayorales deuen drezar e los comfrades deuen escottar la espenssa; ett si los mayorales, o solamente el que sera de la parte donde el muerto sera, non viniere antte noche, paguen de calonia cada veinte sueldos, que asi lo dize el Preuilexio, ett de la pena sea a la merzed del capitol121.

or the guild of Santa María Mayor of San Cernin in Pamplona,

Item statuerunt quod unusquisque confrater det in morte sua viginti et quatuor libras de cera pro faciendis candelis; et decem libras turonensium parvorum ad faciendum septenarium, si potest. Et si per impotentiam haec facere nequiverit, suam impotentiam ostendat sercesé priori, vel mayoralibus dictae confratriae; et capitulum teneatur dare candelas. Et dicti confratres de bursis propriis dictum septenarium facere tenenantur pro anima diciti confratris defuncti. Et si praedicta calumniose vel et contumaciter pro communi dare noluerit, nec nos ei servitium seu septenarium faciamus122.

or that of Santo Tomás Apóstol of Pamplona,

Item han acordado que si algún confrade pobre finare en la dicta Ciudat o en sus términos de guisa que no ouies cumplida facultat de vienes para suplir conueniblement las expensas de su enterrorio como a ell perteneztra, que los dictos Confrades et confraria sean tenidos de suplir

119. This was also corroborated by García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 305, where he talks about religious and professional guilds; Benítez Bolorinos, Manuel. Las cofradías medievales en el reino de Valencia (1329-1458). Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 1998: 38-40. 120. This is also indicated by Orlandis, José. “’Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 262-263. A task that was shared by the professional guilds. As stated by Benítez Bolorinos, Manuel. Las cofradías medievales en el reino de Valencia…: 185, 192, note 22, with examples of the guilds of çabaters (1329), Santa Catalina (1329), aluders i pergaminers (1329), pellicers (1330 and 1392) and tinters del drap de lana (1417) among others, whose members took charge of providing funeral and burial for those companions who did not have the means to do so for themselves. 121. 1.1.15. [Muerte de Cofrades. Pago de gastos funerarios]. Old ordinances of the Guild of Eunate, dated on 25th October 1487. (Jimeno Jurío, José Mª. “Eunate y su cofradía. Ordenanzas antiguas”. Príncipe de Viana, 58/210 [1997]: 87-117). In 1156, the statutes of the Guild of Santa Eulalia del Campo already included this fraternal obligation: Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 118. 122. Old ordinances of the Guild of Santa María Mayor de San Cernin or Oculi Mei, year 1229, chapter 9. This transcription corresponds to the one by Albizu (Albizu, Juan. “Primitivas constituciones de la Cofradía Mayor de San Cernin que después se llamó de Oculi Mei”. Boletín de la Comisión de Monumentos Históricos de Navarra [1926]: 7-12). There is also another later one: García Larragueta, Santos. Archivo Parroquial de San Cernin. Colección Diplomática hasta 1400. Pamplona: Diputación Foral de Navarra-Institución Príncipe de Viana, 1976: 26-31, n. 2.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 220 08/06/2009 8:28:19 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 221

et fornir las expensas de tal enterrorio, faciendo aquell conueniblement Justa su facultat a bien vista dellos123.

The charitable work was on occasions extended to other people outside the guild, such as vagabonds or travellers who died in the town124. This task was later incorporated into the bylaws of some municipalities, thus constituting a more extensive network of care that might benefit all their neighbours in case of economic hard- ship. The extension of these favours intended to take charge of the spiritual and physical welfare of its inhabitants ended up being applied even to luckless strangers, who were given everything necessary for their bodies to receive a Christian burial.

[I]tem si conteçiere que en alguna delas ditas vezindades finare alguna persona forestera o dela villa que no ouiere dineros nin otros bienes pora con que sea fecho enterrorio ordenamos que en tal caso por Reuerençia de dios et intuytu de piedat los vezinos dela tal vezindat le deuan ordenar suplir et fornir de mortalla çera et otras cosas pora lenterrorrio ata L. ss. et fuessa 125.

On the other hand, in a professional guild the members not only guaranteed the maintenance of those who had fallen into poverty or sickness but also the maintenance of old or disabled guild members126. However, it must be noted that help for the elderly appears for the first time in the founding statutes from the 15th century, although it is possible that this obligation might have also been applied before this period, but was not made public until attitudes towards old age changed to become an obligation for the community as a whole.

Otrosi ordenan et tienen por bien que si algún confradre de la dicta confraria por senetut o por enfermedat o otrament caya en pobreza et mengoa de vienes, que aquell tál, bibiendo en la dicta Ciudat o en sus corrseras, sea proueydo o sostenido et mantenido conveniblement

123. Decree of the Guild of Santo Tomás Apóstol, 8th December 1430. (Núñez de Cepeda Ortega, Marce- lo. Los antiguos gremios y cofradías de Pamplona. Pamplona: Imprenta Diocesana, 1948: 69). 124. The Valencian guilds of corders, San Pedro and esparters (1392) contemplated the burial of any poor person who required one, and obliged all the guild members to attend the funeral as if it were for a brother. (Benítez Bolorinos, Manuel. Las cofradías medievales en el reino de Valencia...: 187). 125. [6] Ordenança sobre el sacar el dia de Sant Steban bayles y enterradores y como se tenia antigoamente el concejo. Year 1412. (Ciérvide Martinena, Ricardo. Registro del Concejo de Olite (1224-1537). [Notas y texto paleográfico]. Pamplona: Diputación Foral de Navarra-Institución Príncipe de Viana-CSIC, 1974: 257-258). 126. This service is similarly found in the parochial ordinances of Seville in the mid 14th century as cited by García de Cortázar José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 305. He also includes a text that shows how the guild of fishermen of Bermeo, in its ordinances of 1353, committed itself to creating a fund to help the poor and the old (García de Cortázar José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 305). Manuel Benítez, also presents similar cases in professional Valencian guilds such as the argenters (silversmiths) (1392) or that of San Nicolás of Alicante (1402), in which they assisted those members who, because of old age, were unable to work, and thus to support themselves. In the case of macips del pes real of Valencia (1392), 8 dineros were even given to each for each day. (Benítez Bolorinos, Manuel. Las cofradías medievales en el reino de Valencia ...: 185 [note 25], 193).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 221 08/06/2009 8:28:21 222 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

sobre los vienes, rentas et rebenuas de la dicta confraria Justa la facultat de bienes que y seran127.

Some trade guilds went even further, taking charge of caring for the maintenance of the widow and children of the dead member.

Et asi queremos, si constercier morir alguno Maestro de las dichas artes, su mujer, viviendo en su honesto y casto viudage, tanto por ser entretener en honor, como para mantener hijos o hijas pequeinos si hobiere, que sea de honesta conversación y entendiere en la arte a tal fijo, ni obrero, no pueda practicar en la cirugia mayormente en los casos peligrosos sin compañía de alguno de los otros maestros de la arte, e si no lo ficiere, pague, por cada vez, un florín de pena y todo lo que por la cura hobiere tomado128.

6. Social considerations of the elderly

As it has been shown in the context of the question of life expectancy, in judicial processes (which were held over or against specific subjects) or communal testimonies, it was necessary that the oldest individuals signed or remembered events that happened in the heart of the community —there are lists that specify the presence of its oldest members as representatives of the collective memory. Their declarations were decisive and advanced age of the deponents (a synonym of wisdom and honesty) reinforced the value of their arguments. This vehicle for transmitting collective memories was thus considered the most suitable129. In other circumstances, such as key moments in community life, their presence was also required. That is why the Fuero General de Navarra prescribes the attendance of the echaun or the echandra130 from each house at the wake of a man of rank, which could be interpreted as the attendance of the heads of family, in representation of the whole community, although it might be suggested that their presence would also give greater solemnity to the funeral of an individual, who already stood out among the rest of his neighbours for his social and economic condition, in the locality,

Si muere ombre pobre quoal que hora moriere sotiérrenlo et si alguno richo ó emparentado muere de dia, véyllelo de nuytes. De casa deven yr á la veylla o el echaiaun ó ela echandra,

127. Ordenanzas de la cofradía de Santo Thomás apóstol, hechas por los carpinteros de Pamplona y confirmadas por el rey en el año de 1430 (8th December, 1430). (Núñez de Cepeda Ortega, Marcelo. Los antiguos gremios ...: 61-67). The sailors of Deva were doing the same in 1448, maintaining their guild brothers when they reached old age and could no longer go out fishing: Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 1209. 128. Primitive constitutions for 1496 of the Guild of San Cosme and San Damián, of doctors and boticarios (pharmacists), chapter 24. (Núñez de Cepeda Ortega, Marcelo. Los antiguos gremios…: 166-173). 129. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 81. 130. Ederly men or woman of each family (the oldest) and owner of the house. See note 133.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 222 08/06/2009 8:28:21 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 223

et si non venieren seyendo sano, deve calonia. Al alva, los varones pueden yr á sacar los ganados, et las echandras deven veyllar el cuerpo131.

as indicated in the ordinances of Lizasoáin

Otrossi hordenamos e mandamos that cada e quando finare algun honbre o muger habitante et morador en la dicha villa finare ante noche et en la noche estubiere sin enterrar el cuerpo en casa o en la yglesia que de cada casa sea tenido deyr a bellar sobre el dicho cuerpo uno o una de los echandros o chandras et que sean requeridos por el mayoral de la dicha villa en la noche tres vezes…132

and that might also apply, as shown below, to the elderly133. Thus in Arraiza, the attendance of two people from each house at funeral processions was also ordered, these being specified as the eldest,

(…) mandamos que todas las vezes que alguno fuere defunto en el dicho pueblo asta en tanto que el cuerpo sea enterrado de cada casa dos personas los mas ancianos no ayan de faltar al dicho enterrorio ni ayan de hazer ausencia del pueblo (…) so pena de tres tarjas por cada uno que al contrario hiziere por cada vez…134

Similarly, when an old person died, he or she was given a treatment that was different from the rest of the neighbours, one representative of each house in the village had to be present at the wake, similar to what the Fuero General established in the case of the death of a man of rank. Thus, the by-laws of Villava established that on the death of an old person, if the body was not buried on the same day of death, someone from each house should attend to watch over the body, and if this order were not met, a fine of 5sueldos would be imposed:

131. Fuero General de Navarra, Lib. III, Tit. XXI: De Sepulturas. Cap. I: “Cómo et en quoal hora deven soterrar los vezinos quoando ombre pobre muere, et quoando ombre rico muere cómo et quoales lo deven velar el fazer la fuesa, et que, et qui la deve goardar; et si dayno ninguno recebiere por non gardarla, qué calonia han, et si parientes fuera lo quieren levar al muerto, qué deven fazer”. (Fuero General de Navarra …: 149). 132. AGN, Comptos, Papeles Sueltos 1ª Serie, leg. 3, Privilegios y Ordenanzas Municipales, carp. 11, Cotos y Paramentos del lugar de Lizasoain, dated on 8th of April 1545. (Cit. Idoate, Florencio. “A través de las ordenanzas viejas de Lizásoain y Ororbia”, Rincones de la Historia de Navarra. Pamplona: Gòmez, 1954: I, 357-362). 133. “Echaun, Echandra, segun el Diccionario del Sr. Baraibar significa el amo, ó la dueña de la casa; pero yo creo que en este caso el Fuero habla de personas que tenían en cada pueblo el cargo vecinal de velar á los difuntos” (Translation into English: “Echaun, Echandra, according to the Dictionary of Mr. Baraibar means owner, or the keeper of a house; but I believe that in this case the Fuero is talking about people whose neighbourly duty in each village was to watch over the dead”). In Yanguas Miranda, José. Diccionario de los Fueros del Reino de Navarra y de las Leyes vigentes promulgadas hasta las Cortes de los años 1817 y 1818 inclusive. Pamplona: Diputación Foral de Navarra-Institución Príncipe de Viana, 1964: 37-38, note 30. 134. AGN, Comptos, Papeles Sueltos 1ª Serie, leg. 3, Privilegios y Ordenanzas Municipales, carp. 13, Ordenanzas confirmadas por el corte, para el gobierno de los vecinos del lugar de Arraiza, asistencia a los divinos oficios, entierros, conservación de los montes, goce de sus términos y otras cosas, dated in the 16th century. (Cited by Idoate, Florencio. “A través de las ordenanzas viejas de Lizásoain y Ororbia”…: 361).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 223 08/06/2009 8:28:22 224 Ju l i a Ba l d ó

Otrossi fue ordenado quando quiere que hubiere algun defuncto en la nostra villa que sea persona de edad e que cuerpo no se enterrare aquel dia vaya por cada casa una persona a hazer la noche en la tal casa. E el que no fuere pague calonie cinco sueldos que se goarde si todos lo quieren135.

7. Final considerations

Considering all of this, it must be concluded that from the high Middle Ages onwards, the conditions of the elderly underwent a profound change that affected them positively. Thus, during an early stage, what predominates is the lack of definition of the elderly as individuals and as a social entity with theirown characteristics. However, in some privileged sectors, such as the court, the nobility or the regular clergy, the attitude to old age was quite different. Their function as advisers in the former case and as heads of the community in the latter were decisive factors with regard to what would occur later, when a more favourable condition dominated, which considered them as wise, as receptors of personal and community experience, who undertook tasks for the community to which they belonged. The late Middle Ages were heavily influenced by the social convulsion provoked by the demographic crisis, which led to a change of mentality that was very beneficial for this group. The epidemics of Black Death affected social structures, reducing the number of young people and increasing the proportion of mature and old men, who took on the tasks of governing and organising the community. This group contributed, on one hand, to establishing a new concept of society in which they held power and, on the other, to lead a demographic regeneration with new marriages. In this way, families integrated their elders into their daily lives, which led to various generations living together in the same household thus creating new ways for the care of their progenitors. These family ties promoted a new social awareness towards this group, which resulted in its acquiring a more privileged position, more than they had enjoyed during the high medieval period, as indicated in the scarce documentation known from this epoch. The role of advisers and guides that a few had enjoyed in the previous period was extended to a higher percentage of individuals. This increasing awareness of old age also led to measures being taken to help and protect the least privileged members of society. Some of them had already been in practice since the high Middle Ages, such as oblations in monastic communities or military orders. However, with the rise of the urban centres, a new religiosity developing around the mendicant orders meant that the forms of assistance for the elderly changed significantly. Thus, the care of the elderly did not fall exclusively on their relatives, but was also carried out by the hospitals in the towns, either run by laity or by religious orders and brotherhoods, dedicated to charity and shelter.

135. AGN, Comptos, Papeles Sueltos 1ª Serie, leg. 2, Privilegios y Ordenanzas Municipales y de Médicos, y de Plantaciones de Olivos, carp. 29 bis, Ordenanzas de la Villa de Villava, 18th January, 1539.-Pamplona.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 224 08/06/2009 8:28:23 Qu o n s tit u i d o e n e s t r e m a v e j e z 225

At the same time, the guilds were responsible for protecting their own members in cases of poverty or old age, a responsibility that the municipalities also began to adopt, covering all the population, but also people passing through who had no means of subsistence. The quality of the elderly was so highly valued that even the kings looked after their servants by creating a pension system that, in the case of Navarre, was extremely efficient thanks to the fiscal machinery of the Comptos and the limited size of the kingdom. Monarchs such as Charles III, demonstrated their generosity to their vassals by establishing different systems of support in cases of poverty or illness, through charity (specific or periodic), subsistence or monetary or mixed pensions, as well as through gifts for their most esteemed servants. Given all the above, it should be noted that old people acquired an increasing quality of life throughout the Middle Ages, as this group obtained an organisation they had not achieved until then. It was society itself that became aware of the importance of this group and that created the means necessary to help the eldest, aware of the value of their experience for the benefit of the community as a whole. Finally, it must be mentioned that, as the centuries of the late Middle Age went by, and life expectancy rose, it became ever more frequent for people to reach old age. A natural death, principally of old age, was equivalent to having time to pre- pare death with serenity and temperance, as the manuals of the Good Death demanded. For this reason anyone who died in peace “in bed”, at a ripe old age, surrounded by his or her family, friends and loved ones, and having received the holy sacraments, could consider himself or herself extremely fortunate. Because he or she had managed to overcome all dangers and adversities of life, observed the prescribed Christian rite of the Good Death, and therefore could finally pass away, with peace of spirit and conscience, to the Eternal Life.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 191-225. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 225 08/06/2009 8:28:24 Anglès.indd 226 08/06/2009 8:28:24 III PART THE PAST EXPLAINED AND RECREATED

Anglès.indd 227 08/06/2009 8:28:25 Anglès.indd 228 08/06/2009 8:28:25 The middle ages in USA cinema

Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o Un i v e r s i d a d d e Al i c a n t e Spa i n

Date of reception: 19th of February, 2008 Final date of acceptance: 6th of May, 2008

Ab s t r a c t

The cinema is today one of the world’s most widespread means of entertainment and spreading knowledge. Nowadays, over 3,300 million people live in urban areas. All these people are potential consumers of films from an early age. No scientific discipline can ignore the importance and significance that the seventh art has acquired as a vehicle for transmitting knowledge and wisdom. The Middle Ages is a historical period that the cinema has recreated since its origins and still does in recent epic films. The aim of this article is to examine the vision of the Middle Ages projected through films made in the United States of America.

Ke y w o r d s

Cinema, Middle Ages, United States.

Ca pi t a l i a v e r b a

Ars cinematographica, Medium Aeuum, Foederatae Americae Septentrionalis Ciuitates.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931 229

Anglès.indd 229 08/06/2009 8:28:25 230 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

1. Pedagogy of the image and the cinema

The use of the image as a historical document, especially in media such as photography and cinema, is one of the recent novelties in the field of historiography with different types of documentation being ever more frequently used. Together with literary texts and oral testimonies, images also have an important role.1 At the beginning of the 21st century, most of the planet’s population with access to audiovisual media spends more time watching television or cinema than reading. In America, figures from the early nineties show that audiovisual media were used over fifty times more than books.2 In 2008, these proportions must surely have increased considerably, as there has been a spectacular rise in the audiovisual media globally over the last fifteen years. Photography and cinema have an extraordinary value for widening areas of knowledge in contemporary history in such fields as the history of mentalities, history of daily life, cultural history, etc. Evoking the historiographical situation of such a relatively recent date as 1976, Jon Solomon stated that, “When I began the first version of this book in 1976, there was little interest in the genre of films that I call, ironically and on purpose, ‘old’”.3 One of the main pieces of evidence for these changes is the emergence of research interest into the history of the cinema among specialists from the areas of art history, audiovisual communication and publicity or contemporary history, and the fact that many universities are introducing into their curricula specific subjects dedicated to the history of the cinema and the analysis of contemporary history as seen through film. This signifies considerable progress compared with the history of the cinema in our universities in recent decades, although there is still a long way to go. On one hand, I believe that the horizons of these studies, work and research should be widened to embrace the vision of medieval times through the cinema, which is the aim of this article. But I also consider it necessary to include knowledge, themes, practical classes, conferences or seminars related to the study of the vision of the Middle Ages through cinema into the specific subjects in the area of medieval history.4 The influence the seventh art may have had as a transmitter of knowledge for millions of individuals all over the world during the 20th century needs to be considered. A well-known Spanish politician recognised in his memories that “The

1. Burke, Peter. Visto y no visto. El uso de la imagen como documento histórico. Barcelona: Crítica, 2001: 11. 2. Ferro, Marc. “Perspectivas en torno a las relaciones Historia-Cine”. Film-Historia, I/1 (1991): 3. 3. Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo en el cine. Madrid: Alianza, 2002: 15. 4. Over the last two years, interesting seminars and courses about the relation between the medieval world and the cinema have been organised. These include the “IV Foro Medieval. Edad Media Made in USA”, held in Cortegana, 11 to 13 August 2006 and with specific sessions dedicated to the cinema. The course “La Edad Media en el Cine”, from 25 October 2006 to 13 December 2006 in the Universidad de Murcia and “La Edad Media vista por el Cine. X Curso de Historia y Cultura Medieval”, held in Albarracín from 20 to 22 September 2007.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 230 08/06/2009 8:28:26 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 231

cinema was the university of life”.5 For writers and intellectuals of the stature of Gore Vidal, “the cinema shapes our character even from infancy” and this thesis has been the central subject of talks he has given about the role of the cinema in society.6 The author of Julian confessed in his memories that “I was rather a lonely child and didn’t look for any type of company apart from books, films and my own imagination”.7 Given the importance of Gore Vidal’s role in North American culture and politics, his reflection acquires an extraordinary importance and leads to the hypothesis about the role of the cinema in the United States since the First World War as a vehicle to bring Europe closer culturally and historically; and after the end of the conflict, the capacity of the United States as the first emerging world power to transmit its own culture to the old, refined and outdated European continent through the cinema. We can thus reflect on the cinema as a very powerful vehicle for the Europeanization of the United States and the Americanisation of Europe through popularisation and mass entertainment in the period after the Second World War, and with the effect of ideological rearmament during the Cold War. Until the outbreak of the First World War, international politics had been decided by a limited group of European powers on a Eurocentric basis.8 Since the 11th century, part of international politics had been moulded by the interests of the European ruling classes.9 The European aristocracies10 went out in search of territorial, religious, economic and cultural conquest of the European continent. From the western expansion beginning in the 11th century and up to the aftermath of the Second World War, European leaders had fought wars outside the natural frontiers of Europe in a process of territorial expansion of Western society that did not end until after the Second World War, with the loss of the colonies that some European nations still held beyond their national frontiers. Around the beginning of the 20th century, prior to the First World War, old Eu- rope was still anchored in its old African and Asian colonies, while under the Mon- roe Doctrine, the Protestant Anglo-Saxon oligarchy in the United States had designed a pan-American policy, with the United States as the leading power on the American continent. The United States of America grew strong on the American continent and Eu- rope was narcotized by the outflow of its essence and the dreams of its old and vast colonies.

5.Guerra González, Alfonso. Cuando el tiempo nos alcanza. Memorias (1940-1982). Madrid: Espasa, 2004: 67. 6. Vidal, Gore. Una memoria. Barcelona: DeBolsillo, 2006: 31. 7. Vidal, Gore. Una memoria...:33. 8. Elizalde Pérez-Grueso, María Dolores. “Los años previos a la Gran Guerra, 1870-1914: consolidaciones nacionales, rivalidades imperialistas y reparto del mundo en zonas de influencia”,Europa y Estados Unidos. Una historia de la relación atlántica en los últimos cien años, José María Beneyto Pérez, Ricardo M. Martín de la Guardia, Guillermo Á. Pérez Sánchez, dirs. Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, Instituto de Estudios Europeos de la Universidad San Pablo-Ceu, 2005: 33. 9. Bartlett, Robert. La formación de Europa. Conquista, colonización y cambio cultural, 950-1350. Valencia- Granada: Servicio de Publicaciones. Universidad de Valencia-Universidad de Granada, 2003. 10. About the concept of the ruling group in the Middle Ages in Western Europe, see: Morsel, Joseph. L’aristocratie médiévale. Ve-XVe siècle. Paris: Armand Colin, 2004.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 231 08/06/2009 8:28:27 232 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

Until 1917, the United States had isolated itself from the problems of the old continent, the “suicidal old Europe” that the new nation’s first settlers had fled from not so long ago. Until that year, the Monroe Doctrine, thought up by the Secretary of State Quincy Adams under James Monroe’s presidency, stipulated that the United States rejected the presence of the European powers in any territory in the American hemisphere, while agreeing to avoid involvement in European politics and especially in its wars. President Wilson abrogated this doctrine in 1917 with the first participation by American armies on the European continent. American troops are still based on European territory.11 The entry of the United States into Europe to fight in the First World War, and the role played by North American powers at the end of the second great international conflict of the 20th century, signified for the United States an opening towards Europe, and for the outdated and stale continent, the beginning of a progressive Americanisation. The end of colonialism and the new position of the United States as the hegemonic world power after 1945 meant a brusque change in world leadership, putting an end to a European leadership forged in the medieval period and consolidated and extended over the following centuries. The leaders of the international film market in the first two decades of the 20th century were France, Italy and Denmark. The great rise of the film industry in the United States came after the end of the First World War and its dominance was consolidated after the Second World War.12 Let us not forget that the history of the 20th century really began with the First World War13 and the profound changes that the end of the conflict produced among the great powers. The consequences of this conflict mark the rise of a new social and cultural stage, one that fully coincided with the origin and consolidation of the cinema as a mass spectacle. In this sense, the interest of medievalists in the cinema produced in the United States centres on the handling of the audiovisual media, which is of great value as a teaching tool in the classroom, but also as a means of reflecting on the paths that have led successive generations in the 20th century to forge a more or less stereotyped image of the Middle Ages. I think that Stuart Airlie is exaggerating when he states that “Movies can be dangerous for medievalists”.14 This phrase may have been true in the early 20th century, but nowadays I do not believe that medieval historians find films set in the Middle Ages “dangerous”. In a recent detailed, perceptive and occasionally funny study, Jacques Heers presented the false and ambiguous vision of the period between the 5th and 15th centuries transmitted from the Renaissance down to the 19th century and even into the 20th century, analysing various texts from the last five hundred years about certain

11. Vidal, Gore. Una memoria...: 75. 12. Talens, Jenaro; Zunzunegui, Santos, coords. Historia General del Cine. I. Orígenes del Cine. Madrid: Cá- tedra, 1998: 211. 13. Elizalde Pérez-Grueso, María Dolores. “Los años previos a la Gran Guerra...”:17. 14.Airlie, Stuart. “Strange eventful histories: the Middle Ages in the cinema”, The Medieval World, Peter Linehan, Janet L. Nelson, eds. London: Routledge, 2001: 163.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 232 08/06/2009 8:28:28 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 233

prejudices and stereotyped ideas on feudalism, the church, the peasantry or the Middle Ages as a historical period, discovering and revising the dark legends about the medieval period that have been woven over the last five hundred years.15 As happened with the dark Hispanic legend, in Western Europe all this literature helped to consolidate a pejorative and negative vision of the Middle Ages reflected in the expression “The Dark Ages” that we can still find in some textbooks, literary or other works set in the Middle Ages, and even more so in the press. One of the most common and clichéd ways of beginning a film set in the Middle Ages is with a voice-over beyond a dramatic image reminding the spectator that the action is located in the dark period of the Middle Ages. In general terms, what has marked a difference between the view of the Middle Ages projected from the United States and the one generated in European cinema, is that in the first case, we come across a more idealised, clean, bright, colouristic and utopian vision of the medieval world, in contrast with the dark, cold, harsh, and realist recreation that Europe has done of its own medieval history. The beginning of the 21st century is the moment for analysis of the vision of the Middle Ages that American cinema has transmitted, together with the influence that this may have had on historical divulgation and reciprocal cultural colonisation between the old and new worlds. This image of the Middle Ages, reflected in hundreds of films, with a greater or lesser impact on the audience, has forged very clear concepts about what the Middle Ages must have been like and what are, for millions around the world, intrinsic aspects related to their personal vision of medieval times. Given that the United States of America is the country that has produced the highest proportion of films set in the Middle Ages, and that these attract the biggest audiences to the cinemas, I consider it necessary to reflect on the image of the medieval world projected by American cinema. Resorting to a stereotype like the Far West, it is difficult to imagine a vision of the history of the United States in the second half of the 19th century other than the one reflected in the cinematographic western, in films by masters such as John Ford, Anthony Mann, Howard Hawks or Otto Preminger. However, the obligation of historians specialised in this period is to reject this false image of the American west and press for a serious and thorough revision of the history of the United States during that period, which does not, however, mean that we can no longer enjoy the image projected by these marvellous films. Reflecting on the vision of the Middle Ages in North American cinema leads me to pose a question about the extent to which the cinema may have influenced the learning of various generations of students and professionals of history, either directly or indirectly. I am certain that there is an influence, but one which cannot be measured. The cultural evolution of the 20th century has generated a necessary change at all levels of history teaching and writing. In 1920, the Dutch Academy requested from the prestigious historian Johan Huizinga an assessment of the value of a project for an archive of cinematographic documentaries. Huizinga spoke out

15. Heers, Jacques. La invención de la Edad Media. Barcelona: Crítica, 1995.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 233 08/06/2009 8:28:29 234 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

against the project, claiming that the cinema made no serious contribution to the knowledge of history. The response from this Dutch expert was typical of cinema’s infancy when it was still little appreciated by contemporary intellectuals. At the beginning of the 21st century, the cinema has come of age, and its artistic and pedagogical values are universally recognised, it now being habitual to find references to the seventh art in serious books on historical research.16

2. The genres. Historical cinema in the United States

The cinema, in both its artistic conception and its critical analysis, has been structured by genres almost since its very beginnings, and these frames were decisively influenced by North American cinema, especially those dictated by the “majors”, the large companies each of which specialised in a specific genre. These, whether westerns, musicals or thrillers, were based on the repetition of characteristic schemes, thematic typologies and characters or even specific technical characteristics —for example, the black and white, more or less constant presence of claustrophobic atmospheres and the great contrasts in the lighting in cine noir, or the wide open spaces, horses and revolvers, the duel or the canteen, as the setting and specific elements of awestern . Even a company’s actors, actresses and directors were orientated towards a specific genre, adapted to the visual characteristics of its stars. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer used their star Robert Taylor to produce three films set in the Middle Ages, Ivanhoe (1952), Knights of the Round Table (1953) and Quentin Durward (1955), all three filmed by Richard Thorpe using the new techniques ofCinemaScope. Other companies, such as Warner Bros, with actors such as Humphrey Bogart, used their profile to make excellent police or cine noir films, while Universal Pictures tended towards horror films, and with Boris Karloff inFrankenstein (1931) and Bela Lugosi in Dracula (1931), created some of the all-time greats of this genre. When we approach a film that is already framed, or that we decide to place in one of these categories, it is possible to follow the steps that reveal a logic previously inscribed in the film.17 The history of historical cinema is very recent in our country. Some pioneers, such as Marco Ferro, have been working in France since the sixties, in the face of the surprise and lack of understanding of companions and colleagues. Despite this, his work has ended up taking root and various schools have arisen in Europe and America that use the cinema as a source of knowledge about, and divulgation of history. In the United States, Robert A. Rosenstone, one of the fathers of the North American school, has undertaken a similar task to Ferro in Europe. It is necessary to mention their different foci when tackling film as a historical document. Prestigious authors, like the above-mentioned Marco Ferro in history

16. Barlett, Robert. La formación de Europa...: 89. 17. Carmona, Ramón. Cómo se comenta un texto fílmico. Madrid: Cátedra, 1993: 54.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 234 08/06/2009 8:28:30 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 235

and Pierre Sorlin in sociology, use their work to present the analysis of the vision of history through the cinema, while Rosenstone emphasises especially how the films explain and relate to history. Three ways to approach cinema from the field of history derive from these positions: 1. Cinema as a source of research into the past. Documentation - research. 2. Cinema as a means for study and knowledge of the past, at its most advanced levels, didactic as well as historical divulgation. Teaching. 2.a. The epoch portrayed in the film. 2.b. The period when the film was made. 3. Cinema as a vehicle for reconstructing history. Alternative reading. Creation. Art Film. We can try to offer a simple definition: a historical film is one where the action is set in an identifiable past in relation to when it was made. This identification occurs through the accumulation of historical details or aspects that grant credibility to the audiovisual discourse and in favour of a certain historical sense. In historical films, we move between the description of the past and its explanation or interpretation. Depending on the approach, this can be limited to a mere visualization (sometimes only scenographic) of the past, or a full recreation.18 What do we understand by a historical programme? Manuel Palacio, in his excellent article about History on Television, answered this question, “Once again, the best is not to be distracted by debates and to follow the canons most frequented by the dialectic between present and past, the present and history. In the present context, a historical programme shall be one whose content is set at least ten years before the time of broadcast. We shall make distinctions between programmes that are based on a literary adaptation (i.e. Fortunata y Jacinta or La Regenta) and those that are based on an original theme (i.e. Los desastres de la Guerra). In other words, the spectators find a specific scenography (setting, costumes, furnishings, architecture, urbanism, etc) that establishes their perception of the work as a historical discourse or, more appropriately, as a narrative that talks about “the past”, independently of whether the original was a literary text.19 Through the work of Enrique Monterde, we can define this point more precisely. Historical cinema is characterised not so much because the subject of the discourse —in the form of a representation— belongs to the past, as by the fact that, to access it, one has to pass through another form of representation that goes by the name of history. This means that the legalization of historical cinema is extra- cinematographic, even depending on the historiographical models inasmuch as it is a historical work. Along those lines, several questions arise, related to the nature of

18. Monterde, José Enrique. “Historia y Cine. Notas introductorias”. Cuadernos de la Academia, 6 (september, 1999)(Ficciones Históricas, José Enrique Monterde, dir. Madrid: Academia de las Artes y las Ciencias Cinematográficas de España, 1999):11. 19. Palacio, Manuel. “La Historia en la televisión”. Cuadernos de la Academia, 6 (September,1999) (Ficciones Históricas, José Enrique Monterde, dir. Madrid: Academia de las Artes y las Ciencias Cinematográficas de España, 1999): 139.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 235 08/06/2009 8:28:31 236 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

the selected historical facts, the development of these in the film, and the structure within which they are presented, etc. In any case, insofar as this representation (on film) of another representation (historical) is concerned, there is always room for a margin, a space, for the development of a historical sense.20 Tarkovsky’s reflection about his excellent film Andrei Rublev, set in the 15th century, is also interesting. About this film, he said that, “I don’t understand the historical films that are not pertinent to the present. For me the most important aspect is to use historical material to express man’s ideas and create contemporary characters”.21 This idea can lead us to ask whether historical films can be about what we really are, rather than what we were. Films like Spartacus can explain the political situation in the USA in the 1950s and it anticipated the situation of the early sixties, with the struggle for human rights and against the corruption of politicians and the American government. It is impossible to see the treatment that Hollywood gave to the ancient world in titles like Quo Vadis? (1951), Ben-Hur (1959) and Spartacus (1960), without comparing them to Nazis and communists.22 In the current international context, a film likeKingdom of Heaven offered a justification for the invasion of Iraq by the American administration at the time of its release and drew parallels between the supposed collaboration between the crusading armies and the local population and the help that the US army was going to give to the population of Iraq after the conquest of the country. In a recent work, Juan Francisco González created a classification of epic cinema, cataloguing as historical those films that respond to a conception of history based on specific characters or historical events, and that offer their own view of that event or character. It is less important to adhere strictly to the facts as they really happened; more important is the perspective that the director offers us through specific events and characters.23 However, and without questioning this definition, with this criterion we can clas- sify a considerable part of cinematographic production as historical cine. Practically all the films set before the fall of the Berlin Wall put us in a historical context, including the conquest of the American West, the Great Depression, Roosevelt’s New Deal, the Second World War, the Cold War, the Vietnam War, etc. That is the reason why some authors prefer to maintain the basic structure of the genres and only include among the epic genre those films that intentionally have a historical backdrop, or are set in historical scenarios clearly understandable by any spectator. This way, we can catalogue The Searchers by John Ford as a western rather than a historical film. Although historical references are made, such as the end of the American Civil War, the conflict with the Indians, etc., the film is a pure western, as

20. Monterde, José Enrique. “Historia y Cine...”: 11. 21. Kobal, John. Las 100 mejores películas. Madrid: Alianza, 2003: 85-86. 22. Wyke, Maria. Projecting the past: Ancient Rome, Cinema, and History. New York: Routledge, 1997, from Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo...: 16. 23. González, Juan Francisco. Aprender a ver cine. Madrid: Rialp, 2002: 35.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 236 08/06/2009 8:28:32 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 237

the historical aspect is secondary, while the epic of an individual, Ethan Edwards, and his personal adventures in the American West are the central themes of the film. The birth of epic cinema in the United States was conditioned by the circumstances before and after the First World War. Before the outbreak of the conflict that led to the first military intervention by the United States in Europe, the early epic productions were filmed on the old continent. We can consider the 1908-production Gli“ ultimi giorni di Pompeii” by Luigi Maggi,24 the first classic of epic cinema produced in Italy in the context of the Golden Age of Italian cinema, together with other highlights such as Cabiria (1914) directed by Giovanni Pastrone, one of the great epic films of the silent period. It was the first great epic film, and with its impressive visual effects, lighting and the colossal nature of its scenes with numerous extras, deeply impressed spectators and film enthusiasts of the time and had a notable influence on pioneers of the genre, such as Griffith, especially in one of his great films, Intolerance (1916). The extraordinary success of these Italian super-productions eclipsed French epic cinema, which had been very prolific until 1914. Something similar happened to British historical cinema. The First World War interrupted this golden trajectory in Italy, while large super-productions were still being made in the USA, despite the commercial failure of some of the great works filmed during the First World War, like the above-mentioned Intolerance. The war practically put an end to the expectations for the creation of a powerful cinematographic industry in Europe, especially in countries like Italy, with works linked to epic cine and the great super-productions or “colossal” films. After this decline, briefly interrupted by the rebirth of Italian cinema in the twenties, epic cinema grew in America with the incorporation of first sound, and then colour. In the thirties, there was a first apogee of epic cinema in Hollywood, with Cecil B. De Mille’s The Crusades (1935) being the first great talking film set in the Middle Ages, followed three years later by one of the classics of epic cinema, The Adventures of Robin Hood (1938) by Michael Curtiz and William Keighley, the first great super-production filmed inTechnicolor , starring Errol Flynn, a luxury cast, and the evocative music by Erich Wolfgang Korngold. The result was an excellent film of adventures and romances set in Sherwood Forest, one of the most characteristic scenarios of films on a medieval theme. Both Cabiria and Intolerance heralded some of the main characteristics of the genre, epic super-productions in all respects, colossalism, new narrative structures, spectacular special effects and a cast of thousands of extras. After these pioneers came the directors who set the foundations for the genre, such as Cecil B. de Mille, whose films, set in the classical and medieval worlds, turned him into one of the great directors of epic cinema and especially “colossal” films, and who managed to reinvigorate the “ancient” genre with productions like Samson and Delilah (1949).25 Cecil B. de Mille, with an industrial conception and spectacle in his productions, seeking spectacular box office hits, used solidly based historical arguments, but on

24. Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo...: 24. 25. Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo...: 31.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 237 08/06/2009 8:28:33 238 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

writing the script, placed the love stories, intrigues, violence, passion, etc., at the heart of his history, creating concoctions which might seem indigestible, explosive, histrionic, and even absurd for historians, but which entranced millions of spectators over various generations, even decades after the making of a film, as is the case of the Ten Commandments (1956). In Cleopatra (1934), he concentrated on the romances of the Egyptian empress, sidestepping any other issue. The Crusades (1935) was an authentic skit that used the Crusades as a pretext to present a spectacle of love, passions, violence and the holy and just struggle against Islam.26 This way, and with the rebirth of epic cinema in the fifties, the apogee of the epic genre was reached, in a development which was affected by competition from television, which led to enormous losses for the Hollywood studios and forced them to offer ever more spectacular products. This led to the use and triumph of the panoramic screen, used extensively in the epic films set in the classical period and the Middle Ages, The Robe (1953) being the first film in CinemaScope. The success, financially, with audiences and with awards from the Academy, of Ben-Hur (1959), was the peak of epic cinema. This work by William Wyler used an 1880 literary text which, as the trailers said, “is a story that has moved one generation of readers after another”. The film includes the three basic elements of epic films, namely violence, action and love, in this case with the added attraction of the appearance of Jesus. These were some of the keys to the success of the colossal super-productions of a Major study like Metro Goldwyn Mayer. Subsequently and from the sixties, the appearance of Spartacus (1960) marks a great difference, compared with previous epic films, showing a “modern sensitivity”, as it has been described by specialist critics. It is one of the best epic films and it introduced significant novelties, such as avoiding the religious question, not having a religious martyr. The problems that arose during filming, and the huge costs of Cleopatra (1963), practically signified the death sentence for epic colossal cinema, for the great super-productions. Before the current rebirth of epic cinema, the epic productions took refuge in television, where they found more financial and technical possibilities, as well as an audience avid to see these historical recreations on their television screens. Some of the most important examples for the ancient world are Jesus of Nazareth (1977) by Franco Zefirelli orI Claudius (1976) by Herbert Wisse. For the contemporary period, there was the great success of the series Roots (1977). Among the numerous productions from the medieval epoch, we might mention The Adventures of Robin Hood (1955), The Legend of Robin Hood (1968), Marco Polo (1982), Ivanhoe (1982), Robin of Sherwood (1984), Arthur the King (1985), Joan of Arc (1991), Charlemagne, le prince à cheval (1993), Cadfael (1994), Guinevere (1994), Desi- deria e l’annello del drago (1994), Ivanhoe (1997), Il cuore e la spada (Tristan e Isolda) (1998), Merlin (1998), Dark Ages (1999), Attila (2001), The Mists of Avalon (2001), Princess of Thieves (2001), Merlin and the Queen (2004), Robin Hood (2006) and in

26. In The Crusades, the long list of historical characters includes Saladin, Phillip of France, Richard the Lionheart, Sancho of Navarre, Berengaria of Navarre and the mention of Barbarossa, as well as such spectacular appearances as a nun in her full habit in an Islamic slave market.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 238 08/06/2009 8:28:34 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 239

Spain, Pedro I el Cruel (1988) and Réquiem por Granada (1990). This small sample indicates that the potential of television requires a separate analysis of the vision of the medieval world in television productions.27 Recently, the success of productions like Titanic (1997), Braveheart (1995), Gladiator (2000), King Arthur (2004), Kingdom of Heaven (2005), Alatriste (2006), The Last Legion (2007) or Beowulf (2007), has led to the resurgence of epic productions in the format of super-productions or “colossal” films, given that the introduction of new technologies in the film industry has led to a considerable reduction in the previously astronomical costs of producing these films. We can conclude by stating that historical cinema has found some subjects that simultaneously combine cultural, historical and popular attractions, a rich mine which has been expertly exploited within an artistic style whose special priority has been the colourist mass spectacle rather than an accurate analysis. Nowadays, for the majority of people, the main source of their historical knowledge are audiovisual media, cinema and television.28 This way, the ancient world in general, but especially Biblical themes, ancient Rome and the Middle Ages, have been the historical scenarios that the film industry has recreated from a specific point of view in order to take millions of spectators from all over the world to the streets of Rome, to the Egypt of the Pharaohs, to the Holy Land occupied by the Crusaders or to the scenarios of the life and passion of Christ. The literary works that had previously been popularly successful have been fundamental, especially in Hollywood films, in this inspiration which, in the eyes of the magnates of the industry, promised huge audiences to see these films about stories that, as the propaganda of the time said, had been read by generation after generation of readers. It is thus undeniable that the transmission of general knowledge about history and notable historical phenomena to millions of spectators all over the world is conditioned by the images received through the cinematographic language.

3. The Middle Ages in the United States cinema

The Middle Ages has been present in the seventh art practically since the birth of this popular new form of artistic expression which has reached thousands of millions of spectators around the world. Soon after the earliest beginnings of the cinema, what is now regarded as the first cinematographic production set in the Middle Ages was made. This was Joan of Arc by Alfred Clark, filmed in 1895 in the

27. An excellent work, and one which might serve as a model, can be found in Palacio, Manuel. “La Historia en la televisión”. Cuadernos de la Academia, 6 (September 1999) (Ficciones Históricas, José Enrique Monterde, dir. Madrid: Academia de las Artes y las Ciencias Cinematográficas de España, 1999): 137- 150. 28. Rosenstone, Robert A. El pasado en imágenes: El desafío del cine a nuestra idea de la Historia. Barcelona: Ariel, 1997: 29.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 239 08/06/2009 8:28:35 240 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

United States, followed five years later in France byJeanne d’Arc by Georges Méliès, one of the pioneers of cinema and one of the first who sensed the enormous possibilities of the seventh art as a spectacle for mass entertainment. This initial choice of the 15th century French national heroine for the first films set in medieval times was a wise one as, since then, eighteen films have been made about her, and the release has been announced of Joan of Arc: The Virgin Warrior, by Ronald F. Maxwell. This is truly a large number for a single person from the medieval period who, from an exclusively historiographical viewpoint, was not among the most important of the time. Some of the most outstanding characters of medieval history, or historical events of great relevance, have hardly made an appearance in the cinema. The importance of the medieval world is reflected by the figure of over 500 films in our latest, still unpublished, catalogue of medieval films.29 Those productions that, for various reasons, lack a clear intention to portray an identifiable historical past with greater or lesser credibility have not been included. Our previous definition of historical cinema included “historical indications able to give credibility to the audiovisual discourse and make it work in favour of a certain historical sense”. Cartoon productions are excluded under this concept, as are works of comic buf- foonery without historical accuracy in, for example, films like Robin Hood: Men in Tights (1993) by Mel Brooks, or the many films that repeatedly use the plot of Mark Twain’s A Connecticut Yankee At King Arthur’s Court, with numerous variations. There are two recent examples with the novelty of using popular Afro-American actors as leading characters in the plot on account of their wit. A Knight in Camelot (1998)30 starring Whoopi Goldberg, or Black Knight (2001)31 with the popular actor Martin Lawrence. This type of anachronism is frequent in cinema, with the undeniable attraction given by mixing epochs and characters in the same place and time, for example the clichéd time machines. Another common type of allusion are in the hundreds of new stories set in modern times but which refer to historical periods

29. Version updated in February 2008. This is an Access database where I have gathered a list of films set in the Middle Ages from various sources. I have included as basic data the name of the director, the name of the film, year of production, the country and I have assigned each work a specific theme, for example Byzantium, Arthurian Cycle, Crusades, St Francis, Joan of Arc, etc. The selection of the titles to be included in the catalogue has been complex, as there is no single source of information that recom- piles these works accurately. A starting point was the excellent appendix in the work by Attolini, Vito. Immagini del Medioevo nel cinema. Bari: Dedalo, 1993. But, given that the information in that work is insufficient and has not been updated, I have had to extend the search to other bibliographical references and especially the databases that can be found on Internet. The most complex part has been to recompile the information from the silent film period, as there are only fragmentary details available about the directors or names of some of these films. However, this database is still being compiled, as its final presentation requires first seeing some works from the collections in the corresponding national film archives. Because there is no line of Medieval History research into films set in the Middle Ages, there has never been a serious systematic study of these questions in Spain. 30. A computer error sends the leading character into the Middle Ages, to the court of King Arthur in Camelot, where she has to play the role of Fata Morgana. 31. The lead character is working in a medieval theme park, and by a chance accident he is sent back to the 14th century to the castle and court of a medieval king.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 240 08/06/2009 8:28:36 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 241

such as the Classical period32 or the Middle Ages. Jon Solomon has found around 300 references of this type in films made between 1986 and 2000.33 Although they are usually crude and uncouth, there are exceptions in which the combination of modern times with remote epochs can generate moments of great intellectual and aesthetic beauty, as in The Time Bandits (1981) or The Fisher King (1991), both by Terry Gilliam or they can be hilarious, like Les visiteurs (1993) by Jean-Marie Poiré. Nor have productions exclusively for television been considered, including some excellent and well-documented television series that would merit a monographic study for their peculiarities of style, language and intentionality and which distances them from the typical style of cinematographic productions.34 It is useful to clarify the criteria applied in this work and in the above-mentioned database to decide if a film is set in the medieval epoch. The first factor isthe chronological question. For the western and eastern Christian and Islamic area, which is basically the Islamic world, Christian Europe and the Slavonic-Byzantine world, the standard chronology of the Middle Ages from the 5th to the 15th centuries has been followed.35 For the Asiatic world, and especially the representation of Japanese feudalism in cinema, the chronological spectrum has been extended to include the rise of the Tokugawa Shogunate at the beginning of the 17th century, that ended the period of internal wars between the Japanese feudal barons or warlords. One of the first positive appraisals about the role of the Middle Ages in cinema is that of asserting the importance which this period has had for cinematographic representations. Faced with a consolidated genre like the “Peplum” (toga and sandals films) or films about Romans,36 whose plots are the history of Rome, the Old Testament and the passion of Christ,37 one might think that this important model of colossal production set in the Classical period and mainly based on biblical references had eclipsed other historical epochs, such as the Middle Ages. The data offered by Jon Solomon, which mentions “approximately 400 films set in the ancient world” allows us to state that there is clear parity between the number of films set in the Classical period and the medieval world. Faced with this historiographical hegemony and the cinematographic criticism of the relevance of “Roman” films, the role of American films set in the Middle Ages has to be asserted. This article aims to demonstrate this importance and especially to analyse those themes that have

32. Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo...: 39. 33. Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo...: 39. 34. For example, the excellent series Cadfael (1994) starring the well-known actor Derek Jacobi, who came to international fame for his performance as the Roman emperor Claudius. The history of the television series in Spain can be found in the excellent work by Palacio, Manuel. “La Historia en la tele- visión...” : 137-150. 35. For films about the medieval west, we have omitted those set after 1492 and those related to Chris- topher Columbus, as the discovery of America falls outside the limits of the medieval world. 36. For the impact of cinema about Romans made in Spain see: Aguilar, Carlos. “Romanos en España”, Cuadernos de la Academia, 6 (September 1999) (Ficciones Históricas, José Enrique Monterde, dir. Madrid: Academia de las Artes y las Ciencias Cinematográficas de España, 1999): 205-214. 37. Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo...: 24.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 241 08/06/2009 8:28:37 242 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

best been shown in films made in the United States and that, in short, have resulted in reconstructing a certain “medieval aesthetic” in Hollywood, a certain way of representing the Middle Ages that undoubtedly has deeply influenced millions of spectators who saw these films in the 20th century. With regard to the chronological parameters mentioned, we could also propose a division between historical medieval areas and their representation in the cinema. The presence of the Islamic world has not been abundant and is of poor quality, except for some very specific works, and it has been viewed as somewhat exotic, with oriental sensuality and mystery and little or no accuracy, and the interest of being able to project special effects in one of the leading works of universal literature, The Thousand and One Nights.38 One of the first films to make a notable contribution to fantasy cinema, thanks to its spectacular special effects, was The 7th Voyage of Sinbad (Nathan Juran, 1958), with special effects by the great stuntman Ray Harry Hausen. Japan has made an important contribution to cinematographic quality through the works of such a significant director as Akira Kurosawa. The Christian western world has been the most widely represented, possibly because it is western society that has established the closest relations between the Middle Ages and its own history. The Byzantine world has appeared especially in a limited number of Soviet films about the medieval period, but which have had a great impact on film history. The fact that the Middle Ages as a historical period is a western “invention” justifies the extraordinary interest of western society in medieval times. This attraction never ceases to grow, at least in the more entertaining and less rigorous aspect, in the mass publication of novels and non-fiction works, tourist routes, television and film productions and documentaries. There are also aspects of the medieval centuries which have been given an air of atavistic mystery and that still capture the imagination of millions of individuals. These include the Crusades, the Cathars, King Arthur, the Grail, the Knights Templar, the relics, miracles and medieval saints, etc. In fact, a significant part of this medieval mythology has been set in the context of a number of popular themes transferred to the cinema, such as the Arthurian cycle, the medieval knights, the Crusades, medieval saints such as Joan of Arc and Francis of Assisi, etc. One of the arguments that has constantly attracted producers, directors, scriptwriters and spectators is this stereotyped vision of the Middle Ages, which views the historical period from the fall of the Roman Empire to the modern world of the Renaissance, the printing press, the discovery of America, etc., as a long dark period. This view was supported by writers, philosophers and politicians from the end of the 18th century and throughout the 19th century, etc., who waxed lyrical about a period they considered shadowy, obscure, dominated by darkness and superstition.

38. Rubiera Mata, María Jesús. “Las Mil y una Noches y el cine”, Relaciones entre el cine y la literatura: un lenguaje común: 1er seminario, Juan A. Ríos Carratalá, John D. Sanderson, eds. Alicante: Secretariado de Publicaciones. Universidad de Alicante, 1996: 91-94; Bernabé Pons, Luis F. “La narración y el cine como vida: Pier Paolo Pasolini y Las Mil y una Noches”, Relaciones entre el cine y la literatura: un lenguaje común: 1er seminario, Juan A. Ríos Carratalá, John D. Sanderson, eds. Alicante: Secretariado de Publicaciones. Universidad de Alicante, 1996: 81-90.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 242 08/06/2009 8:28:38 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 243

It was especially this 19th-century Gothic and Romantic imagination, which fed 19th century popular culture, but which has served to continue the development of a superficial and banal view of the medieval period still held in some cultural areas, including the cinema or certain not very accurate literature. The idea that the millennium between the Classical period and the Renaissance was a horrible nightmare, can be illustrated by the example from Quentin Taran- tino’s Pulp Fiction where an angry gangster whispers menacingly to an enemy “I’m gonna get Medieval on your ass.”39 As Vito Attolini states, medieval times offer the spectators the possibility of going from the creature comforts of 20th-century society to a non-modern, non-electric epoch, without cars, or trains or anything centralised. The names of the Nibelungs, Robin Hood, King Arthur, Joan of Arc or the Crusades, are elements so given to the Gothic and Romantic imagination as the forest, the plague, crossbows, the mist, spears and shields, the heroic deeds, tournaments, the Holy Grail, the knights of the Round Table, etc., viewed from the cinema seat.40 The producers have known how to use these themes to fascinate millions of people in a film with a “medieval aesthetic”. The recent commercial success of a film set in the Middle Ages, likeBra- veheart, as well as the enormous impact that a historical film like Gladiator has had, are factors we should value to help us understand this sudden rebirth of the epic or colossal cinema, without forgetting the fundamental role played by the new technologies applied to the filming of super-productions, lowering the, until recently, astronomic and inassimilable costs of contracting thousands of extras for the action scenes, as well as the likewise onerous charge for the reconstruction of castles, the sky-high budget for the horses and riders who are de rigueur in any historical production worth its salt set in the Middle Ages. The epic cinema began to a languish when the budget for a colossal film like Mankiewiz’s Cleopatra shot up and came close to bankrupting the major studio behind the project. Nowadays, shooting a film like Gladiator is profitable for the reasons mentioned above. According to Vito Attolini, the detail, the “micro history” has prevailed in the choice of the medieval themes and characters that the cinema has put on the screen. The seventh art has been less concerned with the “long History”, of history with capital letters, in order to concentrate on a medieval period presented as a background, a backdrop, converted into a minor History, a micro History. A realist, corporal medieval age, typical of American cinema as opposed to a Eu- ropean one based on literary tales, contrasts with the deeply religious and spiritual cinema typical of Nordic film making, epitomised by Ingmar Bergman. There are also certain characteristic dualities of films set in the medieval epoch, a barbarous period against a heroic medieval age, and fantasy contrasted with a realist dimension.41

39. O’Shea, Stephen. Los Cátaros. La Herejía Perfecta. Barcelona: Ediciones B, 2002: 25. 40. Attolini, Vito. Immagini del medioevo...: 6-7. 41. An example of this realist and rigorous dimension, although not very cinematographic, can be found in The Message - (Moustapha Akkad, 1976). For a deeper analysis see: Barrio Barrio, Juan Antonio. “El

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 243 08/06/2009 8:28:39 244 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

I believe that one of the keys for understanding the cinema set in the Middle Ages and produced in the United States is that we generally find a recreation of part of a historical epoch, of some of its characters, tales and events, with the aim of creating a “medieval cinematographic aesthetic” attractive to the public. Thus, these ends are very far removed from historical reconstruction, the ideal that we medievalists would aspire to when planning the production of a film set in the Middle Ages. Given that certain themes have drawn the attention of both cinematographic producers and film fans, I include below a brief presentation and analysis of some of the questions or characters from the medieval epoch that have been transferred with more interest to the cinema produced in the United States.

3.1 The Colossal of Hollywood. Stories of arms and adventures

A series of basic ideas predominate in the Hollywood cinema set in the Middle Ages. Given the usual hegemony of American cinema, these have given shape to the general or common idea about medieval cinema in the world. They are stories of arms and love. These North American films have ended up creating a prototype of “film in a medieval setting”, with a model of Colossal super- production, destined for the greatest international circulation, for example the well- known recreation by Hollywood of the figure of Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar.42 Although Braveheart has a certain air of Scottish nationalism, and had an indirect influence on the Scottish referendum held shortly after its release, it is an American production, with a prototypical Hollywood star, directing and starring in the film. In these super-productions of arms and love, such as the above-mentioned Braveheart, dedicated to maximum spectacle, it is justifiable that imagination prevails over erudition, fantasy over reality.43 The main sources inspiring these films derive directly or indirectly from chivalrous literature. Some come directly from legends or myths in medieval literature and others, such as Richard Thorpe’s Ivanhoe, from 19th-century novels inspired by medieval chivalric literature.44 Breaking down the list of films set in the Middle Ages, the main themes dealt with in North American productions are the Arthurian cycle, the Crusades, the

nacimiento del Islam a través de Mahoma, El mensajero de Dios”, Historia y Cine, José Uroz, ed. Alicante: Servicio de Publicaciones. Universidad de Alicante, 1999: 101-117. 42. Barrio Barrio, Juan Antonio. “El Cid de Anthony Mann. A través del cine histórico y la Edad Media”, Historia y Cine...: 131-152. 43. For a deeper analysis of the film see: Hughes, Brian. “De Wallace a Braveheart: antecedentes his- tóricos de un mito”, Historia y Cine, José Uroz, ed. Alicante: Servicio de Publicaciones. Universidad de Alicante, 1999: 119-130. 44. I take this opportunity to mention writers whose work has had an enormous diffusion through the cinema, as is the case of Robert Louis Stevenson. Works like Treasure Island or The Mysterious Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr. Hyde have been filmed frequently. A novel by Stevenson set in the Middle Ages in the War of the Roses The Black Arrow was turned into a film in 1948 by the director Gordon Douglas, in a minor film, practically a B series, like most of this interesting director’s production, which forms part of the bulk of the so-called “journeymen”.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 244 08/06/2009 8:28:40 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 245

barbarians or invaders, with a special role for the Vikings and the Mongols, to the Islamic world; popular medieval religious characters such as Joan of Arc, the theatre of Shakespeare, or feudal Europe set in France. However, the favourite theme of American cinema are the films set in medieval England and dealing with the Nor- man / Saxon world and, in second place, and related to the former, the leading role of places or characters from medieval Scotland, such as Braveheart or Quentin Dur- ward. The recreation of medieval England is what has most drawn Hollywood scriptwriters and producers on a long historical journey, from the time of King Arthur in the 5th century, to the adventures of a young Scot in the court of Burgundy in 1465. From the 5th to the 15th century means traversing all of the Middle Ages, but paying little attention to the chronology, to the peculiarities of the different historical stages that mark the thousand years of the Middle Ages. Together with these great themes, films have been made that address minor scenarios for Hollywood cinema, such as the recreation of medieval Italy in the well- known character of Marco Polo, or the Spanish reconquest in the persona of El Cid. The principal reflection we can extract from this is that if we summarise the films set in the era of King Arthur and productions placed in the world of Saxons, Normans and Scots, together with the representation of Shakespeare’s works, a clear predilection appears for the English medieval world and which, for the American public, represents their recreation of the medieval world. The choice by the US film industry of the medieval period might seem strange, but it is not: Given that the United States lacks its own medieval history, it has evoked its nonexistent medieval history by means of the cinema, centred on the ideal of chivalry, which is not very distant from its own culture,45 which, through English literature, had fed the many historical characters and romances that contributed to spreading the cults of medieval heroes in the United States and their own code of honour, and defining England as the main scenario for this recreation of an imaginary “North American medieval history”. The way in which Hollywood transferred this world of knights to the cinema, according to Vito Attolini, was through an uncertain but generous representation of the iconic sources of the past with considerable inventive liberty, educated with a taste that anticipated the post-modernism of the eighties, through an imaginary kind of Pre-Raphaelitism filtered through the glossy pages of the fashion magazine Vogue.46 In the fifties, one of the great companies such as Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, by producing a trilogy filmed by Richard Thorpe and starring Robert Taylor, led to the maximum expression of this ideology, with the films Ivanhoe (1952), Knights of the Round Table (1953) and Quentin Durward (1955).47 The first and last of these were

45. Although, to be exact, we should say that this spirit is much closer to the culture of the American South than that of the North or West. 46. Attolini, Vito. Immagini del medioevo nel cinema...: 20. 47. A classic cloak and dagger comedy set in 15th century Europe and based on Sir Walter Scott’s novel. Quentin Durward becomes a pawn in the mortal struggle between two unscrupulous brothers, King Louis XI and the Duke of Burgundy. The film starts in 1465. Abundant firearms appear. At first, it alludes

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 245 08/06/2009 8:28:40 246 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

inspired by the works of Sir Walter Scott of the same name, and the middle one on Arthur from the work of Sir Thomas Mallory. This trilogy by Thorpe had the final result that the medieval world, through the direct inspiration by 19th century Romantic literature, and indirectly by knightly literature, was relegated to the background. It became a setting in the foreground of which a “world of adventures” was developed as the main argument of these films, and with a more accessible model for the public in all latitudes. The epitome of this model is the second Knights of the Round Table film (1953), which became an unarguable reference for all knightly productions, even its reverse burlesque in the Monty Python film,Monty Python and The Holy Grail (1975). In this medieval chivalrous trilogy, some of the characteristic and genuine features of North American cinema were defined. The heroic and individualistic profile of their leading character, who had to face all possible adversities and rivals alone. As the well known American neo-conservative political commentator, Robert Kagan affirms, “...just as Europeans proclaim, the Americans still see themselves in heroic terms, like Gary Cooper in High Noon. They defend the people of the town, whether the people want to be defended or not”.48 In this very famous 1952 film by Fred Zinnemann, Sheriff Will Kane is forced to confront some outlaws who threaten his town, without anyone doing anything to help him. The excellent script by Carl Foreman contains the clearest expression of the fears that tormented Americans in the middle of the Cold War, the possibility of having to defend others, the European people, from the Soviet danger, even against a lack of will and collaboration by the people being defended in western Europe. With this argument we can recall numerous North American productions made during the Cold War, in which the plot is heroic, individualistic, with little help for the long-suffering and tormented champion of good and just causes. There is another traditional interpretation of this film, which is to see it as a reflection of the climate of terror that gripped Hollywood in the context of the witch-hunt begun by the Senator for Wisconsin, Joseph McCarthy.49 The last reflection we can make about the vision of the Middle Ages through cinema made in the United States, is that the dominant and hegemonic Anglo- Saxon elite in the United States has chosen the history of Christian western Europe as its own historical model with which to identify and project the vision of their own national history. On one hand, the United States is included in this long history that we qualify as western civilization. The prestigious journalist Timothy Garton Ash, digging out an old 1951 edition of Life, in the midst of the Cold War, reminds us of this common vision of the history of western civilization: A “Picture History of

to the end of one epoch and the beginning of a new one, the end of chivalrous ideals, and the emergence of gunpowder, deception, cunning and the triumph of high diplomacy. Chancellery courts like those of Burgundy, with a clearly renaissance air. Although the film starts in 1465 and alludes to the Duke of Burgundy Charles the Bold, he did not in fact become duke until 1467. 48. Kagan, Robert. Poder y debilidad: Estados Unidos y Europa en el nuevo orden mundial. Madrid: Taurus, 2003. 49. Sand, Sholmo. El siglo XX en pantalla. Barcelona: Crítica, 2004: 368.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 246 08/06/2009 8:28:41 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 247

Western Man” tells of this prodigious evolution that began in 800 AD with a new creature conceived for the brilliant mission of “creating a new civilisation for the world”. This man “was fair of skin, hardy of limb, brave of heart, and he believed in the eternal salvation of his soul”. He “worked toward freedom, first for his own person, then for his own mind and spirit, and finally for others in equal measure”. In this tale, the evolution of western man went “from his first emergence in the Middle Ages to his contemporary position of world leadership in the United States of America”.50 Such a simple, ingenuous and optimist vision of western man and civilisation, written in the early 1950s, sums up the Eurocentric vision of history that had become a new concept of universal history ruled by a liberating west, which, in the middle of the Cold War, was led by the United States. This ideology and philosophy of universal history holds the historical and ideological substrate of the adventure films set in the Middle Ages and produced in the United States. In these films, the hero is the paradigm of the pristine virtues of western man. The medieval knight who fought in the Crusades, the crusading hero who went to the Holy Land in Kingdom of Heaven, was the ancestor of his natural heir, the American soldier and hero who fights against the west’s rivals, whether these be Soviets, Vietnamese or, nowadays, the Islamists in Iraq. Another interesting characteristic of these Hollywood chivalric productions is that they have had an accentuated feminine stamp, both for the role of the women in the films, and for the choice of actresses with a “accentuated femininity” such as Elizabeth Taylor, Ava Gardner, Joan Fontaine, Deborah Kerr or Sophia Loren. This way, the binomial arms-love, adventure-love is perfectly complemented with the task of adventure and warring falling on the male character (El Cid), and the female character concentrating on romantic or amorous adventures, on occasions practically alone, as in the above mentioned El Cid, in which Sophia Loren, in the role of Lady Jimena, lives her amorous adventure alone, while her husband Charlton Heston (Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar), dedicates himself to adventures and war till the end of his days. In the first films from the beginning of the 21st century set in the Middle Ages, we see how the medieval heroines have adopted a role in line with modern western society. In the glorious decades of the fifties and sixties, actresses like Elizabeth Taylor, Ava Gardner, Joan Fontaine, Deborah Kerr or Sophia Loren created highly feminine medieval heroines who easily took on their passive roles as romantic and smitten women who waited to harvest the legacy of the warrior. In contemporary cinema, there are young actresses, such as Keira Knightley, who adapt to the prototype of what the average audience expect of 21st century women, both physically, with a profile approaching anorexia, and in their costumes and attitude diametrically opposed to those of the great actresses of the golden age of cinema. Her portrayal of Guinevere designed more to please the modern juvenile audience than act as a

50. Garton Ash, Timothy. Mundo libre. Europa y Estados Unidos ante la crisis de Occidente. Barcelona: Tus- quets, 2005: 20.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 247 08/06/2009 8:28:42 248 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

historical reinterpretation of the character, the film presenting a warrior Guinevere, combative and tough, and little concerned about amorous affairs and romance. The female character played by Aishwarya Rai in the “The Last Legion” follows the same principle, also as a warrior.

Table I. Selection of films set in the middle ages and produced in the United States

Year Director Title 1917 Cecil B. De Mille Joan The Woman 1922 Allan Dwan Robin Hood 1924 Raoul Walsh The Thief of Baghdad 1935 Cecil B. De Mille The Crusades 1936 George Cukor Romeo and Juliet 1938 Michael Curtiz and The Adventures of Robin Hood William Keighley 1938 Archie Mayo The Adventures of Marco Polo 1940 Ludwig Berger-Michael The Thief of Baghdad Powell and others 1947 Orson Welles Macbeth 1948 Victor Fleming Joan of Arc 1948 Gordon Douglas The Black Arrow 1950 Jacques Tourneur The Flame and the Arrow 1950 Henry Hathaway The Black Rose. 1951 George Sherman The Golden Horde 1952 Richard Thorpe Ivanhone 1953 Richard Thorpe Knights on the Round Table 1954 Henry Hathaway Prince Valiant 1955 Richard Thorpe The Adventures of Quentin Durward 1958 Richard Fleischer The Vikings 1961 Anthony Mann El Cid 1961 Michael Curtiz Francis of Assisi

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 248 08/06/2009 8:28:43 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 249

1962 Cornel Wilde Lancelot and Guinevere 1963 Byron Haskin Captain Sinbad 1965 Franklyn Schaffner The War Lord 1965 Henry Levin Gengis Khan 1967 Joshua Logan Camelot 1969 John Huston A Walk With Love and Death 1974 Gordon Hessler The Golden Voyage of Sinbad 1985 Richard Donner LadyHawke 1987 Franklyn Schaffner Lionheart 1991 Kevin Reynolds Robin Hood, Prince of Thieves 1993 Leslie Megahey The Hour of The Pig 1995 Jerry Zucker First Knight 1995 Mel Gibson Braveheart 2004 Antoine Fuqua King Arthur 2005 Ridley Scott Kingdom of Heaven 2006 Kevin Reynolds Tristand e Isolda 2007 Doug Lefler The Last Legion 2007 Robert Zemeckis Beowulf

3.2 The recreation of one’s own cinematographic Middle Ages: the predilection for Medieval England. Robin Hood and Sherwood Forest

In England during the reign of Richard I “Lionheart” (1189-1199), one of the most famous celluloid medieval kings, it seems that there was a benefactor bandit everyone knew as Robin Hood, although his real name was Robert Fizooth, Count of Huntington. The first documented references to the character date from around 1370 with the first appearance of the name Robin Hood in the famous poem Piers Plowman by William Langland (1370).51 Later, in John Stow’s The Chronicles

51. In the fifth part of the work, a clergyman who is the personification of laziness states, “Iamun- able to remember the Paternoster but I do remember the legend of Robin Hood. (“I kan noght parfitly my Paternoster as the preest it syngeth, But I kan rymes of Robyn Hood...”). Reference taken from de

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 249 08/06/2009 8:28:44 250 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

of England (1580), there was a favourable description of the bandit. Obviously a mention three hundred years later might be questioned, given that Stow’s own sources were popular legends. Popular ballads inspired by Robin Hood’s deeds are known from the mid 15th century. Nevertheless, we must recognise that this is a character who fluctuates between legend and reality of Richard I’s reign, which, despite its brevity of only ten years, has bequeathed us many legends and myths that have fed romantic literature and the big screen. One of the numerous cinematographic scenarios that have captivated us is Sher- wood Forest, and Robin Hood and Maid Marian can be included on the roll of the world’s best-loved cinematographic characters. Hollywood found one of its most recurrent historical archetypes in Medieval England and Robin Hood, combining as it does the ingredients of a legendary kingdom, injustice, a good king, a despotic sovereign, together with the Hollywood producers’ habitual dose of fantasy and imagination. Combined, this generates a product that is very accessible and interesting for the public at large as these are all the habitual components of the so-called adventure films that have been so successful for the film industry. On this basis, one of the most popular and best-known films in the history of the cinema came out in 1938, in the shape of a work about the mythical medieval hero, which was to be admired by generation after generation of movie-goers. This was The Adventures of Robin Hood (1938), by Michael Curtiz and William Keighley, starring Errol Flynn and Olivia de Havilland.52 This was not the first Robin Hood, as two silent versions and a cartoon had been filmed previously, all in the United States. This film, like most of those made about Robin Hood, was not based on the oldest documentary sources about the person in question, but as happens with most films on historical themes, especially those set in the Middle Ages, the scriptwriters fell back on 19th-century literary sources. This is the indirect case of Sir Walter Scott’s Ivanhoe, a very successful piece in which the character of Robin Hood appears, and which, moreover, was the direct inspiration for the film of the same name. Ivanhoe (1819) by Sir Walter Scott reserves many pages for Robin Hood, although always on the level of a legend. It must be remembered that, born in Edinburgh in 1771, Scott became interested in the ballads and legends of the Anglo-Scottish border around

Langland, William. “The vision of Piers Plowman-Part 05”. Oldpoetry. Social Design, Inc. 22 Decembre, 2007 < http://oldpoetry.com/opoem/28986-William-Langland-The-Vision-Of-Piers-Plowman---Part-05>. 52. The recent appearance of a very carefully edited version on DVD allows us to appreciate this work again, with its quality the marvellous chromatic power of Technicolor, as well as the various documentaries included, the outtakes from the filming, the importance of this work as the first super-production filmed in Technicolor, and other details that help us to understand how important the film was. Our attention is drawn by the strength, vigour and beauty of the colour in the film and the capacity of Tech- nicolor to retain all the quality of the colours 65 years later. Another curiosity is to see that the setting for Sherwood Forest was an enormous forest that belonged to the studios in California. Obviously, the vegetation in that forest could not be the same as one would find in the 12th-century English woods where the story is set, but does that really matter very much?

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 250 08/06/2009 8:28:45 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 251

the end of the 18th century. These were legends he had heard since childhood and that undoubtedly inspired some of the characters in his works. The presence of Robin Hood in the above-mentioned work increases towards the end, with the arrival of Richard the Lionheart on English soil. A key moment, and a very cinematographic one, is when Robin says to the king,

“Call me no longer Locksley, my Liege, but know me under the name, which, I fear, fame hath blown too widely not to have reached even your royal ears—I am Robin Hood of Sherwood Forest.” “King of Outlaws, and Prince of good fellows!’” said the king, “who hath not heard a name that has been borne as far as Palestine? But be assured, brave Outlaw, that no deed done in our absence, and in the turbulent times to which it hath given rise, shall be remembered to thy disadvantage”.53

In this work, abandoning his traditional Scottish themes, such as Rob Roy, Scott turns to a medieval scenario, a conflict between tyrants and liberators that he uses discretely to reflect the struggle between the Scots and the English. Thus, the Saxons who fight for freedom represent the Scots and the Norman tyrants represent the English from the beginning of the 19th century. Another interesting aspect of the films about Robin Hood or the conflict between Saxons and Normans, is that most were made in the United States, except some high quality works, such as the demythologising Robin and Marian (1976) by Richard Lester, or the more recent Robin Hood (1991) by John Irvin, where Great Britain appears as co-producer of a North American production. Despite containing interesting elements, such as emphasising the character’s aristocratic origins, this film was totally eclipsed by a work of the same year titled Robin Hood, Prince of Thieves (1991) by Kevin Reynolds, much more commercial and unreal but with an undeniable box-office appeal due to the spectacular nature of some scenes and the presence of stars like Kevin Costner in the leading role and Morgan Freeman in a historically unconvincing role. What must also be emphasised about Irvin’s film is the realistic production, both in the formal aspects and with regards to the costumes, as well as the concern for daily life and the lives of humble people, against the habitual dominance of the solemn and the heroic. It also touches upon on the contrast that divides the Normans invaders and the Saxon lords, presented as the legitimate owners of the land. Most of the film takes place in Sherwood Forest, an iconography that is very appropriate if we bear in mind the significance that the forest acquired in the medieval world. Establishing a comparison with some of the most symbolic scenarios of the cinema, we find in Sherwood Forest the paradigm of the medieval place projected by the cinema, like Monument Valley might be for the western. It is a shame that Sherwood or other medieval landscapes have not found a John Ford, capable of transferring his masterly vision.

53. Scott, Walter. Ivanhoe. Barcelona: Planeta, 1991: chapter XL.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 251 08/06/2009 8:28:46 252 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

Reynolds’ film, which at no time seeks profound revisionism of the character, is a species of update or a terrible revision of a character closer to the hero along the lines of the one played by Errol Flynn in the thirties. This update results in evident anachronisms, such as with Azim, Morgan Freeman’s Muslim character, converted to Christianity and travelling with Robin to England, or Marian, endowed with a “feminist” touch inappropriate for medieval times, or its spectacular invented imaginary prologue, in which Robin is seen in a Muslim prison in Jerusalem in the setting of the Crusades, all for the sake of greater commercial success for the film. In this film, we find other references to Scott’s Robin, such as when the character reaches England and finds the ancestral castle of Locksley in ruins. The name of Locksley is evidently taken from Scott’s work. All these simplifications and liberties respond to a film project aimed atmass audiences all over the world and which, unfortunately, eclipsed John Irvin’s much more interesting film. In the classic The Adventures of Robin Hood, the best recreation of Robin Hood, the struggle between the Saxons and the Normans has been seen by some authors as an updated vision of the danger of the Nazis, incarnated by the evil Normans, oppressing the Saxons, who will be freed by the joint action of Robin Hood and Richard the Lionheart.54 According to this interpretation, the Normans oppress the Saxons in the film much as the Nazis persecuted the Jews. The outlawed Saxons, faithful to the imprisoned King Richard the Lionheart, are the image of the resistance to Nazism in Europe, while the Saxon masses show us the passivity of the bulk of the European population in the face of the advance of Nazism in Germany.

Table II. Main films about normans and Saxons (medieval England)

Year Director Title Country 1912 Étienne Arnaud and Robin Hood USA - GB Herbert Blaché 1913 Theodore Marston Robin Hood USA 1922 Allan Dwan Robin Hood USA 1938 Michael Curtiz and The Adventures USA William Keighley of Robin Hood 1946 George Sherman The Bandit of USA and Henry Levin Sherwood Forest 1948 Howard Bretherton The Prince USA and Derwin Abrahams of Thieves

54. Alonso, Juan J.; Mastache, Enrique A.; Alonso, Jorge. La Edad Media en el Cine. Madrid: T&B Editores, 2007: 44.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 252 08/06/2009 8:28:47 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 253

1950 Gordon Douglas Rogues of USA Sherwood Forest 1950 Henry Hathaway The Black Rose USA 1954 Val Guest Men of USA Sherwood Forest 1991 John Irvin Robin Hood USA - GB 1991 Kevin Reynolds Robin Hood, USA Prince of Thieves 1998 Mike A. Martinez Robin Hood USA

Among series created for television and set in the Middle Ages, productions based on the character of Robin Hood have been made with a certain frequency. These have served to recover the full range of clichés about the Middle Ages, Sherwood Forest, Richard the Lionheart, John Lackland, Normans versus Saxons, etc. The 21st century does not hold out hope for great novelties in this respect, given that one of the first big series produced in Great Britain and set in the Middle Ages is Robin“ Hood” (2006),55 and one of the latest cinematographic productions in a medieval setting, that came out in 2007—“The Last Legion”- has Merlin and Excalibur as its characters in the context of the fall of the Roman Empire and the Germanic invasions, in a film that emulates the recreation, setting and scenarios of the film King Arthur (2004).

4. Conclusions

There are no novelties in the current spectrum of films produced in the United States and set in the Middle Ages, nor are there any inspired or original contributions to the films made in the preceding decades or the golden age of Hollywood. For example, some of the most spectacular shots in the final battle in Kingdom of Heaven, with the artillery attack on the besieged city of Jerusalem, are identical to those of the siege of the fortress in The War Lord (1965). The only contribution worth mentioning of Beowulf (2007) is that of converting a mature actor,56 with a prominent beer belly, a term coined by the press, into a muscular and athletic hero thanks to the use of the new technologies applied to the film. The sentence “We need heroes, don’t we?” which closes the mediocre “The Last Legion” (2007), illustrates the lack of ideas in American cinema with regard to epic

55. Gallo, Isabel. “La ficción extranjera asalta las pantallas”. El País, 29 April 2007: 76. In Spain, the series was first shown on th4 January 2008, and was seen by many viewers on the private Spanish channel. It has been a great success in Great Britain with average viewing figures of seven million. 56. Ray Winstone, born 19 February 1957.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 253 08/06/2009 8:28:48 254 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

films, and a cry of anguish from both the industry and the scriptwriters, at having to fall back on the same well-tried characters, scenarios or historical clichés in order to be able to complete a film with a medieval setting. Thus, the cinema produced in the United States and set in the Middle Ages has offered nothing new in these early years of the 21st century. Two films that closed and opened the 20th and 21st centuries respectively and which, although not set in the Middle Ages, talked intel- ligently about history and historians, are “Le déclin de l´empire américain” (1986), and “Les Invasions Barbares” (2003) by Denys Arcand. Although set in the time they were produced, they say more about history and the past than many of the films that pretend to be set in a remote period of history. These two excellent Canadian films talk fluently about the human being, his historical dimension and also his transitory nature and vulgarity in the day-to-day development. They are stories about flesh- and-blood humans who, as Robert Fossier expresses so well in his latest book,57 breathe, eat, defecate and copulate. Humanity and everyday life of a kind lacking in many of the cardboard characters in some of the recreated histories in the films set in the Middle Ages.

Appendix 1. List of films produced in the United States and set in the middle ages58

Joan of Arc. (Alfred Clark, 1895). Merlin the Magician. (Frederick S. Armitage, 1899). Parsifal. (Thomas A. Edison, 1904). Romeo and Juliet. (J. Stuart Blackton, 1908). Richard III. (J. Stuart Blackton; William V. Ranous, 1908). Macbeth. (J. Stuart Blackton, 1908). The Viking’s Daughter: The Story of the Ancient Norsemen. (J. Stuart Blackton, 1908). King Lear. (J. Stuart Blackton; William V. Ranous, 1909). Justinian and Theodora. (Otis Turner, 1910). Romeo and Juliet. (Barry O'Neil, 1911). Ivanhoe. (Herbert Brenon, 1911). Richard III. (F. R. Benson, 1911). The Knight Errant. (Francis Bogs, 1911). The Black Arrow. (Oscar Apfel, 1911).

57. Fossier, R.; Gente de la Edad Media. Madrid: Taurus, 2007. 58. Films about the medieval west set after 1492 and those related to Christopher Columbus have not been considered, as the discovery of America falls outside the framework of the medieval world. Those films that present a totally fantastic, imaginary and unbelievable view of the Middle Ages, due to their lack of historical accuracy, have been omitted from this list. The decision to include some films which match this definition is based on their cinematographic quality or their capacity to evoke historical reflection about medieval times. This is the case with such an excellent film as Excalibur by John Boorman.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 254 08/06/2009 8:28:49 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 255

Lady Godiva. (J. Stuart Blackton, 1911). Romeo and Juliet. (Barry O’Neil, 1911). Aladdin Up-to-Date. (J. Searle Dawley, 1912). Richard III. (André Calmettes; James Keane, 1912). Robin Hood. (Étienne Arnaud, Blaché, H., 1912). A Princess of Bagdad. (Charles L. Gaskill, 1913). Robin Hood. (Theodore Marston, 1913). Ivanhoe. (Herbert Brenon, 1913). Ivanhoe. (Leedham Bantock, 1913). The Oath of a Viking. (J. Searle Dawley, 1914). Il Trovatore. (Charles Simone, 1914). The Viking Queen. (Walter Edwin. 1914). Romeo and Juliet. (Francis X. Bushman; John W. Noble, 1916). Macbeth. (John Emerson, 1916). Romeo and Juliet. (J. Gordon Edwards; Maxwell Karger, 1916). Romeo and Juliet. (Francis X Bushman; John W. Noble, 1916). King Lear. (Ernest C. Warde, 1916). Joan The Woman. (Cecil B. De Mille, 1917). Aladdin and the wonderful Lamp. (Chester M. Franklin; Sidney Franklin, 1917). Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves. (Chester M. Franklin; Sidney Franklin, 1918). Robin Hood. (Allan Dwan, 1922). The Hunchback of Notre Dame. (Wallace Worsley, 1923). The Thief of Bagdad. (Raoul Walsh, 1924). Romeo and Juliet. (Reggie Morris; Harry Sweet, 1924). Marco Visconti. (Aldo De Benedetti, 1925). Lady Robin Hood. (Ralph Ince, 1925). The Beloved Rogue. (Alan Crosland, 1927). The Viking. (Roy William Neil, 1928). The Taming of the Shrew. (Sam Taylor, 1929). The Crusades. (Cecil B. De Mille, 1935). Romeo and Juliet. (George Cukor, 1936). Romeo and Juliet. (George Cukor, 1936). The Adventures of Robin Hood. (Michael Curtiz; William Keighley, 1938). The Adventures of Marco Polo. (Archie Mayo, 1938). If I Were King. (Frank Lloyd, 1938). Tower of London. (Rowland V. Lee, 1939). The Hunchback of Notre Dame. (William Dieterle, 1939). Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves. (Arthur Lubin, 1942). Arabian Nights. (John Rawlins, 1942). A Thousand and One Nights. (Alfred E. Green, 1945) The Bandit of Sherwood Forest. (George Sherman; Henry Levin, 1946). Son of the Guardsman. (Derwin Abrahams, 1946). Sinbad the Sailor. (Richard Wallace, 1947). Macbeth. (Orson Welles, 1947).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 255 08/06/2009 8:28:50 256 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

Joan of Arc. (Victor Fleming, 1948). The Black Arrow. (Gordon Douglas, 1948). The Prince of Thieves. (Howard Bretherton; Derwin Abrahams, 1948). Prince of Foxes. (Henry King, 1949). Bride of Vengeance. (Mitchell Leissen, 1949). The Adventures of Sir Galahad. (Spencer Gordon Bennet, 1949). Rogues of Sherwood Forest. (Gordon Douglas, 1950). The Black Rose. (Henry Hathaway, 1950). The Flame and the Arrow. (Jacques Tourneur, 1950). The Golden Horde. (George Sherman, 1951). Tales of Robin Hood. (James Tinling, 1951). Aladdin and his Lamp. (Lew Landers, 1952). Son of Ali Baba. (Kurt Neumann, 1952). Ivanhoe. (Richard Thorpe, 1952). Knights of the Round Table. (Richard Thorpe, 1953). The Golden Blade. (Nathan Juran, 1953). Siren of Bagdad. (Richard Quine, 1953). Decameron Nights. (Hugo Fregonese, 1953). Sign of the Pagan. (Douglas Sirk, 1954). King Richard and the Crusaders. (David Butler, 1954). Men of Sherwood Forest. (Val Guest, 1954). The Black Shield of Falworth. (Rudolph Maté, 1954). The Black Knight. (Tay Garnett, 1954). Prince Valiant. (Henry Hathaway, 1954). The Saracen Blade. (William Castle, 1954). Lady Godiva. (Arthur Lubin, 1955). The Dark Avenger. (Henry Levin, 1955). The Adventures of Quentin Durward. (Richard Thorpe, 1955). Son of Sinbad. (Ted Tetzlaff, 1955). Kismet. (Vincente Minelli, 1955). The Conqueror. (Dick Powell, 1956). The Court Jester. (Norman Panama, 1956). The Vagabond King. (Michael Curtiz, 1956). Saint Joan. (Otto Preminger, 1957). Omar Khayyam. (William Dieterle, 1957). The Saga of the Viking Women and Their Voyage to the Waters of the Great Sea Serpent. (Roger Corman, 1957). Sabu and the Magic Ring. (George Blair, 1957). The Vikings. (Richard Fleischer, 1958). The 7th Voyage of Sinbad. (Nathan Juran, 1958). Francis of Assisi. (Michael Curtiz, 1961). El Cid. (Anthony Mann, 1961). Tower of London. (Roger Corman, 1962). The Magic Sword. (Bert I. Godon, 1962).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 256 08/06/2009 8:28:51 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 257

Lancelot and Guinevere. (Cornel Wilde, 1962). Taras Bulba. (J. Lee Thompson, 1962). The Siege of the Saxons. (Nathan Juran, 1963). Captain Sinbad. (Byron Haskin, 1963). The Castilian. (Javier Setó, 1963. Spain). Becket. (Peter Glenville, 1964). Hamlet. (Bill Colleran. John Gielgud, 1964). Hamlet. (Joseph Papp, 1964). The War Lord. (Franklyn Schaffner, 1965). Ghengis Khan. (Henry Levin, 1965). The Sword of Ali Baba. (Virgil W. Vogel, 1965). Camelot. (Joshua Logan, 1967). A Walk With Love and Death. (John Huston, 1969). Marco. (Seymour Robie, 1973). The Golden Voyage of Sinbad. (Gordon Hessler, 1974. Great Britain). The Norseman. (Charles B. Price, 1978). Dragonslayer. (Matthew Robbins, 1981). The Sword and the Sorcerer. (Albert Pyun, 1982). Lady Hawke. (Richard Donner, 1985). Arthur the King. (Clive Donner, 1985). Lionheart. (Franklin Schaffner, 1987). Discovering Hamlet. (Mark Olshaker, 1990). Robin Hood, Prince of Thieves. (Kevin Reynolds, 1991). Ghengis Khan. (Peter Duffield; Antonio Margheriti, 1992). The Hour of The Pig. (Leslie Magahey, 1993). First Knight. (Jerry Zucker, 1995). Braveheart. (Mel Gibson, 1995). The Viking Sagas. (Michael Chapman, 1995). Green Eggs and Hamlet. (Mike O’Neal, 1995). Robin Hood. (Mike A. Martinez, 1998). Macbeth. (Paul Winarski, 1998). The Incredible Adventures of Marco Polo. (George Erschbamer, 1998). The 13th Warrior. (Michael Crichton, 1999). A Knight’s Tale. (Brian Helgeland, 2001). King Arthur. (Antoine Fuqua, 2004). Ring of the Nibelungs. (Uli Edel, 2004). Soldier of God. (David Hogan, 2005). Kingdom of Heaven. (Ridley Scott, 2005). Tristan e Isolde. (Kevin Reynolds, 2006). The Last Legion. (Doug Lefler, 2007). Beowulf. (Robert Zemeckis, 2007). Joan of Arc: The Virgin Warrior. (Ronald F. Maxwell, post-production).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 257 08/06/2009 8:28:52 258 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

Appendix 2. List of the most important bibliography on the subject

Airlie, Stuart. “Strange eventful histories: the Middle Ages in the cinema”, The Me- dieval World, Peter Linehan, Janet L. Nelson, eds. London: Routledge, 2001: 163- 183. Alonso, Juan J.; Mastache, Enrique A.; Alonso, Jorge. La Edad Media en el Cine. Ma- drid: T&B Editores, 2007. Attolini, Vito. Immagini del Medioevo nel cinema. Bari: Dedalo, 1993. Attolini, Vito. “Un ‘Magnificat’ per Pupi Avati”. Quaderni Medievali, 36 (1993): 131- 141. Attolini, Vito. “Cavalieri e cuori impavidi”. Quaderni Medievali, 41 (1996): 160-173. Attolini, Vito. “Le Crociate al cinema”. Quaderni Medievali, 47 (1999): 126-151. Attolini, Vito. “Giovanna d’Arco guerriera e santa”. Quaderni Medievali, 49 (2000): 81-92. Barrio Barrio, Juan Antonio. “El nacimiento del Islam a través de Mahoma, El mensajero de Dios”, Historia y Cine, José Uroz, ed. Alicante: Publicaciones de la Uni- versidad de Alicante, 1999: 101-117. Barrio Barrio, Juan Antonio. “El Cid de Anthony Mann. A través del cine histórico y la Edad Media”, Historia y Cine, José Uroz, ed. Alicante: Publicaciones de la Uni- versidad de Alicante, 1999: 131-152 Barrio Barrio, Juan Antonio. “Introducción al cine histórico: El Colosal”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 29 (1999): 35-57. Barrio Barrio, Juan Antonio. “La Edad Media en el cine del siglo XX”. Medievalismo, 15 (2005): 241-268. Bouza, Nuria; Pérez, Xavier. “Cinematografía y actividades didácticas. Casos concretos en geografía e Historia”. Íber, 11 (January, 1997): 25-39. Bourget, Jean Loup. L’histoire au cinéma: le passé retrouvé. París: Gallimard, 1992. Burke, Peter. Visto y no visto. El uso de la imagen como documento histórico. Barcelona: Crítica, 2001. Caparros Lera, José María. Introducción a la Historia del Arte cinematográfico. Madrid: Rialp, 1990. Caparros Lera, José María. 100 grandes directores de cine. Madrid: Alianza, 1994. Caparros Lera, José María. 100 películas sobre Historia Contemporánea. Madrid: Alian- za, 1997. Carmona, Ramón. Cómo se comenta un texto fílmico. Madrid: Cátedra, 1993. Casas, Quim. “El Kollossal: americanos en Europa”. Dirigido, 240 (November, 1995): 46-61. Fernández-Sebastían, Javier. Cine e Historia en el aula. Madrid: Akal, 1989. Ferro, Marc. Historia Contemporánea y cine. Barcelona: Ariel, 1995. Ferro, Marc. “Perspectivas en torno a las relaciones Historia-Cine”. Film-Historia, I/1 (1991): 3-12. Flores Auñón, Juan Carlos. El cine, otro medio didáctico. Introducción a una metodología para el uso del cine como fuente de las ciencias sociales. Madrid: Escuela Española, 1982.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 258 08/06/2009 8:28:53 Th e mi d d l e ag e s i n usa ci n e m a 259

Friera, Florencio. “La enseñanza de la historia de España en el siglo XX por medio de cuatro novellas y cuatro películas”. Íber, 11 (January, 1997): 41-53. García Fernández, Emilio C. Cine e Historia. Las imágenes de la Historia reciente. Madrid: Arco Libros, 1998. González, Juan F. Aprender a ver cine. Madrid: Rialp, 2002. Gorgievski, Sandra. “The Arthurian legend in the cinema: myth or history ?”, The Middle Ages after the Middle Ages in the English-Speaking World, Marie-Françoise Alamichel, Derek Brewer, eds. Cambridge: Brever, 1997: 153-166. Gorgues, Ricard. “El cine en la clase de historia: un proyecto didáctico para la ESO y el bachillerato”. Íber, 11 (January, 1997): 71-80. Gubern, Román. Historia del cine. Barcelona: Lumen, 1989, 2 vols. Hughes, Brian. “De Wallace a Breaveheart: Antecedentes históricos de un mito” His- toria y Cine, José Uroz, ed. Alicante: Publicaciones de la Universidad de Alicante, 1999: 119-130. Isern, María Pilar. “El cine: entretenimineto y herramienta de aprendizaje”. Íber, 11 (January, 1997): 15-24. Iversesn, Gunnar. “Clear, from a distance: the image of the medieval period in recent Norwegian films”. Scandinavia: An International Journal of Scandinavian Stud- ies, 39:1 (2000): 7-23. Lacy, Norris J. “Unteaching and teaching the Arthurian legend”. Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Teaching, 9/2 (2002): 35-44. Lagny, Michele. Cine e Historia: problemas y métodos en la investigación cinematográfica. Barcelona: Bosch, 1997. Losilla, Carlos. “El Kollossal de Hollywood. La industria como espectáculo”. Dirigido, 239 (October 1995): 32-51. Lowe, Jeremy. “The cinematic consciousness of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight”. Exemplaria: A Journal of Theory in Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 13/1 (2001): 67-97. Martínez, Pilar. “El cine musical y su interdisciplinariedad con las ciencias socials”. Íber, 11 (January, 1997): 53-70. Monterde, José Enrique. Cine, Historia y enseñanza. Barcelona: Laia, 1986. Monterde, José Enrique, dir. Ficciones Históricas. Madrid: Academia de las Artes y las Ciencias Cinematográficas de España, 1999Cuadernos ( de la Academia, 6 [1999]). Paden, William D. “Reconstructing the Middle Ages: the monk's sermon in The Seventh Seal”, Medievalism in the Modern World: Essays in Honour of Leslie J. Worman. Making in the Middle Ages, 1, Richard J. Utz, Thomas Alan Shippey, eds. Turnhout: Brepols, 1998: 287-305. Passek, Jean Loup, dir. Diccionario del Cine. Madrid: Rialp, 1991. Rosentone, Robert A. El pasado en imágenes: El desafío del cine a nuestra idea de la His- toria. Barcelona: Ariel, 1997. Selva, Marta; Solà, Anna. “Reflexiones alrededor del cine y la historia en laen- señanza”. Íber, 11 (January, 1997): 7-14.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 259 08/06/2009 8:28:53 260 Ju a n An t o n i o Barr i o

Sharp, Michael D. “Remaking medieval heroism: nationalism and sexuality in Bra- veheart”. Florilegium, 15 (1998): 251-266. Sorlin, Pierre. Sociología del cine. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1985. Sorlin, Pierre. Cines europeos, sociedades europeas.1939-1990. Barcelona: Paidós, 1996. Truffaut, François. El cine según Hitchcock. Madrid: Alianza, 1998. Uroz, José, ed. Historia y Cine. Alicante: Publicaciones de la Universidad de Alicante, 1999. Wood, Michael. America in the Movies. Nueva York: Columbia University Press, 1975. Woods, William F. “Cinematic medievalism: reflections on a film workshop”.Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Teaching, 9/1 (2002): 81-93. Zubiaur Carreño, Francisco Javier. “El Cine como fuente de la Historia”. Memoria y Civilización, 8 (2005): 205-219.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 229-260. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 260 08/06/2009 8:28:54 Medieval internet: research, knowledge and play, the new time travel

Al b e r t Si e rra De par t a m e n t d e Cu l t u ra i Mi t ja n s d e Co m u n i c a c i ó . Ge n e ra l i t a t d e Ca t a l u n y a Spa i n

Date of reception: 17th of March, 2008 Final date of acceptance: 6th of May, 2008

Ab s t r a c t

In the last ten years, we have lived through a revolution in communication with the appearance of Internet. Now the diffusion of any article, image or video can be free and worldwide with the consequent explosion of contents, also medieval ones. Manuscripts, museum pieces, images, activities, etc.: everything can be spread through Internet; everything can reach any computer in the world. We can find everything from online libraries that offer a perfect view of their manuscripts to games that allow us to take part in historical battles. This is a new world of communications that also generates doubts about the academic methods of seeking information, and even the economic system of scientific publishers.

Ke y w o r d s

Museums, Heritage, Internet, Web 2.0, Medieval Internet.

Ca pi t a l i a v e r b a

Musea, Patrimonium, Retis Retium, Latum stamen uniuersum II.Nullum, Retis Retium Mediaeualis.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931 261

Anglès.indd 261 08/06/2009 8:28:54 262 Al b e r t Si e rra

1. A new way to the Middle Ages1

Il l u s t ra t i o n 1. Me d i e v a l He l p d e s k .jp g .

Medieval Helpdesk:

- Hello, Are you Brother Ansgar? - Ah, yes, hello.[...] - I haven’t been able to do anything the whole morning because of this. - I see. Well, I’m sorry. We’re introducing this new system and everybody wants help immediately. Eh... so you can’t use it? - Right. It has just been laying here. - Have you tried to open it? - Open it? If it’s that simple I wouldn’t have called helpdesk, would I? [...]When you’re used to paper rolls it takes some time to convert to turn the pages of a... beek. - Book.

1. This article will appear first on paper and later there will be an electronic version. It contains dozens of web links. If you are reading the electronic version the corresponending links can be consulted from the notes. If you are reading this text on paper, you can acces the links in the article on the web Delici- ous.com grouped together under the label “medievalinternet”. This is a much faster and more effective method of navigating round the proposals we make, but also allows the reader to discover contents associated with each of these and also see what other people who have chosen these same contents consider interesting. All the webs that appear in these notes have been consulted between 15th January and 15th March 2008. .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 262 08/06/2009 8:28:56 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 263

We are digital immigrants. The difficulties that the monk Ansgar is experiencing in this hilarious video2 are the same as all digital immigrants have had,3 and by that I mean everyone who went to school or university in the 20th century. That means all those who studied with books, listened to teachers, and wrote on word processors but still thinking about our work being read on paper. Now we have entered the 21st century and, like Ansgar, the parchment rolls have been snatched from our hands and we have to work with a new tool that has pages. It’s a tool that allows us to have manuscripts from the other side of the world on our desk, stroll round the inside of a cathedral that no longer exists and simultaneously maintain conversations with colleagues in three different universities. What is the Internet nowadays? The Internet4 has meant a radical change in the way we communicate and exchange information. We now do so globally and instantaneously. The Internet has also been the base for the expansion of audiovisual tools as a substantial and popular element of expression. Photography and video are nowadays used and shared by millions of people on webs. The Internet has broken the traditional barriers to publication, namely a very large infrastructure and the difficulties of diffusion beyond the local sphere. Now an electronic publication hardly requires money, the process is immediate and the diffusion, if one wants, is global. Anyone can start a blog, a web or an on-line journal and be read by people all over the world. Anyone who has knowledge of a subject, however specific and minor this may be, can participate in a collaborative project, such as an on-line encyclopaedia. The concept of copyright from the paper era, based on the cost of publishing and the charge for the object produced, is disappearing in a world where information is omnipresent and free. The Internet of static webs, where each page held contents in a permanent way has given way to a environment of webs that are updated constantly with the latest thematic information, every day, every hour and every minute. Search engines are appearing that search for information from among dozens of different websites and present the results personalised for each user according to his or her tastes and interests.5 New ways of searching for information are being created and, thereby, new methods of researching. Groups of people are forming on Internet linked not by geographic or linguistic proximity but more through sharing professional or personal interests about a subject that they are enthusiastic about... Medieval studies. The scholars studying the medieval epoch are by definition one of these minority, geographically disperse groups described above. However

2. NRK. “Medieval Helpdesk with English subtitles”. Youtube. 26 February. 15 January 2008 . 3. Prensky, Marc. “Digital Natives, Digital Immigrants”. Marc Prensky Home. 2001. 15 January 2008 . 4. “Internet”. Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. 16 January 2008 ; “10 Years That Changed the World”. Wired. 16 January 2008 . 5. Netvibes. 17 January 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 263 08/06/2009 8:28:57 264 Al b e r t Si e rra

not only are the scholars scattered around the world; the same is true for what they are studying. The manuscripts, works of art, buildings, etc, are disseminated around an infinite number of individual locations, with access ranging from easy or difficult to impossible, with timetables, kilometres and language as a frontier. Until now, the library, the university, the museum and the archive have been the four tools that have allowed access to the valued goods, that have built bridges to reach these contents and thereby feed medieval studies. Now, all four use a new universal resource that links them together and means that the scholar, the researcher (including the amateur!) has a degree of access, unthinkable only 10 years ago, to objects, scientific articles and manuscripts from the medieval world. There is research for scientists, in-depth or general knowledge for researchers and amateurs, games and visual gadgets for all kinds of public, as well as what the Internet offers today to the enthusiasts about the medieval world.

2. A world of knowledge on your desk

The great depositories. The medieval legacy is held in an enormous range of institutions scattered all over the world. Museums, libraries and archives in Britain, the United States, France, Italy, Spain and Germany (and even New Zealand) have been storing the testimonies of an epoch for decades or centuries. Many of them have carried out the continuous and notable task of diffusion through research, publications, seminars or exhibitions. Now the most active and dynamic are using the field of on-line information to expand into this new environment. Theold microfiches have progressively given way to digitalisation. The aim of preserving the fragile original and offering the researcher access to the information it contains thanks to a consultable copy has not changed. The potential of digital technology and the Internet have, however, made reproduction much easier and cheaper, and communication more powerful, thus shifting the centre of gravity of the operation progressively from conservation towards diffusion. Now digitalisation is not seen as a means in itself, but rather as the first step in a strategy of publication. Anyone who has already digitalised part of their collection now has to concentrate their efforts on communicating these contents.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 264 08/06/2009 8:28:58 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 265

Il l u s t ra t i o n 2. Ox f o r d Un i v e r s i t y .

Il l u s t ra t i o n 3. Di g i t a l Sc r i p t o r i u m . Co l u m b i a Un i v e r s i t y .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 265 08/06/2009 8:28:59 266 Al b e r t Si e rra

Manuscripts. In the world of access to medieval manuscripts, there are many examples of institutions that make their contents partially or fully available to the public. For example, Oxford University6 offers access to 80 manuscripts via high quality, high-resolution images that allow us to see every detail of the pages. The monastery of St. Gall in Switzerland also offers us over a hundred manuscripts in its virtual library.7 An outstanding aspect of its interface is the possibility to search inside the text of the manuscripts for different criteria, a step forward in the search that is mentioned in greater detail below. The Mandragore base of illuminated manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France8 is a very traditional but very powerful tool, while in Cologne, the diocesan library is also accessible9 with an interface by now a little dated but which works efficiently and gives very high detail in the images. We can also find projects that gather material from different origins in a single location. For example, the German web, Manuscripta Mediaevalia,10 offers us access to thousands of manuscripts in Germanic language. It has extraordinary possibilities for searching, including an iconography search. A similar project, but in this case in the field of the American universities, is the Digital Scriptorium11 led by Columbia University. This holds medieval and Renaissance manuscripts from the universities of Berkeley, Columbia, etc. The British History Online12 also holds a huge number of archival resources from various sources and stands out for the effectiveness of the interface and indexation that allow searches of a list of documentation by region and epoch. A very special case is the Hill Museum & Manuscript Library.13 They began their task of preserving their own and other manuscripts forty years ago with microfiches and nowadays have over a million images between microfilm and digital recordings. Their contents cover material of European origins but what makes them stand out is undoubtedly the project to conserve manuscripts from early Christian times, with examples from Syrian, Armenian and Lebanese collections among others.

6. Early Manuscripts at Oxford University. January 2001. Oxford University. 17 January 2008 ; The Bodleian Library, that is part of this project, has however its own web also with access to its manuscripts: “Browse images of manuscripts”. Brodleian Library. University of Oxford. 17 February 2008 . 7. “Codices Electronici Sangallenses (CESG)-Virtual Library Sangallenses”. Codices Electronici Sangallenses. Universitas Friburgensis. 18 January 2008 http://www.cesg.unifr.ch/en/index.htm. 8. Mandragore, base des manuscrits enluminés de la B.n.F. Bibliothèque Nationale de France. 19 January 2008 . 9. Codices Electronici Ecclesiae Coloniensis (CEEC). Universität Zur Köln. 19 January 2008 . 10. Manuscripta Mediaevalia. Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. 20 January 2008 . 11. Libraries Digital Program Division. Digital Scriptorium. Columbia University Libraries. 20 january 2008 . 12. British History Online. University of London & History of Parliament Trust. 21 January 2008 . 13. Hill Museum & Manuscript Library. “HMML Research Center”. Hill Museum & Manuscript Library. Saint John’s University. 21 January 2008 ; Hill Museum & Ma- nuscript Library. “Welcome to Vivarium”. Vivarium, The onl-line digital collections of Saint John’s University and the College of Saint Benedict. Saint John’s University. 21 January 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 266 08/06/2009 8:29:00 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 267

Il l u s t ra t i o n 4. Br i t i s h Hi s t o r y On l i n e .

Il l u s t ra t i o n 5. Hi l l Mu s e u m & Ma n u s c r i p t Li brar y : Vi v ar i u m .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 267 08/06/2009 8:29:02 268 Al b e r t Si e rra

Delocalisation. The latter case exemplifies one of the most important characteristics of this new world of knowledge. Before the Internet, there was a high probability that a manuscript in the British Library or the Library of the University of Columbia would be studied and known by a small circle of competent scholars who were interested in it. Catalogues and specialised publications would allow it to be known to a greater or lesser degree in the scientific community. However, it would be difficult for a manuscript in a collection in Lebanon to have these opportunities of world renown. It would happen if an American, German or French scholar “discovered” it personally and published it in a recognised scientific journal. Nowadays, any researcher anywhere in the world can “discover” any manuscript that is on-line without stepping out of his or her office, however remote the original is. There are no longer any frontiers. Cultural imperialism. Nevertheless, this same case also illustrates the other side of the same coin. The planetary diffusion of this unknown Lebanese manuscript does not depend on nearby institutions but rather on some of the most powerful ones in the first world. Those who held power in the academic world of paper are maintaining it in the world of the Internet. We may see new actors, modest but brilliant ones, from all corners of the world, but the large groups of the powerful, whether in communications or academia, will maintain their privileged position unless they do things very badly. Moreover, the most dynamic of these will take advantage of the new possibilities for planetary diffusion to extend their hegemony even further.14 Closed spaces. Although part of the knowledge created by the institutions is available freely and openly on the net, much of the scientific content generated historically is still difficult to find, or the existing search tools have very high access costs that can generally only be paid by libraries and even then, not all of these. Very clear examples are the excellent bibliographic resources of Brepolis,15 the well- known Jstor16 or the newer British Library Direct.17 Google, the new giant of information, is questioning this economic model with two products, Google Scholar18 and Google Book Search19 that combined offer open access to very significant proportions of areas of research which, until recently, were only available through these paying resources.

14. A clear example, outside medieval studies, is the Aluka project, a web with academic resources about Africa, where African institutions participate togtehre with others from around the world, but which is really a project led and piloted from the United States: Aluka. June 2006. 21 January 2008 . 15.“ ‘Brepolis’: the hometown of Brepols’ online publications”. Brepols Publishers Online. 22 January 2008 . 16. JSTOR. Trusted archives for scholarship. 2000. 22 January 2008 . 17. The British Library has begun a similar project with British Library Direct: “British Library direct”. 23 January 2008 . 18. “Google Scholar”. Google. 24 January 2008 . 19. “Google Book Search”. Google. 24 January 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 268 08/06/2009 8:29:03 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 269

Il l u s t ra t i o n 6: Br i t i s h Li brar y Di r e c t .

Il l u s t ra t i o n 7. DIAMM. Di g i t a l Im a g e Ar c h i v e o f Me d i e v a l Mu s i c .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 269 08/06/2009 8:29:04 270 Al b e r t Si e rra

Music. Music also has its own space on the Internet with such resources as Cantus20 or the Digital Image Archive of Medieval Music.21 The latter is an interesting case given its truly ambitious aim of including all possible information about all manuscripts of medieval polyphonic music. The web includes information about “all known sources” and mentions that the database is under construction. This project is perfectly adapted to the current environment of the Internet, a resource that has everything (or aspires to do so) about a specific defined subject. It is not through multiple general websites which resemble each other that the Internet grows, but through a multitude of such tremendously focussed spaces that are never “finished” but are projects with permanence in time and are updated constantly. Not only is this a model project by definition, but also through the modernity of its interface for consulting the images, that allows you to zoom in very easily, compare the normal image with alternative views (with ultraviolet light or digitally improved), add transcriptions or comments. It is clearly a model to follow. Another example of this type of website about a specific theme is perhaps the one dedicated to the works of Ramon Llull,22 an outstanding aspect of which is that, as well as the works themselves, it includes information about where the manuscripts are and, unusually, information about the followers of Llull’s work. This focus of including not only the work, but in a way, the repercussion it has generated and the scholars who revolve around it, is clearly one of the vectors for the expansion of this type of resource. Communities of scholars. Because the websites about medieval manuscripts or music are making a great effort to offer researchers direct access to documents, they do so on an individual basis. Each researcher enters the web from his or her office without contact with others. There is no place for exchanging opinions, or sharing research,23 and, as we will see, this is becoming one of the defining traits of the actual web, namely the creation of virtual places where a geographically disperse community united by a field of study meets, discusses, exchanges information, findings, problems, etc., continuously, in an authentic non-stop congress. Those keen on skiing have their own platform, as do horror film fans. Perhaps these are not the examples closest to the community of medievalists. However, perhaps the medical community is a suitable model. Over 50,000 doctors connect to the Sermo website24 in order to argue about medical cases, recommend treatments or find out about the latest publications on a specific subject. It is a resource which is becoming essential for anyone who uses it. Can we imagine such a web for medievalists all over the world? I believe so.

20. Debra Lacoste. Cantus: a Database for Latin Ecclesiastical Chant. The Universtity of Webstern Ontario. 25 January 2008 . 21. “Home”. Digital Image Archive of Medieval Music. University of London. 25 January 2008 . 22. Bonner, Anthony, dir. “Obres de Ramon Llull”. Base de dades Ramon Llull-Llull DB. Centre de documentació Ra- mon Llull. Juliol 2001. Universitat de Barcelona. 25 January 2008 . 23. As mentioned, the DIAMM web has the possibility of adding comments, by the editorial team or the users. It is a first form of exchange:Digital Image Archive of Medieval Music. 25 January 2008. . 24. Sermo. Know more.Know earlier. 2008. 26 January 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 270 08/06/2009 8:29:05 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 271

Il l u s t ra t i o n 8. Se r m o . Me d i c a l c o m m u n i t y .

Lists of resources. In this “second era” of the Internet that we are experiencing, I think it is possible that someone could build this kind of network, because during the “first era” of the Internet, when websites had to be created to gather resources together, this was done in the medieval field. We already have the example of the ORB, the On-line Reference Book for Medieval Studies,25 which has not been updated for years but is still a useful general resource. Others include the Internet Medieval Sourcebook,26 Netserf 27 or The Labyrinth,28 or, in a German context, the excellent Mediaevum.de (which is updated).29 The latter example shows us that we are quite close to building a virtual community of this type: it already has a discussion forum,30 which is especially frequented by students. It is only a step from here to a really structured community.

25. “Welcome to the new home of the ORB on the web”. The Orb: On-line Reference Book for Medieval Studies. April 2000. The College of Staten Island. 26 January 2008 . 26. Halsall, Paul, ed. Internet Medieval Sourcebook. December 2006. Fordham University. 27 January 2008 . 27. Harbin, Andrea R. Netserf. The internet connection for Medieval Resources. 2006. 27 January 2008 . 28. Irvine, Martin; Everhart, Deborah, dirs. The Labyrinth. Resources for Medieval Studies. 2002. Georgetown University. 28 January 2008 . 29. Glauch, Sonja; Hamm, Joachim; Rupp, Michael. “Welcome to the English Portal to the Pages of Me- diaevum. De!”. Medieval Studies on the Internet Mediaevum. De. 2006. Wissenschaftliche Internetdienstleis- tungen Mediaevum. De GbR. 29 January 2008 . 30. Glauch, Sonja; Hamm, Joachim; Rupp, Michael. “Unser Forum hat eine neue Software”.Mediävistik im Internet Mediaevum.de. 2007. Wissenschaftliche Internetdienstleistungen Mediaevum. De GbR. 2

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 271 08/06/2009 8:29:07 272 Al b e r t Si e rra

Il l u s t ra t i o n 9. Me d i a e v u m .d e .

And the amateurs? We have mentioned research, researchers, being able to see manuscripts in detail, but what about the thousands of amateurs of medieval studies? What resources do they have available? If we remain in the field of manuscripts, an excellent idea is EyeWitness to History,31 which puts forward the stories of the witnesses of history. Unfortunately, the number of stories it includes about medieval times is very limited, but it is a resource with a very high potential for communication with the less expert public. Letters, stories, even fragments of trials or other documentation adequately dealt with reflects the immediacy of daily life and human contact, and are authentic keys which open the doors to a journey through time.

February 2008 . 31. “The Middle Ages and Renaissance. EyeWitness to History. History through the eyes of those who lived it. Ibis communications, Inc. 2 February 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 272 08/06/2009 8:29:08 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 273

Art. While archives and research centres have traditionally offered their services first and foremost to researchers, museums have been directed mainly towards amateurs, art lovers. And in the new world of the Internet, this dynamic is no different. The most active museums, large and small, have a multitude of contents dedicated to the non-specialist public. The Metropolitan Museum in New York, for example, allows its extensive bases to be searched for all kinds of object: paintings, gold and silver work, sculptures, musical instruments, arms, etc, but perhaps the most interesting application in its website is the Timeline of Art History,32 which gives geographical and historical access to a very extensive range of articles about medieval art, among others. The most relevant is not, however, the number of articles or their quality, but rather the adaptation of the contents to the ecosystem and the possibilities of the Internet. Each map lets the user choose a time, each time a geographical space, in each description there are different objects to choose, each object is accompanied by a list of concepts… This resource shows that the way to navigate the information on the Internet has nothing to do with the lineal route of the printed publication; the Internet is hypertextual, with multiple crossed links that lead from one concept to another, from the general to the specific, from this to an image, from this to a video and then to another general concept. Searching in the collection of the British Museum is another example of the sophistication of cross-linking and the depth of the contents33 and it also offers the visualisation of its data (and from other partners) on a time line.34 Virtual and monographic exhibitions. Other websites have dedicated their efforts to more monographic themes, such as individual monumental buildings or the virtual version of certain exhibitions. In the case of architecture, many French monuments have websites of this kind, an example of which being the abbey of St. Germain in Auxerre,35 with a much more traditional navigation system than the Anglo-Saxon museums, but with a remarkable depth of content. Others include those dedicated to the town of Saint Denis36 or the city of Carcassonne,37 which uses some multimedia tools. If we return to the manuscripts, Incunabula38 is another example of an excellent virtual exhibition with a multitude of contents about a specific theme.

32. Montebello, Philippe de. “Europe, 1000-1400 A.D.”. Timeline of Art History. Metropolitan Museum of Art. 2 February 2008 . 33. “Introduction: Explore”. The British Museum. 2 February 2008 . 34. World Timelines.org.uk. World cultures in British museums. 2005. The British Museum. 2 February 2008 . 35. Sapin, Christian, dir. L’abbaye de Saint-Germain d’Auxerre. Ministère de la Culture et la Comunication. 2 February 2008 . 36. Wyss, Michaël; Meyer Rodrigues, Nicole. Saint-Denis, una ville au Moyen Âge. Ministère de la Culture et la Comunication. 2 February 2008 . 37. Rouset, Valérie; Amiel Christiane; Piniès, Jean Pierre. La Cité de Carcassonne. Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication. 2 February 2008 . 38. Dawn of Western Printing. Incunabula (Japanese). August 4, 2005. National Diet Library, Japan. 3 Febru- ary 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 273 08/06/2009 8:29:09 274 Al b e r t Si e rra

Il l u s t ra t i o n 10. Me t r o p o l i t a n Mu s e u m o f Ar t . Ti m e l i n e o f Ar t Hi s t o r y .

Il l u s t ra t i o n 11. Br i t i s h Mu s e u m . Ex p l o r e .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 274 08/06/2009 8:29:10 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 275

The transversal search. A new typology is appearing above these monographic websites, namely that of the global aggregators of projects. These are especially important in the European case, given the diversity of nations, languages and standards found on the continent. The current effort is to promote effective intercommunication between systems, so that the reader can access the resources of all the institutions involved simultaneously from any point in the world and in different languages on a single screen.39 The European Library40 or the Michael project41 are working on the difficult task of establishing intelligent searches of the different catalogues. The search engine in Michael, for example, allows us to link to over 500 digital collections around Europe. It is a first step, with a minimum of integration between collections, but its is extremely useful as a tool for discovery and interconnection.42 The highest expression of this aim can be found in the Europeana project,43 which has started to work at the end of 2008 on the base of the European Library.

3. New life, second life

Living. Thus far, we have seen a long list of websites for learning about the medieval world, some more scientifically, others more or less pleasurably, but always in the context of study. However, there is another way of approaching the medieval world. To live it. And here, we find a series of proposals that now use audiovisual media intensively to take us into the medieval world through feelings and emotions. If we start again with the manuscript sources, the British Library has the honour of being the institution that has managed to get closest to making us feel that the books we consult on-line are effectively in front of us. Its “Turning the Pages” soft- ware44 manages to make us turn the pages almost naturally, and it even offers us a magnifying glass to look at the details. It is an authentic, almost tactile, pleasure to follow the Golden Haggadah or, even more so, the Arburthnot Missal, in the version 2.0 of this software.

39. “Information Society Activities> Overview”. Digital Libraries Initiative Homepage. Europe’s Informa- tion Society. 7 February 2008. ; “Welcome to Europe’s digital library, museum and archive”. Europeana connecting cultural heritage. Koninklije Bibliotheek. 10 February 2008 . 40. “The european library searches the content of European national libraries”. The European Library. Koninklije Bibliotheek. 21 February 2008 . 41.“Project Consortium”. Michael Multilingual inventory of Cultural Heritage in Europe. European Commissi- on. 21 February 2008. . 42. “A modern pilgrimage through art”. Michael Multilingual inventory of Cultural Heritage in Europe. Euro- pean Commission. 21 February 2008 . 43. Cousins, Jill. Europeana. Connecting cultural heritage. The Koninklijke Bibliotheek. 22 february 2008 . 44. “Turning the pages”. Online Gallery. Turning the pages, leaf through our great books and magnify the details. The British Library. 22 February 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 275 08/06/2009 8:29:11 276 Al b e r t Si e rra

Il l u s t ra t i o n 12. Eu r o p e a n a .

Il l u s t ra t i o n 13. Br i t i s h Li brar y . Tu r n i n g t h e Pa g e s 2.0.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 276 08/06/2009 8:29:13 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 277

Video. Talking about audiovisuals, the documentaries produced for television have a new life on the Internet. Battles, ways of life, the crusades, practically any of the leading documentaries that have been produced by general or thematic English language channels can nowadays be found in some of the macro-containers of videos.45 If we are talking about living the medieval world, an inevitable (and very funny) reference is “Medieval Lives” 46 produced by Terry Jones for the BBC. Jones, as well as being one of the members of the comedy group Monty Python, is a history enthusiast and his recreations of the medieval lives of knights, monks and peasants are full of anecdotes and surprises as well as treating us to some animations of entirely naïve, but charming, medieval miniatures. Another series that recreates an aspect of medieval life in an especially vivid manner is “Weapons that made Britain”.47 Presented by the charismatic Mike Loades, it goes through the arms that were important to the history of Great Britain, such as the shield, the bow, the lance, the sword and armour. Loades’s way of approaching the past is extraordinary. He does not study the history of these objects or the historical episodes from an academic point of view. On the contrary, he faces these arms as an active user (he is a combat instructor!) and he closely studies their usefulness. He wants to know the materials of which they were made, and how, the virtues and defects that these conferred on them, and how they were used on the battlefield according to the old treatises. Loades fires arrows, destroys shields with axe blows, he fights and rides. However, it is not only an action series, this being only the first step towards understanding the tool and, by extension, a historical event determined by the technology of war. He experiments with real weapons in order to understand the real conditions under which these historical events took place. What is the effect of an arrow on armour at 50 metres? A little dent. And at 15 metres? A hole and perhaps the death of a knight. It is fascinating to see his recreation of the battle of Cressy, with the English archers facing the entire French nobility on horseback. How long did the French charge last? He rides across the historical field: only 40 seconds. How many arrows

45. Currently very few television channels have begun to transmit via the Internet to the entire world. Those that have started up sophisticated reproduction websites, for example NBC and BBC, only allow national coverage. The reason is that the actual structure for negotiating the rights for television programmes is exclusively envisaged from the point of view of broadcasts by traditional channels, by countries, and there is no adequate legal coverage for worldwide broadcasts. This situation is unsustainable because the users already ignore these norms by downloading programmes and offering them to the global community freely on websites like the defunct Stage6, Veoh or Miro, or P2P networks (eMule, etc). Any European user can use these websites to download the latest episode of a hit series (Lost, Heroes, House, etc.) just after it has been shown in the USA even though they theoretically would not appear in his or her country for months or even years. The worldwide legal distribution of series and films on-line is simply an unstoppable process that will be working within a couple of years. 46. These could be found on Stage6 but that portal closed. They can now be seen on Veoh. Terry Jones’ Me- dieval Lives: “Search results for: ‘medieval lies’”. Veoh. 23 February 2008 . 47. “Weapons that made Britain”. Channel4. com. 23 February 2008 ; Es poden veure a Veoh: “Searc results for: ‘weapons that made britain”. Veoh. 23 February 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 277 08/06/2009 8:29:14 278 Al b e r t Si e rra

could the archers fire in that time? 12 each: 90,000. How many of these would have killed knights? Very few, only those fired in the last 10 seconds. But the first hundreds of horses were vulnerable and, probably, by falling in the last few metres, they formed a barrier of fallen bodies which hindered the charge and caused the massacre of thousands of French nobles at the hands of the English archers. 40 seconds. Only 40 seconds, and then a massacre. The reconstruction Loades creates with the company of only one historian, his horse and a few archers literally places history in front of our eyes and takes us to the battlefield. Spaces. We have seen lives and actions recreated by the documentaries now accessible on the Internet, but one of the legacies that brings the past closest to us is architecture and its space. Strolling in the cloister of a Romanesque monastery in the “real world”, or walking around a Gothic cathedral often enables us to travel in time. There are many examples of the transmission of these sensations, of the popularisation of architectural spaces on the Internet. We have already mentioned some French monuments, and the French ministry of culture also has databases with scientific and technical information about their architecture,48 but if we are talking about experiencing, or living these places, one of the best methods is panoramic photography. Different websites offer this immersive vision in all kinds of buildings, obviously including medieval ones. Arounder,49 360 Cities,50 Viewat51 and Panoramas.dk52 are the most outstanding among these websites. These immersive visits can also be more complex and not merely photographic, digitally generating three-dimensional reconstructions that can be visited. ArsVirtual53, promoted by the Fundación Telefónica, is a very good example. It has over a dozen virtual visits, many to medieval buildings. We can literally fly around inside or outside these buildings and the views are accompanied in all cases by texts and images. Another very interesting project are the galleries of buildings in 3D on Google Earth.54 A community of individual and institutional creators has grown up around Google’s popular geographic navigation programme. They add data of all kinds, in this case 3D reconstructions of medieval buildings from all over Europe. This is a perfect example of what the new Internet, the web 2.0, means. Google does not create a gallery of 3D buildings, but simply makes a relatively simple creation tool available to the public free of charge, and it is users from all over the world55 who

48. “Présentation des bases Architecture et Patrimoine”. Architecture & Patrimoine. Ministère de la Culture et de la communication. 23 February 2008 . 49. Arounder. 23 February 2008 . 50. 360 cities. The world in virtual reality. 23 February 2008 . 51. Borràs Serret, Iban; Izquierdo Garay, Joan Carles, dirs. ViewAt.org. El mundo en panorámicas. 23 February 2008 . 52. Nyberg, Hans. Panoramas.dk. 23 February 2008 . 53. “Portada”. ArsVirtual, espacio virtual para la difusión del patrimonio cultural. 2006. Fundación telefónica. 24 February 2008 . 54. “Resultados de la Galería 3D”. Google Galeria 3D. Google. 24 February 2008 . 55. If what we are looking for is content generated by users, we can take a look at Flickr or YouTube and search with “medieval”. There are hundreds of thousands of proposals, many of them surprising.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 278 08/06/2009 8:29:15 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 279

Il l u s t ra t i o n 14. Te rr y Jo n e s ’ Me d i e v a l Li v e s .

Il l u s t ra t i o n 15. We ap o n s Th a t Ma d e Br i ta i n .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 279 08/06/2009 8:29:16 280 Al b e r t Si e rra

Il l u s t ra t i o n 16. Ar o u n d e r .

Il l u s t ra t i o n 17. Ar s Vi r t u a l .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 280 08/06/2009 8:29:18 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 281

generously fill the web with their three-dimensional reconstructions of cathedrals, castles and monasteries, sometimes of incredibly high quality56. Play, play and play. Not everything is dedicated to knowledge and new experiences. Straightforward play also has its own place. The Internet is a huge playground of all kinds, from games of chance to games of skill, via complex role-play games. Some are the heirs of board games, while others have developed autonomously on the net. There are hundreds of proposals, from the most juvenile, like those on the British “ShowMe” website,57 which shows productions by British museums, to the most complex strategy and battles. If we are talking about war games, the most popular nowadays is undoubtedly Total War Medieval II, a game that has unwonted life on the Internet including even a Facebook group and developers who offer their own additions with new scenarios, warriors and battles.58 Total War has some very interesting aspects, such as its desire for accuracy. The historical rigor with which it is built is remarkable if we bear in mind that it is a game (there are no dragons or witches here...) and a result of this wager on realism. It is not only that there are battles, but the struggle for power also extends to diplomacy, alliances, and the relations between nobles and the church. It is not an educational game but its players have surely learnt a lot more about the medieval world than they expected.59 Virtual worlds. Over the last two years, Second Life60 has been much talked about as a virtual world where we will all soon have our double life. Effectively many users have decided what their new profile in this new world is. Museums, governments and companies have opened virtual environments where they have held conferences, meetings and even exhibitions. Like so many proposals on the Internet, after being on everyone’s lips for a time, its evolution seems now to have stagnated. Are there also medieval places on Second Life? Well, there is something, some place for self-named medieval “tribes” but which are really little more than

YouTube: “results for medieval search”. YouTube-broadcast Yourself. 24 February 2008 ; “Flickr: búsqueda: medieval”. Flickr. Yahoo company. 24 February 2008 . 56. A new catalan web Patrimoni.gencat uses all these visual and 2.0 resources (video, panoramic views, 3D reconstructions, etc.) showing the catalan cultural heritage. Patrimoni.gencat. Generalitat de Catalu- nya. 25 March 2008 . 57. Show Me. We show you wild/ cool/ crazy/fun/scary stuff from the UK’s museums and galleries. 24 hour museum. 25 February 2008 . 58. Medieval II Total War. Sega. 25 February 2008 ; “Medieval II: Total War”. Fa- cebook. 25 February 2008 ; “Released: Gods & Fighting Men-Total War”. Total War center forums. 25 February 2008 . 59. A small sample of the field diary extracted from its web, It“ seems the prolonged siege of York had paid off, and the Rebels have crumbled to the might of my Army. With the village under my control, I am presented with options to occupy the settlement, sack it, or exterminate the entire populace. Occupying the settlement offers the most long-term financial gain, so seems ultimately like the most beneficial option. With the village captured, I now turn my attentions to Scotland and send a spy up to investigate.” O’Connell, Mark. “Campaign Journal-Part 1”. To- talWar. Sega. 25 February 2008 . 60. Second Life. 27 February 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 281 08/06/2009 8:29:19 282 Al b e r t Si e rra

Il l u s t ra t i o n 18. Go o g l e Ear t h 3D. No t r e Da m e i n Par i s .

Il l u s t ra t i o n 19. To t a l War Me d i e v a l II.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 282 08/06/2009 8:29:21 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 283

a few entertaining disguises. If we return to the world of games, we can find various virtual worlds that reconstruct the medieval world in some way or another. Among these, RuneScape61 undoubtedly deserves a special mention. Presented as a role-playing game, each participant chooses a character and controls its actions in a world full of castles, battles and revolts, which is common for everyone. The game develops on-line simultaneously for all the participants and communication and co-operation between the players is essential to “survive”. And when I mention players, I do not mean a few thousand. As I write this article there are over 180,000 people playing! Utopia62 is another of these virtual worlds where you can lose yourself, and the development of this game honours its name: “Welcome to Utopia, a world where reality and dreams come together, a world where the lowliest of peasants can become the world’s greatest heroes”. The player, converted into a knight, has to rule his kingdom. A curious detail in this game is that its time is continuous, as if it were real, not depending on whether the player is there or not. When you go back to this virtual world after some days without playing, you have to ask your counsellors what has happened during your absence from the kingdom. Weekends in 1300. However, if we are talking about having a second life, the reference is not restricted to Second Life, but also to the alternative lives that can be created in our own world. The 30,000 members of the Society for Creative Anach- ronism63 do not hold medieval markets. Instead, they recreate battles, villages, tournaments, etc. You have to see the photos and videos64 to believe it. It is an authentic human community that travels around the USA every weekend to live in a time that is different from their own.

4. New system, new society

Up to this point, we have seen a brief summary of the resources that the Inter- net offers with regard to the medieval world, from the most scientific to the most leisure-based. However, the Internet is much more than that, it is the tool that is transforming communication and, as a result, society itself. Community, new actors and new rulers. The barriers to publication have disappeared and now everyone can contribute contents, whether texts, photographs or comments about a film. The new protagonists are now the millions of creators who have joined up in these years. From the programmer who offers a “mod” for

61. Runescape. 27 February 2008 . 62. Utopia. 27 February 2008 . 63. Society for Creative Anacronism. 28 February 2008 ; Scmid, Kendra. “Arts and Sciences Links for the society for creative anachronism”. Kingdom of Atlantia Arts and Sciences. 28 February 2008 . 64. Arguscaradoc. “SCA tv spot”. YouTube Broadcast Yourself. June 05, 2006. 28 February 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 283 08/06/2009 8:29:22 284 Al b e r t Si e rra

Il l u s t ra t i o n 20. Ru n e s c ap e .

Il l u s t ra t i o n 21. SCA. So c i e t y f o r Cr e a t i v e An a c h r o n i s m .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 284 08/06/2009 8:29:23 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 285

Total War,65 to the 26-year-old animator who does a little work of art about the Bayeux tapestry.66 If the creators are now individuals and mainly work without being paid, who then dominates this world? The new giants are those who own the platforms so that all of this can exist. Like Google. The company that began as a search engine is now one of the key actors in this new world. Search and Tag. This was because Google began an absolutely revolution- ary way of searching.67 Nowadays we do not search for general, and increasingly specified themes one by one until we get to the contents, but rather than this, we search for specific concepts, by key words, in the entire text on the Internet and we arrive at the specific fragments without intermediation. How will we search when all the books and articles we are interested in are in the Google Book Search programme?68 We will no longer search for books on specific themes. Instead, we will search for these themes directly inside all the books. The way of researching will be completely different, perhaps not in our case, but certainly in that of future generations. New ecosystem, new econosystem. And also the economic systems of publication. Around the year 2000, multimillion dollar projects were generated, based on the old scheme of money in exchange for information in an environment that was radically different, and the failures were spectacular. Fathom,69 an on-line university mainly financed by Columbia University70 cost over 17 million dollars a year while its income was 700,000 dollars in 2001. Many other on-line education projects

65.“Released: Gods & Fighting Men-Total War”. Total War center forums. 3 March 2008 . 66. Aviddavid. “YouTube- Bayeux Tapestry”. YouTube Broadcast Yourself. March 05, 2007. 4 March 2008 . 67. Imagine that ten years ago we had asked for an international documentation service that searched for a specific item of news in all the world’s newspapers. Not in 100 newspapers around the world, but in 10,000 newspapers from all over the world. If it had responded within a month, it would have been a success. But how much would that search have cost? Nowadays, we do a search like that dozens of times a day and we get the answer in less than a second and for free. It is so easy to ask a question through a search engine on the Internet that we do not realise the gigantic task that answering it represents. If we write “New Zealand Medieval Studies” in Google, its search engine will browse all the web pages that have been written in the world to find those that contain these concepts, and it will find over 90,000 and will list and order them by importance so that the most relevant and used are at the beginning. All that in 0.31 seconds. And we discover the existence of ANZAMEMS and learn that they have a notable collection of medieval manuscripts in New Zealand. 68. Google Book Search. 8 March 2008. . 69. “Welcome to the fathom archive”. Fathom: The Source for Online Learning. Fathom Knowledge Network. 9 March 2008. . 70. “Ann Kirschner on Marketing and Distribution of Online Learning”. Ubiquity. Association for Com- punting Machinery. 9 March 2008 ; Arnone, Michael. “Report from Columbia University’s Senate Sharply Critizices Spending for Online Venture”. The Chronicle of Higher Education. Distance education. April 25, 2002. 26 February 2008. ; Anderson, Karen W. “Columbia’s Internet Concern Will Soon Go Out of Business”. New York Times. January 7, 2006. 10 March 2008. .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 285 08/06/2009 8:29:24 286 Al b e r t Si e rra

(or for the distribution of photographs from museums, the Amico project71) closed with similar losses.72 The new systems simply implied new economic models.73 As we have mentioned above, Google Scholar and Google Book Search represent imminent threats for the paying repositories, such as Jstor. If, for example, we search for the article “Grund to Hrof: Aspects of the Old English Semantics of Building and Architecture” in Google, we will find its entry in Jstor, but we will have to pay for a licence to access it. In the British Library Direct we will also find it and it will request a minimum of 13 pounds to download the article. But, if we go to Google Scholar, we will be able to read 17 pages directly, while the other 7 are hidden by agreement with the publisher. If I was the author of the article and could choose, I would undoubtedly want my article to be available on Google Scholar from the first day of publication, and without restrictions. If there is one thing an author can demand, it is visibility. That is why more and more researchers are opening their own personal pages where they publish the electronic versions of their articles, either in the final version, or, to avoid possible conflicts with the traditional journals that have the publishing rights, publishing “draft” versions that predictably differ little from the final version. The Internet in your hand. And the next revolution we will see is the switch in the Internet from the computer screen to the screens of telephones. It will be a fast and radical change that has already begun with the Iphone,74 the first device that really puts the Internet in your hand. This device75 is only the imagination of a brilliant Japanese designer, but close to becoming reality, surely in less than 10 years. This is what “digital natives” will use. They are digital natives. This article began by mentioning that the author and many of those who will read this article are digital immigrants. In contrast, the pupils in schools nowadays are not; they are already digital natives,76 they have been born into this world and learn, talk and behave in different ways from us. For them, the normal narrative is not lineal, but multi-lineal and interwoven. For them,

71. Amico. Art Museum Image Consortium enabling educational use of museum multimedia. 2005. Art Museum Network. 10 March 2008. . 72. Carlson, Scott; Carnevale, Dan. “Debating the Demise of NYUonline” The Chronicle of Higher Education Distance education. December 14, 2001. 12 March 2008 ; Jokivirta, Lisa. “Wath Went Wrong with Alllearn?”. University Business. 14 June 2006. Professional Media Group All Rights Reserved. 15 March 2008 ; Hafner, Katie. “Lessons Learned At Dot-Com U”. The New York Times. May 2, 2002. 15 March 2008 . 73. The associated publicity is only the best known. For the rest: “Better than free”. Kevin Kelly. The Technium. January 31, 2008. 15 March 2008 . 74. “Iphone 3G”. Apple. 15 March 2008 . 75. Funamizu, Mac. “Future of Internet Search: mobile version”. Petitinvention. February 10, 2008. 15 March 2008 . 76. Prensky, Marc. “Digital Natives, Digital Immigrants”. Marc Prensky Home. 2001. 15 January 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 286 08/06/2009 8:29:25 Me d i e v a l in t e r n e t : re s e ar c h , kn o w l e d g e a n d pl a y , t h e ne w ti m e tra v e l 287

audiovisual expression is the norm. For them, tasks are simultaneous and not con- secutive. For them, the Internet is carried around in their lives, like the telephone. But for them, the medieval world can be a subject of fascination as strong as it is for us, or more so.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 261-287. ISSN 1888-3931

Anglès.indd 287 08/06/2009 8:29:26 Anglès.indd 288 08/06/2009 8:29:26 ORIGINALS OF THE TEXTS NOT WRITTEN IN ENGLISH

Originals.indd 289 08/06/2009 8:15:58 Originals.indd 290 08/06/2009 8:15:58 h

La historia que rescata y redime el presente is g l n E in

Ma r í a -Mi l a g r o s Ri v e r a -Ga r r e t a s n ni v e r si t a t d e a r c e l on a U B t t e i r W t no

s Re s u m e n e x t T Me pregunto si la reflexión sobre la experiencia y el salir de uno mismo son suficientes para t h e

desatar el nudo que oprime y oscurece la historiografía científica actual. La historiografía feminista f o

de la igualdad de los sexos o del género no ha encontrado un nuevo inicio que le dé sentido propio, s

sino que ha adoptado el de la historiografía masculina occidental, es decir la genealogía paterna, a l in g la cual, desde el movimiento erudito del siglo XVII, tiene como piedra de toque la objetividad. El i r

no haber encontrado un nuevo inicio ha hecho que la historiografía feminista de la igualdad o del O género se haya limitado a repetir las interpretaciones del pasado ya existentes, contrastando dialé- cticamente con ellas la experiencia humana femenina, sin abrir contradicciones que enriquezcan y afinen el vocabulario de lo político; es decir, sin contribuir a poner en palabras los conflictos entre los sexos documentables en el presente. Por ello, ha ocurrido que el grito de dolor, de protesta y de indignación dado por el movimiento político de las mujeres en la década de los setenta del siglo XX ante la ausencia de las mujeres de la Historia, siga vigente treinta años después, sin más respuesta que la corroboración de la ausencia, que es ausencia de las metanarrativas y de la memoria, no de la documentación ni de la historia. ¿Cómo encontrarle un nuevo inicio a la historia que se escribe hoy? ¿Cómo encontrarle a la historia un inicio que me rescate y redima de traumas del pasado como pueden ser la Guerra civil española, el Holocausto, las desapariciones de mujeres y hombres en las dictaduras, las violaciones sistemáticas de mujeres en las muchas guerras del presente, incluidas las violaciones cometidas por los soldados de la ONU, de la que mi país forma parte? ¿Cómo evitar la venganza o la parálisis política, conservando viva la memoria histórica?

1. El pensamiento de la experiencia en la escritura de historia1

Me pregunto en este texto si la figura del partir de sí —o, mejor, el pensamiento de la experiencia— puede desatar un nudo de la luz que oprime y oscurece la historiografía científica actual, incluyendo en ella la historiografía feminista cuyo horizonte de sentido es el principio de igualdad de los sexos, es decir, la historia del género. Sin olvidar que historiografía feminista e historia de las mujeres no son sinónimos. El nudo de la luz al que me refiero consiste en el hecho —un hecho innegable después de treinta y cinco años de historiografía generada por programas de Women’s Studies y de Gender Studies en centenares de universidades del mundo— de que la historiografía feminista de la igualdad o del género no ha encontrado, para expresarse con originalidad, un nuevo inicio, inicio que fuera su

1. He presentado una versión de este trabajo en el XII Symposium de la Internationale Assoziation von Philosophinnen (Roma, 31 agosto-3 septiembre 2006), dedicado a Il pensiero dell’esperienza, en la sección Storia e memoria.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 291-298. ISSN 1888-3931 291

Originals.indd 291 08/06/2009 8:15:59 h

is fuente de sentido; sino que ha adoptado como suyo el inicio propio de la historiografía masculina g l

n occidental: un inicio que es la genealogía paterna, genealogía que, desde el movimiento erudito del

E siglo XVII, tiene como piedra de toque la objetividad, es decir, el dato objetivamente establecido y in

n objetivamente estudiado, al que es atribuida la capacidad de establecer y garantizar, con la ayuda

t t e de una o varias ideologías, la veracidad del relato histórico. En la genealogía paterna, la veracidad i r histórica se establece por analogía con la veracidad de la propia paternidad: la legitimidad del W

t hijo o de la hija dependen, no de la confianza en la madre, sino de métodos ajenos a la relación

no sentimental de pareja, métodos objetivos y externos como pueden haber sido la ordalía del hierro

s caliente, que sirvió en Europa de prueba judicial decisoria en acusaciones de adulterio femenino e x t hasta al menos el siglo XI, o la prueba del ADN (ácido desoxirribonucleico) —que traza el mapa T genético— en nuestro tiempo. Tal vez esta analogía ayude a explicar por qué en los debates en t h e

f torno a la objetividad apenas hayamos intervenido las historiadoras. o

s El no haber encontrado un nuevo inicio ha hecho que la historiografía feminista de la igualdad

a l o del género se haya limitado a repetir las interpretaciones del pasado ya existentes, contrastando in g i dialécticamente con ellas la experiencia humana femenina, sin abrir contradicciones que enriquez- r

O can y afinen el vocabulario de lo político; es decir, sin contribuir a poner en palabras los conflictos entre los sexos documentables en el presente. Por ello, ha ocurrido que el grito de dolor, de protesta y de indignación dado por el movimiento político de las mujeres en la década de los setenta del siglo XX ante la ausencia de las mujeres de la Historia, siga, treinta años después, en esa historio- grafía, sin más respuesta que la corroboración de la ausencia, que es ausencia de las metanarrativas y de la memoria, no de la documentación ni de la historia. Pongo un ejemplo. Hay un episodio de la historia contemporánea de España que ha suscitado y suscita un enorme interés, un interés solo superado por las obras en torno al descubrimiento de América o la Inquisición.2 Es la Guerra civil de 1936-1939. En las últimas décadas, muchas historiadoras feministas han hecho y publicado investigaciones científicamente impecables sobre la participación de las mujeres en ese acontecimiento terrible. Pero sus interpretaciones repiten el esquema masculino vencedores/vencidos, guerra justa/guerra injusta, puesto ahora en femenino, y la nostalgia de un mundo que, en realidad, no llegó a existir, abortado por la guerra. Es decir, el incluir a las mujeres en la Historia sin encontrar un nuevo inicio, no marca ninguna diferencia sustancial: el ser mujer no es una fuente de sentido. Incluso, su presencia en los libros de historia empieza a resultar un obstáculo, ya que ahora estamos en la historia sin estar verdaderamente en la historia. Teresa de Jesús, que fue una gran política y genial intérprete de la política sexual de su tiempo, escribió precisamente: “va mucho de estar a estar”. ¿Qué es lo que le llevó al feminismo universitario a dar por buenas la objetividad y la genealogía paterna cuando se puso a escribir historia? Si narro mi experiencia y la de mujeres cercanas en el tiempo, diré que fue la esperanza con la que acudimos a la universidad: la esperanza de aprender a significarnos. Creímos que ahí se hacía historia bien, con honestidad, sin trampas, sin la hiel de la perfidia. Y, por eso, no pensamos en la necesidad de un nuevo inicio: no caímos en la cuenta de que, sin un nuevo inicio, nuestra escritura de historia carecería de originalidad, de origen. Aunque, algunas, algo atisbamos ya entonces. Recuerdo, de esa época, veinticinco años atrás, el conflicto más significativo que se planteó en los

2. Dupláa, Christina. Memoria sí, venganza no en Josefina R. Aldecoa: ensayo sociohistórico de su narrativa. Barcelona: Icaria, 2000: 57.

292 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 291-298. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 292 08/06/2009 8:16:00 h

pequeños grupos de historiadoras feministas que fuimos fundando entonces en la universidad. Fue is g l

un conflicto en torno a las prácticas. Una parte de las historiadoras exigía que la escritura de histo- n

ria y la práctica política anduvieran por separado. “En la universidad” —decían— “se hace historia; E in

fuera de ella se hace política”. Otras queríamos que el escribir historia fuera una práctica de vida. n

Este conflicto acabó, con frecuencia, por partir en dos esos grupos, que fueron abandonados por t t e i muchas, angustiadas por la situación de double bind o doble tirón. r W

Fue, pues, la esperanza en la universidad tal y como era, lo que privó de originalidad a la histo- t

riografía feminista de la igualdad o del género. Que la esperanza mal colocada puede dañarle mu- no

cho a una mujer, lo he leído, muchos años después, en un poema de Emily Dickinson que dice: s e x t T Si hubiera tenido la pretensión de darme a la esperanza— t h e

La pérdida hubiera sido para Mí f o

Un valor —por Mor de la Grandeza— s

Como Gigantes —desaparecidos— a l in g Si hubiera tenido la pretensión de ganar i r

Un Favor tan remoto— O El fracaso no habría hecho mas que confirmar la Gracia En un Infinito más lejano— Es un fracaso —no de la Esperanza— Sino de la Desesperación Confiada— Que avanza en los Escalafones Celestiales— Con débil —fuerza Terrenal— Es un Honor —aunque yo muera— Porque Eso ningún Hombre lo obtiene Hasta que Él es justificado por la Muerte— Esta —es la Segunda Ganancia—3

“Gigantes desaparecidos”, “infinito más lejano”, “desesperación confiada”, “escalafones celestiales con débil fuerza terrenal”, la muerte como segunda ganancia... La separación entre pensamien- to y prácticas ha supuesto, en la universidad, la muerte de la historia vinculada con la experiencia. De esta manera, la historiografía feminista orientada por el principio de igualdad se ha convertido en una historia domada, sin sorpresas, sin la sorpresa de la verdad. Esto se nota —como he dicho— en que sus interpretaciones siguen en el esquema del enfrentamiento, en el esquema de la guerra justa y la injusta y, por tanto, de los vencedores y vencidas o vencidos. Y se nota sobre todo en que el presente persiste en reclamar explicaciones de la historia libres del esquema del enfrentamiento, explicaciones que “no reabran las heridas”, como se lee ocasionalmente en la prensa, casi siempre en boca de una mujer. Porque los episodios significativos del pasado, en especial los episodios

3. Had I presumed to hope – / The loss had been to Me / A Value – for the Greatness’ Sake – / As Giants - gone away – / Had I presumed to gain / A Favor so remote – / The failure but confirm the Grace / In further Infinite – / ‘Tis failure – not of Hope – / But Confident Despair – / Advancing on Celestial Lists – / With faint – Terrestrial Power – / ‘Tis Honor – though I die – / For That no Man obtain / Till He be justified by Death – / This – is the Second Gain –. Dickinson, Emily. The Poems of Emily Dickinson, ed. Ralph W. Franklin. Cambridge (Mass.): The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1998: núm. 669, Johnson 522; trad. de Ana Mañeru Méndez.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 291-298. ISSN 1888-3931 293

Originals.indd 293 08/06/2009 8:16:01 h

is traumáticos, interpretados solo con ese esquema, se convierten, con frecuencia, en un fantasma

g l 4

n recurrente, entendiendo por fantasma “un trozo de desprendida realidad..., un núcleo de ella”.

E Aunque la historia no consista, ni mucho menos, principalmente en episodios traumáticos, son in

n estos los que el presente, al final del patriarcado, reclama con más insistencia que sean interpreta-

t t e dos desde un inicio nuevo, distinto del basado en la objetividad y en la genealogía paterna. i r Vuelvo al ejemplo de la Guerra civil española de 1936-1939. Cuando acabó la dictadura a fina- W

t les de 1975, el fantasma de la guerra civil, el miedo a su repetición, seguía oscureciendo la vida po-

no lítica de mi país. Para conjurarlo y poder hacer una transición pacífica a la democracia, los partidos

s políticos de entonces firmaron lo que se llamó el “pacto del olvido”.5 El pacto del olvido contuvo e x t el fantasma de la guerra civil pero generó otro: el de la falta de memoria histórica en torno a este T acontecimiento traumático que, sin memoria de su experiencia, la gente no podíamos redimir, no t h e

f podíamos rescatar para alcanzar el “venganza no, memoria sí”, que la novelista Josefina Aldecoa o 6 s —una “niña de la Guerra”— seguía pidiendo en 1997.

a l En el año 2006, en el que se cumplieron setenta años del comienzo de la Guerra civil, se orga- in g i nizaron multitud de actos y se publicaron multitud de textos reclamando memoria histórica que r

O subsanara las consecuencias del pacto del olvido. Lo hicieron, sin embargo, repitiendo el esquema del enfrentamiento, es decir, sin encontrar un nuevo inicio. Una muestra son los textos de Carmen Zulueta, hija de un funcionario de la República afincado en Roma, que escribía en “El País” del 19 de julio de 2006: “La República no creó estado de desorden ni de crimen. Lo crearon los militares y la iglesia completamente politizada, que favorecía a los fascistas” (p. 14); y el de Gregorio Marañón y Beltrán de Lis y Antonio López Vega en el mismo periódico, que decían: “El drama de la Guerra Civil sólo pudo sellarse cuarenta años más tarde, cuando quienes hicieron la Transición lograron la reconciliación nacional y recuperaron las libertades. Aquellos hombres no acordaron ningún pacto del olvido; por el contrario, recordaron bien y por ello tuvieron la convicción de que un pasado en el que, como escribió Azaña, ‘todo el pueblo español estaba enfermo de odio’, no podía fundamentar un futuro de paz para todos”.7 Olvidar y recordar son, sin embargo, la misma operación: no hay interpretación libre de sí, libre del esquema dado y repetido una y otra vez mecánicamente, repetido porque no sirve, aunque ayude a recordar la necesidad de la búsqueda. Se repite porque no se encuentra un nuevo inicio, un inicio que genere realidad hoy, que ordene y signifique la fuerza política de la experiencia en el lugar en el que la experiencia está hoy. Una realidad que no siga el esquema vencedores/vencidos ni busque tampoco su síntesis en una reconciliación —la “reconciliación nacional”, que llaman en España (aunque no se sábe cuántas naciones hay) y, en Argentina, “ley de Punto final”, 8 porque este esquema resulta, hoy, abstracto e ideológico, distante de la experiencia. La gente sentimos que es una interpretación que no nos rescata ni redime del peso dejado por el episodio histórico trau- mático: porque no buscamos el perdón sino el sentido y la modificación interior que me puedan abrir a otro orden de relaciones.

4. Zambrano, María. Algunos lugares de la pintura, ed. Amalia Iglesias. Madrid: Acanto y Espasa Calpe, 1991: 65. 5. Dupláa, Christina. Memoria sí, venganza no…: 9. 6. Rodríguez Aldecoa, Josefina. La fuerza del destino. Barcelona: Anagrama, 1997; citado en Dupláa, Christina. Memoria sí, venganza no…: 68. 7. Marañón, Gregorio; Lis, Beltrán de; López Vega, Antonio. “Cartas de la memoria: julio 1936”. El País, 19 de julio de 2006: 13-14, especialmente la página 14. 8. Padoan, Daniela. Le pazze. Un incontro con le Madri di Plaza de Mayo. Milán: Bompiani, 2005: 261-262.

294 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 291-298. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 294 08/06/2009 8:16:04 2. Un nuevo inicio que redima de traumas del pasado conservando viva h is

la memoria g l n E in

¿Cómo encontrarle un nuevo inicio a la historia que se escribe hoy? ¿Cómo encontrarle a la n

historia un inicio que me rescate y redima de traumas del pasado como pueden se la Guerra civil t t e i española, el Holocausto, las desapariciones de mujeres y hombres en las dictaduras, las violaciones r W

sistemáticas de mujeres en las muchas guerras del presente, incluidas las violaciones cometidas por t 9 los soldados de la ONU, una organización de la que mi país forma parte? ¿Cómo evitar la venganza no

o la parálisis política, conservando viva la memoria histórica? s Sin pretender negar, de ningún modo, que en los episodios históricos traumáticos hay vence- e x t T dores y vencidos, una vez establecido esto, propongo buscar un movimiento personal que permita t h e

rescatar la memoria histórica del destino dicotómico que pesa sobre ella, generación tras generación, f o

como un fantasma recurrente, y pesa impidiendo descubrir el sentido de los conflictos que desembo- s

caron en tragedia cuando dejó de poderse practicar la palabra, la relación, el conflicto relacional. a l in g Pienso que este movimiento —que es una modificación interior— puede nacer de la experien- i r

cia de las historiadoras de hoy, como un movimiento imprevisto pero necesario, que no se despe- O gue de la realidad de los acontecimientos históricos, que no derive, pues, en metarrelato. Hace treinta años, en el movimiento político de las mujeres, muchas historiadoras nos fijamos en una frase de Virginia Woolf en Un cuarto propio, que decía: “Falta dejar testimonio de todas estas vidas infinitamente oscuras, dije”.10 Entendimos entonces que las vidas infinitamente oscuras eran las de las mujeres corrientes, en especial del Sur del mundo, vidas que nadie se había molestado en documentar, reconstruir y narrar. Nos pusimos entonces manos a la obra y recuperamos la historia de muchas figuras y contextos relacionales femeninos; pero lo hicimos desde la historia social y el pensamiento de izquierda en general, sin encontrar un inicio que fuera fuente de sentido que diera originalidad a nuestras obras de historia. Yo entiendo hoy que las vidas infinitamente oscuras son las de las propias historiadoras: mi vida cuando escribo historia. Lo descubrí reflexionando sobre un libro reciente de Marirì Martinengo, un libro pequeño pero que le ha costado toda una vida, titulado La voce del silenzio. Memoria e storia di Maria Massone, donna ‘sottratta’.11 El título “La voz del silencio” no es nuevo (diría que en muchas lenguas hay al menos un libro de historia de las mujeres con este título) pero sí es nuevo el movimiento de sentido que el título expone. Hasta ahora, un título como este quería decir que la historiadora daba voz a otras mujeres, que no la habían tenido. Ahora, en cambio, significa que es la historiadora la que deja de estar en silencio, la que habla de su propia historia y, partiendo de ella, partiendo de su experiencia, interpela e interpreta la Historia. Marirì Martinengo escribe:

Hay una historia viviente anidada en cada una y cada uno de nosotros, formada por memorias, por afectos, por señales del inconsciente; no creo que solo tenga valor histórico lo que está afuera, lo que otro ha certificado, la famosa historia objetiva. Yo narro una historia viviente que no rechaza la

9. Véase, por ejemplo, “Cascos azules y agresiones sexuales”. Boletín de AFESIP. Junio 2006: 2-3. Asociación Somaly Mam-AFESIP España. 8 de Febrero de 2007 . 10. Wolf, Virginia. Un cuarto propio, trad. María-Milagros Rivera Garretas. Madrid: Horas y HORAS, 2003: 125. 11. Martinengo, Marirì. La voce del silenzio. Memoria e storia di Maria Massone, donna “sottratta”. Ricordi, immagini, documenti. Génova: ECIG, 2005.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 291-298. ISSN 1888-3931 295

Originals.indd 295 08/06/2009 8:16:05 h

is imaginación, una imaginación que hunde sus raíces en la experiencia personal, historia más verdade-

g l ra porque no borra las razones del amor, no expulsa las relaciones de su proceso cognitivo.12 n E in

n Pienso que es la historia viviente anidada en cada historiadora la que es aún infinitamente os-

t t e cura cuando una universitaria escribe historia. Sacar esta historia y ponerla en palabras, como se i r sacaban y se siguen sacando los demonios del cuerpo en los exorcismos y en las terapias catárticas, W

t es una manera bien interesante de escribir historia partiendo de sí.

no Hacer esto abre en mí heridas antiguas y, con ello, abre en mí un conflicto explícito y temible

s con mi genealogía más cercana, con mi origen, con mi madre y con mi padre. Si de la contradicción e x t y del conflicto nace la política, pienso que nace también de ahí la historia, la historia verdadera, T lo simbólico en la escritura de historia. Porque creo que el conflicto nace de mi idealización de mi t h e

f madre, de mi no querer recordar de ella mas que la felicidad de la infancia, sin afrontar lo negativo o 13 s de la relación con ella, sin afrontar lo que me llevó a contribuir al final del patriarcado, apartán-

a l dome durante años de ella. A la vez, reconozco que es del vínculo con las fuentes de la infancia in g i —del vínculo adulto con el origen— de donde nacen la creación y la creatividad. r

O La pregunta sobre la historia verdadera es una pregunta sobre todo femenina; frente a la pregunta sobre la objetividad, que —como he dicho— no nos ha interesado apenas. María Zambrano dijo de la historia verdadera: “... la historia apócrifa —no por ello menos cierta— [...] recubre la verdadera. Y así la historia apócrifa asfixia casi constantemente a la verdadera, esa que la razón filosófica se afana en revelar y establecer y la razón poética en rescatar”.14 De rescatar trata constantemente el libro de Marirì: rescatar no para añadir ni para colmar un vacío en la historia que ya hay, ni tampoco para juzgar —como dice que fue su primera tentación— sino para redimir pensando con amor, para dedicarse a la amorosa conversación, para hacer que el amor entre en el vocabulario de la historia y, así, entre en el vocabulario de la política. Pienso que en cada vida humana hay un hilo que vincula con el primer amor —el amor de la madre dándome gratuitamente el cuerpo y la palabra— y que este hilo se hace notar en la llamada de las entrañas. “Me ha llamado desde siempre; como llaman los muertos, claro, o, mejor, en su caso, la muerta”, así empieza el libro La voce del silenzio. ¿Cómo poner en palabras y narrar la historia viviente que anida dentro de cada cual? Marirì Martinengo propone partir de la carencia, del descuido y de las lagunas en la interpretación de lo existente (p. 88), sin prescindir del silencio de su personaje y del silencio en torno a ella, amalga- mándolo todo con el mercurio de su propia relación con Ella, con la llamada que Ella ha dejado en sus entrañas. Escribe (p. 90):

Me baso en documentos concretos y controlables: las imágenes que conservo, suyas y de la familia, las fotografías de los sitios en los que habitó, los objetos que pasaron por sus manos, los datos del registro civil; hago confluir en la narración los recuerdos y los recuerdos de los recuerdos, míos y de otras/os, explicito características psicológicas ocultas en los pliegues de los retratos, sin desdeñar ocasionalmente el abandono a la imaginación anclada en el conocimiento práctico; recojo todos los elementos, animándolos con interpretaciones y reinterpretaciones, y los fundo al fuego de mi relación con Ella.

12. Martinengo, Marirì. La voce del silenzio…: 21 (sus subrayados). 13. Sobre lo negativo, Diótima. La magica forza del negativo. Nápoles: Liguori, 2005. 14. Zambrano, María. “La tumba de Antígona”, Senderos. Los intelectuales en el drama de España. La tumba de Antígona. Barcelona: Anthropos, 1986: 199-265, especialmente la página 201.

296 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 291-298. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 296 08/06/2009 8:16:07 h

Rescatar y redimir la historia que anida en mí no es un intento de revalorizar a una mujer o is g l

una experiencia común del pasado, sino que es o puede ser una mediación que me redima a mí y n

a algunas de mis contemporáneas/os de un fantasma recurrente, de un delito del pasado que sigue E in

pesando en el presente de hoy, de un episodio histórico cautivo en interpretaciones ideológicas. n

En otras palabras, es un intento de absolverme a mí —de absolver a mi tiempo— de fantasmas y t t e i delitos del pasado. O de ser absuelta de ellos por la gracia de una relación política. r W

Esto lo he aprendido de la condesa de Barcelona Dhuoda, la escritora del siglo IX que escribió t

en el Liber manualis dedicado a sus dos hijos, que su marido le había quitado: no

Pues aunque yo sea indigna y frágil, esté exiliada, e x t T enfangada y atraída por lo más bajo, t h e

está conmigo, sin embargo, una consorte amiga f o 15 y fiable, para absolver los delitos de los tuyos. Epigrama( ) s a l in g El delito a absolver es, en este fragmento, el de su marido y sus amigos, que estaban usando a i r

los hijos de Dhuoda como rehenes en las luchas de poder entre los nietos de Carlomagno. Pero no O para absolverles ni perdonarles a ellos, sino con el fin de liberarse ella, de absolverse ella, de soltar- se ella —Dhuoda— de ese delito, que no la dejaba vivir en paz. Y poder crear. Sacar a la luz la historia que anida en cada una/cada uno de nosotros, y sacarla con un méto- do capaz de combinar la erudición crítica con el pensamiento que sabe descifrar lo que se siente (María Zambrano), puede —pienso— ser un momento de simbólico que no perpetúe el odio y la venganza, que le devuelva al ensayo histórico la atención de lectoras y lectores amantes de la historia que, desde finales de la década de los ochenta, prefieren acudir a la novela histórica para hacer cuentas con episodios traumáticos que la historiografía basada en la objetividad y en el esquema vencedores/vencidos no consigue rescatar ni redimir. Si miro mi experiencia, encuentro que la historia que anida en mí es la necesidad de traer al mundo una paz que no tenga como referente ni la guerra ni la ausencia de guerra. De modo que mi irrenunciable, no es el “No a la guerra” sino cómo hacer para que la guerra se vuelva impensable. Puedo decir que llevo en ello toda la vida, y que en su origen están las historias de la Guerra civil española oídas en casa en mi infancia, historias de una guerra que truncó los proyectos de vida de mi madre y mi padre —que tenían veintitrés y veintidós años cuando estalló— y que los truncó no porque perdieran la guerra sino habiéndola ganado. En mí, esta historia se manifestó, primero, en incapacidad de aprender y de explicar en clase la historia de las guerras. Más tarde, en síntomas de angustia y de frustración al explicar la historia de la Shoah u Holocausto. Durante bastantes años, expliqué en mi Facultad la asignatura Tendencias historiográficas actuales. Al llegar a la historiografía sobre el Holocausto, la participación del alumnado era intensísima. Leían y comentaban todo tipo de obras, hacían reportajes audiovisuales, rescataban el testimonio de supervivientes... Pero, al final, yo no quedaba satisfecha: todo aquel interés me angustiaba. No quedaba satisfecha porque quedaba siempre, entre bastidores, el odio al pueblo alemán por el deli- to cometido. Es decir, no había rescate, no había redención ni de la culpa ni de la memoria, porque no la hay si el odio prevalece. Y, si no hay redención, la historia puede repetirse.

15. “Licet sim indignans, fragilis et exul, limo revoluta, trahens ad imma, / est tamen michi consors amica fidaque, de tuis relaxandi crimina”, en Dhuoda. Handbook for her Warrior Son. Liber Manualis, texto latino y trad. inglesa de Marcelle Thiébaux. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998: 44, letras L y E; (me aparto de su traducción).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 291-298. ISSN 1888-3931 297

Originals.indd 297 08/06/2009 8:16:08 h

is No había rescate ni redención de la memoria porque yo no supe encontrar la puerta estrecha g l

n que dejara pasar el amor en la interpretación de la historia. No me atreví —eran clases masivas y

E muy politizadas— a poner en juego la experiencia personal que yo tenía más a mano, experiencia in

n que era la de otro delito heredado por mí de la historia, y heredado concretamente de la historia

t t e de mi padre y de mi madre: la guerra civil española. i r Sacar a la luz la historia que anida en cada cual, y hacerlo más allá —no en contra— del W

t esquema víctimas/verdugos, modifica la historia de episodios traumáticos porque modifica ala

no historiadora y, con ella, modifica la historia que escribirá y explicará, liberándola del dominio del

s pensamiento dominante, un pensamiento cuyo horizonte es la guerra o su ausencia. Independizar- e x t se de este horizonte libera —pienso— de fantasmas del pasado, no mediante el olvido ni mediante T la reivindicación de la memoria, sino rescatándola y redimiéndola mediante una apertura de mi t h e

f conciencia a lo otro —a la conciencia ajena— que, a su vez, me abra el paso a otro orden de rela- o 16 s ciones en mi presente, un orden de relaciones en el que el amor tenga lugar, por pequeño que

a l sea, entre los sentimientos de culpabilidad y los deseos de venganza que dejan como secuela los in g i episodios traumáticos de la historia. Se trata de un movimiento de modificación interior que sirve r

O a hacer pensable un mundo sin guerras. Pienso que el encontrar mediaciones para poder decir en voz alta que la paz —la paz sin paliativos ni tantos derechos, la paz que está más allá (no en contra) de la propia historia— es la condi- ción de la vida humana, es el problema político más acuciante que tenemos en el presente.

16. La idea (de Cristina Campo) del paso a otro orden de relaciones, en Muraro, Luisa. Il Dio delle donne. Milán: Monda- dori, 2003: 63-64, (El Dios de las mujeres, trad. María-Milagros Rivera Garretas. Madrid: horas y HORAS, 2006).

298 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 291-298. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 298 08/06/2009 8:16:09 h

¿QUIÉN ES QUIÉN EN EL MEDIEVALISMO ESPAÑOL? is g l n E in

Ge r m á n Na v a r r o n ni v e r si d a d d e a r a g oz a U Z t t e i r W t no

s Re s u m e n e x t T A partir de la experiencia del autor como miembro del consejo consultivo de “Historia a Deba- t h e

te” y uno de los coordinadores de la experiencia reciente del Taller de Historia de la Universidad f o

de Zaragoza, este artículo ofrece un balance provisional de los primeros resultados obtenidos en s

la consecución de un ensayo de investigación sobre las tendencias existentes en el medievalismo a l in g académico español a principios del siglo XXI. El núcleo central del estudio lo constituye una base i r

de datos con dos centenares de profesores funcionarios de las universidades españolas que poseen O plantilla en este área de conocimiento. En dicha base se destaca especialmente el tema de la di- rección de tesis doctorales como indicador primario a la hora de detectar cuestiones tan transcen- dentales en el análisis de tendencias como son la formación de grupos consolidados de discípulos o la promoción consciente de determinadas temáticas sobre otras en los doctorados. Se trata de un proyecto en curso del cual se espera poder completar resultados y redactar unas conclusiones de mayor calado en un futuro próximo.

1. Declaración de intenciones

Hemos publicado en equipo recientemente un libro que resume nuestra experiencia en un taller de historia en la universidad1. Uno de los capítulos de la obra aborda un aspecto muy polémico de la disciplina: ¿cómo podemos reconocer la identidad historiográfica? Se trata de un problema importante para el alumnado de historia puesto que suele tener bastantes dificultades en la lectura lenta y, en consecuencia, en la lectura comprensiva de la bibliografía. Por añadidura, ¿cómo identifica el alumnado las tendencias historiográficas actuales si el profesorado no le hace practicar la lectura lenta y comprensiva de la obra de un autor o autora?. Más aún, el alumnado necesita aprender a investigar tendencias y no simplemente saber en qué consisten. Y este asunto no es tan sencillo como parece, pues no se trata de describir las corrientes existentes en la actualidad, sino que requiere experimentar destrezas que faculten para el reconocimiento de las mismas. En ese sentido, reconocer tendencias, valorar la herencia recibida y evaluar cualquier indicio de relevo generacional entre historiadores son algunas de las cuestiones que introducimos hace años en el Manifiesto 2001 desde la plataforma Historia a Debate2. Tales planteamientos conducían directa-

1. Corral, José Luis; García, Carmen; Navarro, Germán. Taller de historia. El oficio que amamos, Barcelona: Edhasa, 2006. 2. Barros, Carlos; Navarro, Germán. “El manifiesto Historia a Debate. Una nueva tendencia historiográfica abierta y global”. Anales de la Universidad de Alicante. Historia Medieval, 13 (2000-2002): 365-378; Barros, Carlos; Igual, David; Navarro, Germán. “Historia a Debate. Manifiesto historiográfico”. Revista d’Història Medieval, 12 (2001-2002): 331-388. Véase también Barros, Carlos, ed. www.h-debate.com, o History under Debate. International Reflection on the Discipline, Carlos Barros, Lawrence J. McCrank, eds. New York: The Haworth Press, 2004.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 299-308. ISSN 1888-3931 299

Originals.indd 299 08/06/2009 8:16:10 h

is mente al análisis de la historiografía española de los últimos años y, dentro de ella, a la observación g l

n de áreas de conocimiento específicas, como es el caso que aquí me ocupa: la historia medieval.

E Si yo soy un profesor que imparte la asignatura de “Tendencias Historiográficas Actuales” in

n en la licenciatura de Historia de cualquier universidad española, y quiero concentrar mis ex-

t t e plicaciones en la evolución del “Medievalismo Español”, la primera pregunta que me hago es: i r ¿Cuántas publicaciones existen sobre este tema? ¿Cuántas tesis doctorales se han realizado y W

t cuántas de ellas han podido editarse para el manejo del alumnado? ¿Conoce alguien alguna

no tesis doctoral sobre “Tendencias Historiográficas Actuales en el Medievalismo Español? ¿Sólo

s corresponde a los contemporaneistas el desarrollo de este tipo de iniciativas? Como las respues- e x t tas a estas preguntas me dejan sin puntos de apoyo para llevar a cabo con éxito mi asignatu- T ra entonces tendré que tomar en cuenta otras posibilidades. Explicar hoy día asignaturas de t h e

f “Tendencias Historiográficas Actuales” en grupos de alumnado vinculados a historia medieval o

s significa necesariamente disponer de estudios empíricos como el que presentaré aquí, que per-

a l mitan a corto plazo comparaciones con otras áreas de conocimiento histórico y, en general, in g i con lo que está sucediendo en otras partes del mundo. Lo cierto es que no es la primera vez r

O que divulgo esta iniciativa. En ese empeño, aprovechando la celebración del último congreso internacional de Historia a Debate en 2004, coordiné la presentación de una ponencia en la que estudiábamos un colectivo de hasta 212 especialistas en historia medieval que constituían por aquellas fechas el funcionariado docente de las universidades públicas españolas y que, por lo tanto, en nuestra opinión, formaban la vanguardia institucional a partir de la cual se estaría difundiendo cualquier innovación investigadora o educativa que competía al área de conocimiento en cuestión3. En el mencionado congreso dos fueron las críticas fundamentales que se vertieron sobre nuestro trabajo. La primera incidía en que no era conveniente desgajar el estudio de un área de conocimiento concreto como la historia medieval del resto de áreas y campos de estudio que constituían la historiografía española. Que lo conveniente era una perspectiva general. La segunda crítica tachaba de elitista la propuesta puesto que se concentraba el interés en el profesorado universitario fijo y no sólo se ignoraba la aportación de decenas de becarios predoctorales y postdoctorales o del profesorado no permanente en el avance de la historia medieval española, sino que además se pasaba por alto el numeroso colectivo de historiadores e historiadoras que investigaban y hacían avanzar los estudios medievales desde fuera de la universidad. La réplica a estas objecciones es clara. En ningún momento se pretendía mirar el ombligo del medievalismo académico español al margen de la evolución general de la historiografía española, europea o mundial, sino que se consideraba oportuno concretar de manera muy precisa un primer paso de análisis al que seguirían otros posteriores. De hecho, si nuestra ponencia ya daba de si para una tesis doctoral por la cantidad ingente de producción historiográfica reciente generada por doscientas personas en activo, era inimaginable lo que suponía abarcar estudios en profundidad sobre tantísimos autores. Era por lo tanto una estrategia para hacer más operativo el estudio y en ningún momento una especie de ego- historia autocomplaciente. No me cabe duda que el personal docente e investigador no permanente de las universidades no sólo es más cuantioso en número que el funcionariado de plantilla sino que por sus propias circunstancias profesionales está generando las tesis doctorales más recientes,

3. Navarro, Germán; Villanueva, Concepción; González, Daniel. “Tendencias historiográficas actuales en el medievalismo académico español”, III Congreso Internacional Historia a Debate, Santiago de Compostela, 14-18 julio 2004, ponencia presentada a la Mesa Redonda G: Grupos, Redes, Movimientos Historiográficos.

300 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 299-308. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 300 08/06/2009 8:16:11 h

así como una producción historiográfica cuantitativamente muy superior. Ahora bien, las dificul- is g l

tades de abasto de esos materiales y, en general, la complicada identificación de dicho personal se n

convertían en obstáculos muy importantes para poder abarcar el objeto de estudio. Además, como E in

quedaba bien claro que nosotros no ignorábamos esa realidad ni pretendíamos menospreciarla, n

todo el mundo debía entender que había prevalecido en nuestro proyecto la operatividad y el t t e i realismo de las estrategias de investigación perseguidas. No digamos si hubiésemos pretendido r W

extender nuestro modesto análisis a los miles de personas que investigan historia medieval fuera t

de la universidad, y que lo hacen en ocasiones con tanto valor e impacto historiográfico como no

puede hacerse en el mundo académico, sobre todo si tienen acceso a las grandes editoriales comer- s ciales4. Por algún sitio había que comenzar y esa fue nuestra elección. Sólo nos quedaba asumir la e x t T responsabilidad sobre el relativismo de la decisión tomada y someter a consideración los primeros t h e

resultados obtenidos. f o

La pregunta que iniciaba nuestra búsqueda era de tipo general: ¿qué tendencias o propensiones s

a determinados fines historiográficos eran identificables por aquel entonces en el medievalismo a l in g académico español? Desde luego, una tendencia historiográfica no es sólo una abstracción ideo- i r

lógica sino que viene representada y avalada por la suma de una serie de trayectorias personales O concretas que la sustentan con sus publicaciones. El consenso implícito o explícito de determinados historiadores o historiadoras es observable a través del contraste profundo de sus obras y constituye uno de los indicadores más evidentes de la existencia de tendencias con nombres y apellidos. Si para cualquier otro campo de investigación en historia se consideraba imprescindible disponer de estudios empíricos masivos como base sobre la cual construir interpretaciones generales en perspectiva comparada, no entiendo por qué en la historia inmediata de las áreas actuales de conocimiento en España no se contaba con ninguno de ellos ni se proyectaban para nutrir las asignaturas dedicadas a su balance científico. Por el contrario, el modelo de trabajo más abundante disponible era, y sigue siendo, el clásico estado de la cuestión formado a partir de reflexiones generales geográficas, cronológicas o temáticas que no responde a una investigación pura en historio- grafía inmediata sino que deriva de experiencias académicas individuales con un marcado carácter de repertorio bibliográfico subjetivo, donde, por supuesto, la gran mayoría de veces no se atreve nadie a hablar de tendencias con nombres y apellidos. De hecho, queda siempre por saber quién es quién, es decir, quién está y de qué manera detrás de cada área, escuela, equipo o tendencia general identificables. El momento para promover una iniciativa de estas características creíamos que era muy propi- cio. Las condiciones en que se encuentra la historiografía española para efectuar definitivamente su transición hacia el nuevo paradigma del siglo XXI eran buenas. La ausencia de escuelas his- toriográficas propias en España se unía al desconocimiento que había en el extranjero sobre la mayor parte de lo que se hacía aquí. Las publicaciones de los autores españoles seguían siendo bastante desconocidas fuera de nuestras fronteras, y las traducciones a otros idiomas eran todavía relativamente escasas. En efecto, desde finales de los años 80, España vivió una situación paradó- jica, llena de oportunidades con una crisis social aguda de la historia, compensada en cambio por una fuerte revitalización historiográfica de la que Historia a Debate parecía uno de los fenómenos

4. Véase a título de ejemplo el nuevo Anuario y Directorio de Asociados que ha editado la Sociedad Española de Estudios Medievales en 2006.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 299-308. ISSN 1888-3931 301

Originals.indd 301 08/06/2009 8:16:12 h 5 is más evidentes . El virtual papel de la historiografía española en la transición internacional a un g l

n nuevo paradigma, la relación entre transición política y renovación historiográfica en España y,

E sobre todo, el problema del relevo generacional, son cuestiones que ya cuentan con la atención de in

n algunos autores .

t t e De esas transformaciones se hicieron eco los primeros balances generales sobre el medievalismo i r español7 a mediados de aquella década de los 80, poniendo énfasis en el aumento inusitado de W

t profesorado funcionario nuevo en el momento de la reconstitución de los departamentos univer-

no sitarios y de las áreas de conocimiento que aconteció con la puesta en marcha de la anterior Ley

s de Reforma Universitaria de 1985. Fue en aquella coyuntura cuando los antiguos profesores no e x t numerarios que no habían podido acceder al funcionariado por falta de convocatorias de oposicio- T nes entraron en bloque mediante un concurso de méritos y coparon desde una misma generación t h e

f biológica las plazas entonces disponibles para el resto de sus vidas. Además, el personal funcionario o

s existente en el área de historia medieval se ha multiplicado como mínimo por cinco o más al día

a l de hoy respecto al personal que había en 1970. Lo que quiere decir que la jubilación de más de un in g i 60 por ciento de la plantilla docente está previsto que se produzca entre 2010 y 2020 y obligará r

O sin lugar a dudas a otro recambio generacional de dimensiones insospechables, cuando no a una reducción de plantilla bastante fuerte si atendemos a la más que probable amortización de plazas por parte de los diferentes rectorados, cuya política de recortes presupuestarios ya se está haciendo sentir. Con todo, se tiene la sensación de que la investigación se ha desintegrado en migajas. Que no estamos ante la sustitución de un paradigma, dominante hasta cierto momento, por otro, como aconteció cuando la “historia historizante”, basada en el acontecimiento relevante y en la hegemo- nía de lo narrativo, dio paso a la historia económica y social de corte estructural. Según Julio Val- deón8, el verdadero problema es que buena parte de las publicaciones en el medievalismo español siguen aferradas al puro descriptivismo localista, alejadas por completo de cualquier integración posible en un marco comprensivo de historia general. Por añadidura, la dependencia del exterior en lo que a modelos de investigación se refiere continúa y la reflexión historiográfica es escasa. Y es cierto que en España las comunidades autónomas han orientado la investigación histórica hacia marcos cada vez más estrictamente regionales9 pero eso no es negativo, siempre y cuando no venga acompañado de la tendencia a la autosubsistencia que ignora a veces los trabajos sobre temas paralelos desarrollados en otras regiones.

5. Barros, Carlos. “La inacabada transición de la historiografía española”. Bulletin d’Histoire Contemporaine de l’Espagne, 24 (1996): 469-493. 6. Barros, Carlos. “El retorno del sujeto social en la historiografía española”, Estado, protesta y movimientos sociales: Actas del III Congreso de Historia Social de España (Vitoria-Gasteiz, Julio de 1997), José Mª Ortiz Ortuño, Santiago Castillo, coords. Bilbao: Servicio Editorial Universidad del País Vasco/ Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, 1998: 191-214. 7. Ruiz de la Peña, Juan Ignacio. “La investigación medievalista en España en los últimos años”, Introducción al estudio de la Edad Media. Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno, 1984: 232-250. Véase también Ladero, Miguel Ángel. “Aproximación al medievalismo español (1939-1984)”, La historiografía en Occidente desde 1945: Actitudes, tendencias y problemas metodológicos: Actas de las III Conversaciones internacionales de Historia. Universidad de Navarra (Pamplona, 5-7 abril 1984), Alfredo Floristán Imícoz, Ignacio Olábarri Gortázar, Valentín Vázquez de Prada, coords. Pamplona: Ediciones Universidad de Navarra. EUNSA, 1985: 69-86. 8. Valdeón, Julio. “La historia de España: historia medieval”. Revista de Historia Jerónimo Zurita, 71 (1997): 19-30. 9. Segura, Cristina, ed. Presente y futuro de la historia medieval en España, Actas de las Primeras Jornadas sobre la Investigación Medieval en las Comunidades Autónomas, Universidad Complutense (9-11 noviembre, 1988). Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 1990.

302 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 299-308. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 302 08/06/2009 8:16:13 h

A todo ello se añade el fenómeno de la multiplicación masiva de las publicaciones, sobre todo is g l

cuando en muchos concursos de méritos en la universidad se sigue valorando más la cantidad que n

la calidad de los trabajos. En su intervención en la Semana de Estudios Medievales de Estella de E in

1998, dedicada precisamente a hacer balance historiográfico del medievalismo español, José Ángel n

García de Cortázar afirmaba que la calidad de los estudios es buena pero se resiente en un número t t e i demasiado abundante de investigaciones que, faltas de aliento conceptual, son meramente repe- r W

titivas. En ese sentido, todavía son frecuentes las publicaciones exclusivamente descriptivas y no t 10 son raros los investigadores que escriben más que leen . Además, en las actas de dicha Semana no

de Estudios se editó por primera vez en España una relación de los centros públicos de investiga- s ción en historia medieval, con información de todo el personal de los cuerpos docentes, para cuya e x t T elaboración el comité científico contó con la colaboración de los propios departamentos universi- t h e

tarios. Listado que, ya entonces, se consideró un instrumento útil de conocimiento, información f o 11 y acercamiento entre especialistas . A pesar de ello, en un seminario internacional celebrado en s

Zaragoza en mayo de 2004 sobre la presencia de la Edad Media en la red de redes12, se ponía en a l in g evidencia el desarrollo de páginas webs especializadas en otros países europeos en un intento por i r

rentabilizar esfuerzos historiográficos con vistas a la identificación de las diferentes comunidades O de investigadores con sus repertorios de producción historiográfica. Tal es el caso de Reti Medievali y su apartado dedicado a los perfiles profesionales de los medievalistas italianos, o el Spanienportal del medievalismo hispanista alemán. Quizás las nuevas tecnologías sirvan de acicate para una labor sistemática de clasificación de materiales historiográficos y la constitución de un directorio general de medievalistas españoles actualizado, que ayudaría mucho en nuestra labor a la vista del desola- dor panorama existente en España. Habría que consolidar un portal del medievalismo español en internet como el que ya ha comenzado a gestionar Jorge Maíz en www.medievalismo.org, espacio inaugurado el 1 de mayo de 199813.

2. Las fuentes y la discusión del método

La problemática metodológica que se plantea para una investigación de estas características ya ha sido puesta de relieve en la publicación del primer diccionario de historiadores españoles contemporáneos14. En dicha obra se empieza por reconocer la escasa atención que despiertan los

10. García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “Glosa de un balance sobre la historiografía medieval española de los últimos treinta años (I)”, La historia medieval en España. Un balance historiográfico (1968-1998). Actas de la XXV Semana de Estudios Medievales de Estella (14-18 julio 1998). Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, 1999: 824. 11. “Profesorado universitario de los Cuerpos Docentes Historia Medieval”, La historia medieval en España. Un balance historiográfico (1968-1998). Actas de la XXV Semana de Estudios Medievales de Estella (14-18 julio 1998). Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, 1999: 843-865. 12. Pescar o navegar: la Edad Media en la red, Actas del Seminario Internacional de Doctorado organizado por el Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas, y Estudios Árabes e Islámicos de la Universidad de Zaragoza (6-8 mayo 2004). Zaragoza: Universidad, Departamento de Historia Medieval Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas y Estudios Árabes e Islámicos, 2005. 13. Maíz, Jorge. “El crepúsculo tecnológico del medievalismo hispánico. Nuevas tecnologías e historia medieval o el ocaso de lo desconocido”, Pescar o navegar: la Edad Media en la red, Actas del Seminario Internacional de Doctorado organizado por el Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas, y Estudios Árabes e Islámicos de la Universidad de Zaragoza (6-8 mayo 2004). Zaragoza: Universidad, Departamento de Historia Medieval Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas y Estudios Arabes e Islámicos, 2005: 67-83. 14. Pasamar, Gonzalo; Peiró, Ignacio. Diccionario Akal de Historiadores Españoles Contemporáneos (1840-1980). Madrid: Edi- ciones Akal, 2002.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 299-308. ISSN 1888-3931 303

Originals.indd 303 08/06/2009 8:16:14 h

is repertorios colectivos de historiadores entre los investigadores españoles, en una especie de ol- g l

n vido de la tradición. En contraste, desde principios de los años 80, los estudios prosopográficos

E adquirieron carta de naturaleza en las principales historiografías internacionales, generalizándose in

n la publicación de repertorios colectivos de todo tipo. Sea como fuere, los autores seleccionados en

t t e este diccionario son una pequeña representación de la comunidad de historiadores que existió en i r el tránsito del siglo XIX al XX. Se trata de 526 personas, de las cuales un 70 por ciento son docen- W

t tes. Las fuentes primarias de información han sido sobre todo sus publicaciones, partiendo de la

no necesidad de responder a la pregunta de cómo los historiadores construyen la historia. Se incluyen

s además datos sociales y prosopográficos con el interés de situar mejor en el tiempo y en el espacio e x t a las personas censadas, de forma especial en su contexto académico e ideológico. El objetivo final T es rastrear la implantación de tendencias, la aparición de nuevas áreas de investigación y la conso- t h e

f lidación de intereses científicos. Me parece un modelo de estudio digno de consideración. o

s Todo conduce a un método de trabajo muy bien definido: el estudio prosopográfico del co-

a l lectivo con vistas a la elaboración de un retrato común de tendencias predominantes y minori- in g i tarias. Sin embargo, creo que los datos personales fundamentales (sexo, edad, clase, categoría r

O académica…), las condiciones actuales de vida o la tendencia ideológica más próxima a cada persona (izquierda, centro, derecha…), sólo son significativos en función de la incidencia real que hayan podido tener en el contenido de las publicaciones efectuadas, las cuales son, al fin y al cabo, el material fundamental a partir del cual se inicia la investigación en tendencias y no al revés. De hecho, se puede ser políticamente de izquierdas e historiográficamente conservador o al contrario. En cuanto a esta circunstancia, nuestro cuestionario es rotundo: ¿se manifiesta alguna actitud del profesorado en la letra de sus publicaciones respecto el poder político (ignorarlo, criticarlo, demandar cambio…)? ¿cuál es su actitud ante el compromiso ético, social y político? ¿lo rechaza como terreno propio de la ideología y no propio de la historia? ¿lo considera la di- mensión más importante de nuestra profesión? ¿le afecta más bien a su condición de ciudadano o ciudadana? ¿lo asume sin abandonar el rigor en su trabajo? ¿considera que hay que hacer una historia más humanizante? Otra batería de hipótesis de trabajo en nuestro cuestionario alude también a los ámbitos o formas de sociabilidad que comparte cada persona en función de lo que ilustran sus publicaciones. Nos referimos a equipos, departamentos, institutos, facultades, áreas de conocimiento, historio- grafía nacional, proyectos internacionales, intercambio académico, redes personales, congresos, revistas, talleres, internet, u otros contextos de relación profesional alternativos como pueden ser empresas privadas, gestión cultural, archivos, bibliotecas, museos. Todo ello, insisto, siempre y cuando esté latente en la letra de sus publicaciones. Algo que es fácil observar si atendemos, por ejemplo, a los ámbitos académicos en que se producen dichas publicaciones, es decir, revistas, editoriales, congresos, locales, regionales, nacionales, internacionales. A partir de esos indicadores principales, las tendencias historiográficas actuales también tienen que venir definidas por si hay o no un uso habitual de diversos tipos de fuentes (escritura, restos materiales, iconografía…), lo que a veces contribuye a crear colectivos puros de documentalistas o arqueólogos con tendencia a la desatención de otro tipo de fuentes que no sean las suyas. Algo similar sucede cuando en las publicaciones se manifiesta o no la cooperación de la historia con otras ciencias o disciplinas (literatura, arte, antropología, sociología, psicología…). Está claro que nosotros mismos hemos privilegiado el estudio de un colectivo cerrado sobre el estudio de un área cronológica (prehistoria, historia antigua, historia medieval, historia moderna, historia contempo-

304 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 299-308. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 304 08/06/2009 8:16:15 h

ránea, historia inmediata…), pero es interesante saber qué porcentaje del profesorado analizado is g l

ha publicado sobre otras áreas cronológicas distintas a la que define al grupo. Un indicador éste, el n

de la superespecialización, que también puede verse completado si se captan obras que privilegian E in

el estudio de una única área temática (biografía, demografía, historia económica, historia social, n

historia política, historia de la cultura, historia de género…). Y de mayor importancia es, si cabe, t t e i percibir a quién se dirige cada autor cuando escribe, y si le da importancia al estilo de divulgación r W

de su obra (narración, recreación, otros recursos didácticos…). t

En el análisis de tendencias actuales es asimismo fundamental conocer los autores que más han no

influido en cada cual según indiquen por sí mismos en sus publicaciones. Pero son importantes s también las historiografías nacionales que sirven de referente (Francia, Italia, Gran Bretaña, Espa- e x t T ña, Castilla, Aragón…). Lo que conduce a la cuestión de que si se reconoce o no la existencia de t h e

algún magisterio o la pertenencia a alguna escuela o tradición historiográfica. En caso afirmativo f o

habría que profundizar en el grado de “espíritu de magisterio o escuela” que se manifiesta, puesto s

que ello constituye uno de los elementos esenciales en la construcción consciente de la identidad a l in g historiográfica. En suma, decir qué tendencia historiográfica se puede considerar más próxima a i r

cada persona a través de sus publicaciones actuales es un ejercicio complejo en el que podemos O encontrarnos múltiples variantes de un autor a otro e incluso diferentes etapas historiográficas en una sola persona: ninguna tendencia explícita, neopositivismo, funcionalismo, estructuralismo, materialismo histórico, etc. Al respecto, nos parece muy importante indagar si hay o no correspon- dencia o coherencia entre la ideología manifestada por la persona y las filiaciones historiográficas de las que participa, y si el autor o la autora plasma de forma relevante su tendencia ideológica en sus publicaciones. En este terreno nos interesa saber si alguien expresa en su obra para qué piensa que debe servir la historia o la función social de esta ciencia y el porqué. Las posibilidades de respuesta forman un abanico muy grande: conciencia crítica, educación ciudadana, conciencia nacional, respeto al otro, vivir mejor, transformar el mundo, guiar la acción social, dar voz a los vencidos, conocer simplemente el pasado, currículum y promoción académica, adquirir cultura, afición, entretenimiento, puestos de trabajo. Así, la gran cuestión, a modo de colofón, es discernir quién está contribuyendo a la renovación historiográfica mediante sus publicaciones y en qué sentido. En suma, toda una batería general de cuestiones que deben mucho a la reflexión suscitada por la encuesta internacional sobre el estado de la historia que realizó nuestra plataforma Historia a Debate a más de 45.000 historiadores e historiadoras de todo el mundo, y cuyos resultados pueden consultarse también en www.h-debate.com.

3. Resultados provisionales

Las fuentes utilizadas en la base de datos se han limitado por ahora al análisis de tres millares de títulos de publicaciones diversas que constituyen la obra actual de todas y cada una de las personas estudiadas, aunque día a día se incrementa. En un segundo plano de información se han realizado búsquedas masivas en la red para obtener datos curriculares y biográficos disponibles entre pági- nas webs de departamentos, repertorios de medievalismo y otros recursos afines. En un futuro próximo se ampliará, en la medida de lo posible, la tipología de fuentes especialmente mediante entrevistas directas a los interesados. El resultado provisional más contundente son las 212 fichas prosopográficas de docentes a partir de un censo oficial de enero de 2003 que recogió la web de universidades del Ministerio de Educación. Al respecto, hemos contrastado también los datos del

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 299-308. ISSN 1888-3931 305

Originals.indd 305 08/06/2009 8:16:16 h

is profesorado numerario de las otras áreas de conocimiento, tal y como puede consultarse todavía g l

n hoy en la web ministerial. En suma, nuestra base de datos prosopográfica recoge como campos

E principales el nombre del profesorado, su categoría académica, la universidad de destino, el tema in

n de la tesis doctoral, el director de tesis y el año de presentación de la misma. Además se adjuntan

t t e otros campos y subcampos numéricos con referencia a los libros, artículos, ponencias, comunica- i r ciones y otros textos identificados y registrados para cada persona. W

t El profesorado numerario de las universidades públicas españolas en el momento del estudio

no (enero de 2003) alcanzaba la cifra de 46.950 personas, jerarquizadas en cuatro categorías, es decir,

s 7.932 catedráticos de universidad (el 17 % del total), 25.633 profesores titulares de universidad (54 e x t %), 2.271 catedráticos de escuelas universitarias (5 %), y 11.114 profesores titulares de escuelas T universitarias (24 %). Los centros con mayor número de profesorado adscrito eran la Universidad t h e

f Complutense de Madrid (3.507 personas) y la Universidad de Barcelona (2.411). Si sumábamos o

s el profesorado de todas las universidades madrileñas (Complutense, Autónoma, Carlos III, UNED,

a l Politécnica y Juan Carlos I) y barcelonesas (Barcelona, Autónoma, UNED, Politécnica de Cataluña in g i y Pompeu Fabra) observábamos que concentraban juntas casi un tercio de todo el colectivo na- r

O cional. De las 199 áreas de conocimiento existentes en las universidades públicas españolas sólo 10 superaban la cifra de 650 profesores cada una: Economía Aplicada (1.440), Matemática Aplicada (1.440), Física Aplicada (1.200), Economía Financiera y Contabilidad (1.079), Filología Inglesa (864), Bioquímica y Biología Molecular (775), Ingeniería Química (758), Enfermería (732), Len- guajes y Sistemas Informáticos (689), y Organización de Empresas (666). Economía, matemáticas y física tenían las áreas más grandes multiplicando por tres o por cuatro a las áreas de historia que estaban encabezadas por Historia del Arte (536), Historia Contemporánea (410), Historia Moderna (255), Historia Medieval (212), Prehistoria (172), Historia de América (98), Arqueología (91) y Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas (74). A título ilustrativo, la cantidad media de profesorado por área en las universidades públicas españolas era entonces de 236 personas, cifra sólo superada, como se ha visto, por Arte, Contemporánea o Moderna. En lo concerniente al Área de Historia Medieval, ésta se componía de 141 hombres y 71 mujeres (un tercio del total y sólo 4 de ellas catedráticas de universidad). En un cálculo estimativo, la media de edad del colectivo se situaría en torno a los cincuenta años. El reparto por categorías académicas era de 45 catedráticos de universidad (el 21 % del total) y 158 profesores titulares de universidad (74 %), además de 4 catedráticos y 5 profesores titulares de escuela universitaria (5 %). Se trataba pues de un cuerpo docente adscrito por la naturaleza de las licenciaturas que impartía a facultades de Filosofía y Letras, Historia o Humanidades y, en muy contadas ocasiones, a las antiguas escuelas universitarias de Magisterio, ahora de Profesorado de Educación Infantil y Primaria. Por otro lado, si atendemos al campo referente a las universidades de destino, nuestra base de datos volvía a situar a Madrid y Barcelona como los lugares de mayor concentración de profesorado, y eso sin contar con el personal investigador del CSIC adscrito al medievalismo que existe en dichas ciudades y que no recoge nuestra base de datos. Más allá de los departamentos de esas ciudades, sólo los de Granada, Salamanca, Santiago de Compostela, Sevilla, Valencia, Valla- dolid o Zaragoza alcanzaban la decena de profesores entre el conjunto de cuarenta departamentos existentes con personal del área adscrito. En otras palabras, la cuarta parte de los departamentos reúnía a más de la mitad de los docentes.

306 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 299-308. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 306 08/06/2009 8:16:17 h

El campo concerniente a los directores de tesis dejó identificar hasta tres generaciones histo- is g l

riográficas, la más antigua de las cuales ya no está en activo. Nos referimos en primer lugar a las n

tesis dirigidas por José María Lacarra de Miguel (1907-1987), Emilio Sáez Sánchez (1917-1988), E in

Álvaro Santamaría Arández (1917-2004), Juan Torres Fontes (1919), Salvador de Moxó Ortiz de n

Villajos (1921-1980), Eloy Benito Ruano (1921), Antonio Ubieto Arteta (1923-1990), Luis Suárez t t e i Fernández (1924), Ángel Juan Martín Duque (1926) o Manuel Riu Riu (1929). Por lo menos un r W

tercio de las tesis doctorales de todo el profesorado fueron dirigidas por ellos antes de 1990. Para- t

lelamente, se confirma una segunda generación de directores de tesis en activo, discipulos directos no

de la anterior generación, nacidos en torno a 1936-1946 más o menos. Se trata de José Luis Martín s Rodríguez, José Ángel García de Cortázar Ruiz de Aguirre, Julio Valdeón Baruque, Miguel Ángel e x t T Ladero Quesada, Manuel González Jiménez y Paulino Iradiel Murugarren, entre otros. Algunos de t h e

ellos con más de diez tesis dirigidas dentro del actual profesorado funcionario, sumando juntos otro f o

tercio del total de tesis, y con años de lectura que en este caso se concentran entre 1980 y 1996. s

Por último, la tercera generación de directores más jóvenes, discípulos de estos últimos asumirían a l in g el tercio restante. i r

En general, los temas de las tesis doctorales del profesorado universitario español de historia O medieval se centran sobre todo en analizar cabildos de las catedrales, concejos y municipios, linajes nobiliarios, monasterios, obispados y diócesis, órdenes militares, administración real, cortes, fueros y señoríos. Como se ve, predomina el referente de historia institucional y, en menor porcentaje, los análisis de historia económica, social o cultural. Los estudios sobre pobreza, marginación, minorías religiosas, historia de las mujeres, mentalidades o vida cotidiana no han recibido tratamientos mo- nográficos cuantitativamente significativos. Si trasladamos nuestra atención a campos y subcampos de libros, artículos, ponencias, comunicaciones y otros materiales, la situación parece tender a compensarse. Uno de los fenómenos que salta a la vista cuando se observa el alto volumen de productividad historiográfica existente es el de la investigación por encargo, consistente en aceptar invitaciones a congresos, seminarios o publicaciones que hay que sacar adelante en plazos de tiempo relativamente cortos, lo que genera un tipo de investigación acelerada a ritmos de producción ajenos muchas veces a la propia trayectoria de los autores, ávidos de cumplir sus compromisos profesionales en breve plazo. Como consecuencia se publica mucho, incluso demasiado, de manera muy desor- ganizada, sin programas generales de investigación, sin atención a los debates historiográficos, ni tan siquiera con revisiones o actualizaciones críticas de la producción propia. El tipo de avance es, por tanto, acumulativo y extensivo, y la masificación bibliográfica tiende a diversificar intereses, y a saturar más en forma de caos que a agrupar temas y líneas maestras de investigaciones. En conclusión, las doce tesis con las que anuncia Alain Guerreau los imperativos que deberían regir el futuro del medievalismo francés en el siglo XXI quizás puedan aplicarse como reflexiones generales al caso español15. Pero la cuestión no radica sólo en repensar las fuentes que se emplean en las investigaciones, cooperar con otras disciplinas, o evaluar y discutir la operatividad de los modelos interpretativos vigentes, entre otras cuestiones, sino más bien, antes que nada, en conocer quiénes están trabajando y de qué manera, porque la innovación historiográfica será imposible sin tomar autoconciencia colectiva de quiénes somos y adónde queremos llegar desde nuestros lugares de trabajo dispersos. Si éste no es el primer paso y persiste la tradición reflexiva que no habla

15. Guerreau, Alain. L’avenir d’un passé incertain. Quelle histoire du Moyen Âge au XXIe siècle? París: éditions du Seuil, 2001.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 299-308. ISSN 1888-3931 307

Originals.indd 307 08/06/2009 8:16:18 h

is de tendencias con nombres y apellidos, creemos que el error de contenidos seguirá desvirtuando g l

n cualquier tentativa de cambio y el futuro continuará siendo incierto. En ese sentido, los contenidos

E de las actas de aquel curso de verano organizado por Flocel Sabaté y Joan Farré en Balaguer el año in

n 2002 sobre las nuevas perspectivas del medievalismo español deviene un punto de partida im-

t t e prescindible para seguir debatiendo sobre el devenir de nuestra área de conocimiento en el nuevo i r espacio europeo de la enseñanza y la investigación en historia. W t no

s e x t T t h e

f o

s a l in g i r O

16. Sabaté, Flocel; Farré, Joan, coords. Medievalisme: noves perspectives. Lleida: Pagès editors, 2003.

308 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 299-308. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 308 08/06/2009 8:16:19 h

Bizancio y la época oscura. is g l

Una civilización puesta a prueba n E in

Jo s é Ma r í n t t e i Pon t i f i c i a Uni v e r si d a d Ca t ó l i c a d e Va l p a r a í so -Pon t i f i c i a Uni v e r si d a d Ca t ó l i c a d e Ch i l e r W t no

s e x t Re s u m e n T t h e

En este artículo se presenta una reflexión acerca de la Civilización Bizantina entre los siglos VII f o

y IX, momento crucial para su existencia y que implicó profundos cambios; fue entonces cuando la s

Civilización Bizantina, a veces concebida como inmersa en un hieratismo aplastante, demostró su a l in g dinamismo y plasticidad para enfrentar los problemas. Aquella época de crisis, que la historiografía i r

anglosajona califica de dark age y que pone fin a la época tardoantigua, es lo que D. Zakythinós O llamó “Gran Brecha” del helenismo, concepto que nos parece adecuado (mutatis mutandis) para referirse a la llamada “crisis del siglo VII” en el Mediterráneo oriental. Si fue una época de crisis, de decadencia o de transformación es una cuestión abierta, y quizá sólo estemos frente a imágenes es- peculares detrás de las cuales nos mira agazapada —y tal vez esbozando una sonrisa socarrona— una realidad histórica de una complejidad tal que involucra todos aquellos aspectos. Como sea, lo que sí podemos observar claramente es que la Civilización Bizantina no sólo pudo superar una época difícil con las respuestas históricas adecuadas, sino que también vigorizando las raíces helénicas, Bizancio supo ganar un futuro próspero.

1. Preámbulo1

Los períodos de cambio, como aquel que vivió el Imperio Bizantino en la llamada “Edad Oscu- ra” —y que, como objeto de nuestra reflexión intentaremos bosquejar en sus líneas maestras—, permiten apreciar la vitalidad de un sujeto histórico y su capacidad para enfrentar los desafíos que impone la existencia histórica, soportar los cambios y, si cabe, adaptarse a ellos, pero sin perder sus rasgos distintivos, lo que, en fin, nos permite ponderar su permanencia en el tiempo a la vez que sopesar sus fortalezas y debilidades. El análisis histórico nos enseña que tan vano como afanarse en sostener un continuismo históricamente irreal, es forzar el ritmo de la historia con el fin de provocar cambios bruscos que no hacen sino atentar contra la esencia misma del sujeto histórico, amenazándolo con desaparecer, para demostrar luego, más temprano que tarde, su equívoco. En el primer caso, por ejemplo, podemos pensar en las llamadas “Civilizaciones Detenidas”, como ex- plicara A. Toynbee, y entre ellas el caso del inmovilismo del Bajo Imperio Romano; en el segundo caso, podemos apelar a todos aquellos movimientos contestatarios que han pretendido volver a un “punto cero”, desde los primeros monjes hasta los hippies, pasando por la Revolución Francesa.

1. El autor presentó un adelanto de este trabajo con ocasión del Tercer Simposio de ADEISE: Europa, identidad y crisis, Mendoza, Argentina, 2006.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931 309

Originals.indd 309 08/06/2009 8:16:21 h

is La Civilización Grecorromana del Mediterráneo, por ejemplo, antes de su colapso final, debió g l

n enfrentar, sufrir y superar, muchas épocas de cambio, a veces profundos, sin que su identidad

E histórica haya sucumbido. Así, los romanos del Imperio lo son tanto como los de la República, a in

n pesar de las mutaciones de la estructura política, y ello es una prueba irrefutable de la vitalidad de

t t e Roma. Similar es el caso de la Civilización Bizantina que, entre los siglos VII y IX, debió enfrentar i r una profunda crisis que cambió parte de su estructura económica, social, demográfica, etc., pero W

t no su ser histórico completamente: una vez superado el desafío, nos encontramos frente a una

no civilización fortalecida, que sigue siendo helenística y cristiana, esto es, bizantina. La dinastía ma-

s cedonia, que gobernó el Imperio entre los siglos IX y XI, representa muy bien la vitalidad de una e x t sociedad que supo llevar su cultura hasta regiones remotas, sembrando las semillas de la identidad T de la Europa oriental de raigambre ortodoxa. Los eslavos, por ejemplo, de bárbaros potencialmen- t h e

f te peligrosos para el Imperio, llegaron a conformar naciones “hermanas”, aunque autónomas e o

s independientes.

a l Y precisamente, cuando hablamos de Bizancio, lo hacemos de los pilares fundantes de lo que in g i comúnmente denominamos Europa Central u Oriental, conceptos discutidos —quizá también dis- r

O cutibles— y que han estado de algún modo contaminados con visiones ideológicas de distinta índo- le. Cabe preguntarse, al comenzar este estudio, acerca de qué hablamos cuando decimos “Europa Oriental” o “Europa Central”, especialmente en referencia a la Edad Media, para evitar caer en anacronismos conceptuales o imprecisiones. Europa puede ser dividida en zonas oriental y occidental a partir de una serie de líneas ima- ginarias que es posible trazar de acuerdo a criterios religiosos, étnicos o políticos, entre los más relevantes. A partir de la configuración de los extremos, además, se puede concebir una tercera parte y central, lo que viene a complicar aun más el asunto —sin mencionar la noción de sudeste europeo de N. Iorga, concepto relativamente reciente—. Cuando nos referimos a Europa Oriental, Europa Central o Europa Centro-oriental, estamos usando una nomenclatura comprometida con la historia política de la región, en los siglos XIX y XX, aun cuando se pueden encontrar referencias más tempranas. A diferencia de lo que ocurre con norte y sur, que son referencias geográficas objetivas, oriente y occidente se han relativizado a partir del observador o protagonista que asume una u otra denominación, no sólo determinada por su localización geográfica, sino en gran medida por su “ubicación” cultural e ideológica. Como hemos dicho en otro lugar, “la expansión de [uno u otro] ha implicado una relativización de los conceptos Oriente y Occidente: las relaciones, de enfrentamiento o no, entre uno y otro mundo pueden darse en el siglo X en la España Musulmana, cuando Almanzor (978-1002) saquea la ciudad de Compostela, en el Medio Oriente en la época de las Cruzadas, en Viena, durante el asedio turco otomano del siglo XVII, o en la conquista napo- leónica de Egipto a fines del siglo XVIII, y, quizá, también en los albores del siglo XXI en el corazón financiero de los Estados Unidos”. Tal idea es perfectamente aplicable a una realidad más acotada, como es el caso de Europa, toda vez que se usan tales denominaciones dependiendo de circunstancias políticas —las influencias alemana y austríaca, por ejemplo— o ideológicas —la presencia de la hegemonía soviética y el Pacto de Varsovia—. De hecho, los que llamamos hoy países del este o Europa Oriental, es claramente un invento de la Guerra Fría y por tanto una noción esencialmente geopolítica, y no necesariamente esa clasificación —sustentada en la identificación de sistemas políticos y económicos diversos y hasta antagónicos— tiene un sustento histórico, cultural, étnico y lingüístico claro y simétrico. De hecho, la extensión de la Unión Europea hacia, precisamente,

310 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 310 08/06/2009 8:16:22 h

los “países del este”, demostraría en la práctica que tal concepto ha perdido consistencia en forma is g l

significativa. n

Una forma fácil y neutra, ideológicamente hablando, para concebir una Europa Central y E in

Oriental, es a partir de la geografía, dividiendo el continente en tres franjas, abarcando en total n

desde los diez grados de longitud oeste hasta los sesenta grados de longitud este. Europa Occidental t t e i abarcaría, aproximadamente, hasta los diez grados este, y desde allí y hasta los treinta cinco grados, r W

lo que llamaríamos Europa Central, frente a la Europa Oriental que terminaría en los sesenta gra- t

dos este. Lo que corrientemente llamamos Europa Oriental, correspondería a una franja que corre no

desde los doce y medio grados hasta los cuarenta, abarcando Polonia, Checoslovaquia, Hungría, la s ex-Yugoeslavia, Albania, Grecia, Rumania y las Repúblicas Bálticas, Bielorrusia, Ucrania y Rusia e x t T hasta Moscú. Por el norte el límite estaría establecido en el Mar Báltico y la Península Escandinava, t h e

mientras que por el sur los Balcanes cumplen el mismo papel. f o

Pues bien, esa Europa Oriental que estamos tratando de definir, poco tiene que ver con la an- s

tigua clasificación ideológica, pero sí podemos reconocer algunas otras cosas relevantes, como la a l in g identidad étnica de base eslava y la identidad religiosa de base cristiana. Entendida así, esta Europa i r

Oriental se parece mucho a la que definió T. Masaryk (1850-1937) —“las tierras ubicadas entre O Alemania y Rusia”— y que desde la segunda década del siglo XX se incorporó en los estudios his- tóricos como un concepto útil al hablar de la Edad Media. Sin embargo, para nosotros esta parte oriental de Europa incluye Grecia, debido a que el elemento último de identificación descansaría en el plano religioso. En efecto, en época medieval nadie pensaba a Europa en términos de Oriente y Occidente, sino que se concebía una Christianitas que tenía una expresión constatinopolitana y otra romana. Lo que conocemos como Europa Occidental es, en la realidad medieval, la Chris- tianitas Occidentalis de Carlomagno, separada del Imperio Romano (léase Bizancio) por una franja de pueblos bárbaros ubicados entre el Mar Báltico y el norte de los Balcanes, zona que se fue dinamizando poco a poco al constituirse allí principados, primero, y reinos después. El Tratado de Aquisgrán del año 811 reconoció esa realidad bipolar al asignar “áreas de influencia” al Imperio Carolingio y al Imperio Bizantino en aquella zona. En la medida que las potencias de la época tomaron conciencia del crecimiento de los nuevos estados (Moravia, Bulgaria, Serbia y Croacia, más tarde Rusia, Polonia y Hungría), comenzaron a atraerlos hacia su órbita de influencia, el occidente latino-romano-germánico a través de la conquista mientras que el oriente greco-constantinopolitano optó por la creación de una comunidad cultural sustentada en lazos espirituales, fundamento de una identidad religiosa ortodoxa que comparte desde entonces mucha población del centro y este de Europa, mayoritariamente eslava.

Entre los elementos que caracterizan el inicio de un período “medieval”, ocupa un lugar importante la Völkerwanderung o migración de pueblos —expresión más suave y menos comprometida que la de “invasiones”—. Durante el período que nos interesa, diversos pueblos se integraron a la Historia Universal, integración que —tal como ocurrió en Occidente entre los siglos IV y V— es dramática en su primera fase para el poder central, pero que a la larga es históricamente fecunda. Ávaros, serbios, croatas y búlgaros, desde la estepa, eslavos desde el norte del Danubio, musulmanes desde el sur- oriente, tales son los nuevos pueblos con los cuales Bizancio, después del primer período de choque,

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931 311

Originals.indd 311 08/06/2009 8:16:23 h

is tuvo que aprender a relacionarse, aprendizaje que, a diferencia de lo que ocurrió con el Imperio Ro- g l

n mano Occidental, garantizó su futuro por varios siglos.

E La plasticidad del Imperio al enfrentar las circunstancias históricas adversas fue notable: frente a in

n la imposibilidad de seguir sosteniendo el “ecumenismo latino”, se optó por la vía de establecer lazos

t t e de amistad entre Bizancio y los nuevos vecinos, integrándolos a una comunidad cultural, religiosa i r y política, una “familia” de naciones, verdadero commonwealth, como la llamara Dimitri Obolensky2 W

t (ciertamente, el caso musulmán queda fuera de este esquema, pues si bien existieron relaciones di-

no plomáticas, la integración era imposible pues se trataba de dos mundos excluyentes el uno respecto

s del otro). Esto no significó renunciar a las pretensiones universalistas inherentes a un imperio cris- e x t tiano, sino sólo el reconocimiento de una realidad: es igualmente la concreción del Plan Providencial T —aunque que por una vía nueva—, ya que la inclusión dentro de la comunidad bizantina exigía una t h e

f conversión religiosa, política y cultural, de manera que estos pueblos se sumaran a una tarea histó- o

s rica, liderada por Constantinopla, pero que era entendida como un compromiso que involucraba a

a l toda la Cristiandad. in g i En el caso particular de la Grecia Balcánica, donde la Edad Oscura se hizo sentir con particular r

O dramatismo, el Imperio sin embargo no transó: obligó a los recién llegados a “bizantinizarse”, lo que no hizo con rusos, búlgaros o serbios: una cosa era la extensión de la influencia bizantina a regiones “bárbaras” que nunca fueron parte del imperio, y otra la recuperación de un territorio tradicionalmente helénico. Grecia fue entendida como una provincia arrebatada injustamente por los bárbaros, que la habitaban sin el consentimiento imperial; allí no cabía pues ni un Cirilo ni un Metodio, sino una reconquista en forma, como efectivamente aconteció. Y fue así como Bizancio salvó el helenismo aun en la misma Grecia, mérito suficiente para quedar en las páginas de la historia.

2. Del Imperio Latino al Imperio Griego

Los reinados de Justiniano I (527-565) y de Heraclio (610-641), constituyen dos polos dentro de un mismo proceso histórico, caracterizado por el fin del “ecumenismo romano” y el comienzo del helenismo bizantino oriental, cultural y geográficamente hablando. Si Justiniano puede ser llamado el “último emperador romano”, Heraclio bien puede ser considerado el “primer emperador bizantino”. Aquél, imbuido del espíritu imperial latino, asumió la tarea de restaurar el Imperio Universal, emprendiendo la llamada Reconquista, tarea en la cual se empeñaron todos los recursos diplomáticos, económicos y militares con que contaba el emperador. El “sueño ecuménico” pareció en ese entonces hacerse realidad: Bizancio, la Segunda Roma, volvía a ser, como lo fue la Primera, Señora del Mediterráneo, restaurando su autoridad en el norte de África, levante ibérico y norte de Italia. En una perspectiva “localista” y estrecha, la gran empresa político-militar de Justiniano puede parecer muy exitosa. No obstante, a la vuelta de algunos años comenzaron a percibirse sig- nos de debilidad, síntomas de una enfermedad que tendrá como consecuencia, por una parte, la pérdida irremediable y definitiva de las provincias reconquistadas, y, por otra, debido a que la po- lítica de Justiniano, centrada en Occidente, favoreció, a la larga, a poderosos enemigos del Imperio (lombardos, eslavos, ávaros, persas, entre otros), debió soportar el Imperio, también, la pérdida de

2. Obolensky, Dimitri. The Byzantine Commonwealth. Eastern Europe 500-1453. Londres: Cardinal Ed., 1974 (Londres: Wei- denfeld and Nicolson, 1971).

312 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 312 08/06/2009 8:16:24 h

otras importantes provincias. Egipto y Siria-Palestina sucumben bajo la arremetida, primero, de los is g l

persas y, luego, de la expansión árabe musulmana, nueva fuerza político-militar alimentada de un n

fuerte sentimiento místico y que hace su aparición en el Mediterráneo en las primeras décadas del E in

siglo VII. Los ávaros y eslavos, por otro lado, se hacen con el control de los Balcanes. Y así, entre n

los siglos VI y VII Bizancio se desangra en dos frentes. t t e i Heraclio, por su parte, contempló en algún momento la posibilidad de trasladar a Occidente la r W

capital, específicamente a Cartago —su ciudad natal—, pues había encontrado en Constantinopla t

una situación lamentable después del desastroso gobierno del usurpador Focas (602-610); pero no

triunfó el tradicionalismo constantinopolitano y lo que podríamos llamar, aunque prematuramen- s te, la identidad “nacional” bizantina. Su política, en definitiva, se concentró en Oriente. Justiniano e x t T y Heraclio, pues, cierran el ciclo latino. El Imperio se contrajo territorialmente para ejercer desde t h e

entonces su soberanía en Tracia, Constantinopla y su hinterland, Armenia y Anatolia. Se trataba de f o

una zona históricamente griega, por lo que la reducción material significó, al mismo tiempo, una s

fortaleza cultural, al consolidarse el carácter helénico del Imperio. Se habían perdido, además, re- a l in g giones tradicionalmente conflictivas desde el punto de vista religioso, como Egipto, lo que permitió i r

reforzar el sentido de pertenencia a la ortodoxia, otro elemento de identidad. La lengua griega, por O otro lado, ya desde la segunda mitad del siglo VI había desplazado al latín ya que, como dijera el mismo Justiniano, aquélla era ya la “pátrios foné”, la lengua patria. El patriotismo romano cedió su puesto ante el patriotismo griego. Si Justiniano había sido Imperator, Heraclio ya es Basileus ton Roméon pistós en Christo (“Emperador de los romanos fiel a Cristo”), título que adopta en 629 y que resume espléndidamente el espíritu griego y cristiano del Imperio Bizantino, de tradición romana. Es importante destacar que la pérdida de los Balcanes va a implicar, puesto que las principales vías terrestres que comunicaban Oriente y Occidente —como la Via Egnatia— quedaron interrumpidas, un distanciamiento entre Roma y Cons- tantinopla, el cual, andando el tiempo, se hará cada vez más notorio en los planos político, religioso, lingüístico y, en general, cultural. La división administrativa que sancionara Teodosio el Grande en 395, y consolidada en los años siguientes, está completada y ampliada dos siglos y medio más tarde. El Imperio Antiguo ha cedido ya su lugar al Imperio Medieval. A continuación revisaremos someramente algunos hechos destacados de la época que media entre Justiniano y Heraclio, y que nos permitirán ponderar cómo se fue agudizando la crisis que tan duramente afectará al Imperio hasta la dinastía macedonia.

3. Expansión, contención y repliegue

Bizancio, sin embargo, no estaba en condiciones de enfrentar con todas sus fuerzas los nuevos peligros que se abatían sobre sus fronteras, viéndose frente a una situación límite en la cual, incluso, llegó a estar en peligro su propia existencia. El Imperio podía intentar mantenerse fiel a una política ancestral como lo era no debilitarse ni desangrarse combatiendo en dos frentes; no obstante, tras la agresiva política de Justiniano —y también con ella y desde ella— los problemas se multiplican y los emperadores apenas pueden manejar una muy compleja situación que llevó a la apertura de diversos frentes: Occidente, con la reconquista justinianea y su pesada herencia, cuando no lastre; el limes danubiano, cada vez más inestable pero asismismo cada vez peor atendido; y el frente oriental, con unos díscolos y peligrosos sasánidas que no cejaron hasta terminar por ser abatidos completamente por Bizancio, en el siglo VII, poco antes de ser obliterados por los musulmanes.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931 313

Originals.indd 313 08/06/2009 8:16:25 h

is Expansión, contención y repliegue, parecen ser tres conceptos claves al momento de ponderar g l

n los hechos, si observamos la situación general del Imperio Bizantino en el momento en que el

E “problema balcánico” —ávaros y eslavos— se hace presente. Asimismo, la relación que Constanti- in

n nopla establezca con los recién llegados, estará en directa relación con la política global que se asu-

t t e ma, e ilustrada en los tres términos aludidos. Si Justiniano el Grande, claramente, representa una i r fase expansiva, ya desde la época de su sucesor, Justino II (565-578), las condiciones comenzaron W

t a volverse adversas, y a fines del reinado de Tiberio II (578-582), apenas puede mantenerse una

no política de contención, mientras el tejido del imperio comienza a crujir. A pesar de los esfuerzos de

s Mauricio (582-602), quien a duras penas intentó conservar el Imperio que recibió, ya con Focas y e x t su funesto gobierno, y luego con Heraclio, quien al menos pudo recuperar parte de las provincias T orientales, Bizancio se desentiende finalmente de las provincias occidentales. La etapa de replie- t h e

f gue, que incluirá los Balcanes, recién comenzará a ser superada a fines del siglo VIII y comienzos o

s de la centuria siguiente.

a l En la figura 1 (véase página 59) se reproduce un cuadro estadístico con la extensión del Imperio in g i Bizantino a través de toda su historia, y en el cual se puede apreciar con claridad cómo las mayores r

O adquisiciones territoriales, correspondientes a la época de Justiniano, ya no existen hacia el año 620, marcando un verdadero hiato en la curva estadística. Una breve recuperación se constata en época de Heraclio, en la que apenas se supera en su pináculo lo que fue la extensión de la parte oriental del Imperio en los siglos cuarto y quinto; el derrumbe que sigue es elocuente respecto de la situación gravísima por la que atravesaba entonces el Imperio. Justiniano I, elaboró un ambicioso plan cuyo objetivo era recuperar la grandeza del Impe- rio Romano. Este emperador, en quien aún estaba vivo el universalismo romano, privilegió el frente occidental enviando una serie de expediciones militares con el fin de recuperar antiguas provincias imperiales. Para contar con suficientes fuerzas, Justiniano firmó una “paz sin límites” —no una “paz eterna” como se han traducido común y erróneamente las palabras de Proco- pio— con Persia, el año 532. De hecho, el Imperio Bizantino tenía concentradas sus fuerzas en el frente oriental desde principios del siglo VI, y la paz del 532 vino a dar un respiro que, una vez estabilizado aquél, permitió acometer con la llamada Reconquista justinianea. Por cierto, la paz sólo duró algunos años, hasta ser reestablecida, primero, el 562 por pocos años, y luego otra vez hasta 592. El proyecto justinianeo parece muy exitoso en el corto plazo: entre los años 533 y 555 cayeron bajo la hegemonía bizantina Italia, África y el levante ibérico, además de las islas del Mediterráneo occidental. El Mar Mediterráneo, como se ha dicho tantas veces, volvía a ser una “lago romano”. No obstante, la monumentalidad del proyecto justinianeo, que además del aspecto territorial consideraba una enorme reforma administrativa y un amplio programa edilicio, terminó por erosionar económicamente al Imperio. A mediano plazo se fueron revelando las debilidades de la política imperial, y no sólo sus sucesores heredaron una crítica situación económica, sino que también inestabilidad en el frente oriental, además de un posible tercer frente en la región danubiana, que se materializó desde el año 550, con la irrupción de los ávaros y los movimientos de eslavos. Por cierto, respecto de estos últimos, Bizancio reclutó a muchos como colonos fronterizos o como mercenarios, en la convicción de que sintiéndose parte del Imperio lo defenderían, una evidencia más del peso de la tradición en las políticas imperiales. Ocupado en las guerras de la Re- conquista, en Occidente, y en la guerra contra Persia, en Oriente, no podía el emperador destinar

314 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 314 08/06/2009 8:16:26 h

grandes destacamentos militares a una región donde el problema parecía ser “menor”. Se sabe que is g l

grupos de eslavos combatieron del lado de Bizancio en la guerra contra Persia, cuando se destacó n

Dabragazas, quien llegó a ser comandante de la flota de Crimea, así como se puede evocar también E in

el caso de Sovarouna, soldado de origen eslavo destacado en el Cáucaso. Esta época inicial de pe- n

netración —en la cual los eslavos aún no manifiestan interés por establecerse permanentemente t t e i en los Balcanes— se caracterizó por contactos pacíficos que iniciaron una gradual helenización de r W

los recién llegados bárbaros. t

El limes danubiano, la más peligrosa y vulnerable frontera, había quedado relativamente des- no

protegido desde el tiempo de Justino I (518-527); aunque su sucesor reforzó las fortificaciones del s Danubio, desde Sirmium hasta Constantinopla —completando la obra de Anastasio I (491-518), e x t T a la vez que reorganizaba el ejército y utilizaba si era posible la diplomacia para hacer que unas t h e

tribus lucharan contra otras—, las fuerzas establecidas allí no fueron suficientes para contener f o

la marea bárbara, y entre los años 580 y 620 declinó definitivamente la resistencia bizantina. s

En efecto, los sucesores de Justiniano no se preocuparon suficientemente de la mantención del a l in g fortificado limes. Los eslavos quedaron, así, en libertad casi absoluta para recorrer a su amaño los i r

Balcanes. O Dividido, pues, entre Oriente y Occidente, y preocupado especialmente de la Reconquista, Jus- tiniano I descuidó la frontera danubiana, donde se aplicó una estrategia solamente defensiva, que se reveló, pues, del todo inútil. En todo caso, no hay que infravalorar la actividad constructiva de Justiniano y los trabajos de fortificación del limes danubiano. El testimonio de Procopio —del cual muchas veces se ha desconfiado por su carácter apologético, pero hoy confirmado arqueológica- mente— evidencia que a mediados del siglo VI la zona fue protegida de una manera hasta entonces desconocida —en la región se levantó una compleja red de tres líneas defensivas interrelacionadas y dispuestas en forma sucesiva—, lo que revela que los esclavenos eran percibidos allí como una verdadera amenaza. También intentó Justiniano proteger al Peloponeso de las invasiones, para lo cual hizo levantar un gran muro en el istmo de Corinto, como registra también el citado historiador bizantino, donde construyó fuertes y guarniciones, de modo tal que todas las ciudades de la penín- sula quedaran inaccesibles para el enemigo, aun si alguno forzara las defensas de las Termópilas. Sin embargo, la construcción no resistió los embates de la naturaleza, y fue derribada por un te- rremoto ocurrido el año 551, o quizá por otro fechado en el 580, de manera que a la llegada de los eslavos no había más que ruinas. No deja de ser paradójico que, aparentemente, algunos eslavos al parecer alcanzaron el Peloponeso cruzando el golfo de Corinto con sus monoxylos, y no lo hicieron por tierra a través del istmo, como esperaba el emperador. Sin duda que, en términos comparativos, el reinado de Justino II resulta más opaco que el de su antecesor. No obstante, ello se explica en gran medida por la herencia que éste le dejó: una pode- rosa concepción imperial, es cierto, lo que llevó a Justino a buscar la conservación del legado territorial de Justiniano I, pero también le legó un imperio muy extenso y disperso, acosado en todos sus flancos y económicamente arruinado. Una austera y ajustada política fiscal permitió recuperar temporalmente las arcas imperiales hacia el final de su gobierno, pero para entonces ya su política exterior se había revelado del todo errada. Justiniano había mantenido un precario equilibrio con Persia a costa de tributos, y con los ávaros en la frontera danubiana había hecho otro tanto, claro que a un costo menor. Justino II, sin embargo, fiel a su régimen de austeridad pero manifestando una miopía notable, suspendió ambos pagos, lo que en la práctica equivalía a una abierta provocación de dos peligrosos enemigos

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931 315

Originals.indd 315 08/06/2009 8:16:27 h

is —ciertamente que el tributo entregado a los ávaros era considerado por muchos bizantinos como g l

n algo humillante—. Por su parte el occidente del imperio se volvía una zona cada vez más inestable,

E y si por un lado los lombardos, desde 568, entraban en Italia para apoderarse rápidamente de gran in

n parte de ella, por otro lado los visigodos comenzaban un contraataque que llevaría finalmente al

t t e desalojo de las tropas bizantinas estacionadas en la península Ibérica; por último, si bien en África i r el imperio mantenía sus posesiones, las rebeliones beréberes tornaban la situación cada día más W

t precaria, tanto así que, incluso, fue asesinado el prefecto Teodoro, situación inaudita y a todas luces

no escandalosa.

s El desastre pudo ser mayor si el emperador no se hubiera decidido a retractarse y, finalmente, e x t restablecer el pago del tributo a los ávaros. Sin poder evitar la pérdida de Italia, y con la sensible T frontera danubiana en manos del ambicioso Bayan, Khan de los ávaros —contenidos gracias al t h e

f oro—, Justino cometió un último error: activar el frente oriental contra la Persia de Cosroes I (531- o

s 579), quien infligió duras derrotas al imperio bizantino. Otra vez habría que decir que el desastre

a l podría haber sido mayor, de no haber enfermado gravemente el emperador quedando inhabilitado in g i en la práctica para ejercer el gobierno, de modo que la regente emperatriz Sofía se vio obligada r

O a suscribir la paz con Persia. El proyecto universalista justinianeo, que había parecido un sueño hecho realidad, no era ya más que una quimera. Tiberio II y Mauricio cierran ya la etapa de contención y durante su época comienza el repliegue, fruto de dos constantes y graves problemas: multiplicación de los frentes y escasos recursos humanos y económicos para estabilizarlos. En el frente balcánico —siempre “al medio” y dependiendo de las acciones que se sigan en el frente occidental o en el oriental—, el caso de Tiberio es elocuente: si bien pudo pacificar África y recuperar el puerto de Classe de Ravenna, a la vez que celebraba vic- torias —aunque también hubo de lamentar reveses— en el frente persa, su mayor dolor de cabeza estaba en el limes danubiano. La intensificación de la presión ávara y la ocupación de Sirmium en 582, lo obligaron a ceder la ciudad y a pagar los tributos atrasados a causa del conflicto. Mauricio, por su parte, tuvo que preocuparse del frente occidental, el cual estabilizó fundando los exarcados, con una marcada militarización de la administración, proceso que se acentuará en las décadas siguientes; sin embargo, en la península Ibérica sufrió pérdidas territoriales irreversi- bles. El frente persa fue una preocupación prioritaria de su gobierno, y en 592 pudo poner fin a dos décadas de guerra gracias a un tratado de paz, firmado después de la guerra civil que había azotado a los sasánidas en los años 590-591, y que terminó por instalar en el trono a Cosroes II (590-628), gracias a la ayuda bizantina. Una vez firmada la tregua, Mauricio dirigió su mirada a los Balcanes, zona que había quedado descuidada y donde la penetración ávaro-eslava avanzaba sin freno alguno, tanto así que habían ocupado varias ciudades y, confiados en su poder, exigían al emperador aumentar el tributo pactado años antes. El envío de tropas al mando del general Prisco logró reducir la presión de los bárba- ros sobre el imperio; no obstante, la grave situación económica llevó a Mauricio a tomar decisiones que luego habría de lamentar. Parte de su política de austeridad fue reducir la soldada del ejército, lo que ya había afectado seriamente su moral; la gota que colmó el vaso fue la orden que dio de permanecer al otro lado del Danubio, en territorio ávaro, el invierno del año 602-603. Indignado, el ejército marchó sobre Constantinopla liderado por el general Focas quien, después de asesinar a Mauricio y sus cercanos, se proclamó emperador. La rebelión del general Focas (602-610) cuyo gobierno fue un completo desastre, ha sido asu- mida muchas veces como el momento en que la frontera danubiana quedó prácticamente entrega-

316 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 316 08/06/2009 8:16:28 h 3 da a su suerte; sin embargo, como Florin Curta ha demostrado recientemente, no hay evidencias is g l

de que el limes haya quedado completamente desguarnecido ni hay registro de incursiones de n

ávaros o eslavos entre 602 y 610. El colapso de la frontera habría ocurrido, en verdad, durante el E in

gobierno de Heraclio (610-641) , quien desde el año 620 debió trasladar sus tropas y concentrar sus n

fuerzas en oriente, donde la guerra había recrudecido en forma alarmante. Precisamente coincide t t e i el traslado de tropas hacia el frente persa, con el incremento de las incursiones eslavas al sur del r W

Danubio, las que ya son de largo alcance, según revela la arqueología. t

Como se puede apreciar, el problema balcánico siempre fue una preocupación secundaria para no

los emperadores, que privilegiaron la defensa del frente oriental. Además de tratarse de una cues- s tión de voluntad política, los problemas económicos no permitían disponer de un ejército lo sufi- e x t T cientemente numeroso como para dejar estacionado un gran contingente en el Danubio, mientras t h e

se resolvía el problema con Persia o en el frente occidental. A dicho factor de debilidad militar debe f o

agregarse otro de carácter geográfico: la región de los Balcanes, por su relieve, esencialmente mon- s

tañoso —Balkan es una palabra turca que significa “cadena montañosa”—, es una zona que ofrece a l in g grandes problemas para su defensa. Así, pues, el Imperio no pudo evitar que una gran parte del i r

territorio balcánico cayera en manos eslavas durante el siglo VII, escapando del control bizantino O al constituirse las esclavinias, es decir, territorios ocupados por tribus eslavas independientes unas de otras, y que quedaron fuera de la jurisdicción imperial (si bien desde Justiniano II (685-695) las esclavinias fueron reconocidas como autónomas —pero tributarias— éstas jamás llegaron a constituir un poder soberano o un estado, que diese al Imperio la oportunidad de integrarlo a su esfera política manteniendo así la ficción de la soberanía universal bizantina). La mencionada revuelta de Focas, y la anarquía que le siguió, así como la pasividad de Heraclio, quien después de una década de inactividad se concentró en el frente oriental, contribuyeron a agravar la situación ya que la crisis interna, así como el abandono total de las posiciones danubianas, fue aprovechada por los eslavos, que inundaron los Balcanes. Al iniciarse el siglo VII, así, la constitución étnica y política de los Balcanes ha variado considerablemente, y es quizá el mayor cambio que, hasta ese momento, haya sufrido la península: de una población mayormente helénica, se ha pasado a una con un numeroso componente eslavo; de una organización centralizada en torno a Constantinopla, a una diversidad tribal basada en lazos consanguíneos, con una economía agrícola y pastoril; de una población urbana a una rural y dispersa. Hasta en la península del Peloponeso se formó también una especie de esclavinia que mantuvo su autonomía por un largo tiempo. Fue entonces cuando comenzó lo que la historiografía sajona califica acertadamente comodark age en los Balcanes en particular, y en Bizancio en general, situa- ción de la cual nos vamos a ocupar en las páginas siguientes.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931 317

Originals.indd 317 08/06/2009 8:16:30 h 4. Los tiempos difíciles is g l

n A partir del siglo VII, y hasta comienzos del siglo IX, la civilización bizantina sufrió una época

E turbulenta, oscura, durante la cual su existencia misma estuvo amenazada. La irrupción de los in

n ávaros y, especialmente de los eslavos que, profitando de la debilidad militar del Imperio, así como

t t e de sus problemas internos, lograron traspasar el limes danubiano para instalarse en los Balcanes; i r la desgastadora guerra sostenida contra Persia en el flanco oriental, donde se concentró la mayor W

t parte del ejército bizantino, descuidándose el frente occidental; la expansión musulmana, que en

no el medio oriente y el norte de África se realizó a costa de las provincias bizantinas; tales son, grosso

s modo, las amenazas externas que debió afrontar el Imperio. e x t El gran peligro que representó para el Imperio Bizantino la presencia ávara, en un momento T crítico como lo fue la segunda década de gobierno del emperador Heraclio, queda de manifiesto t h e

f al recordar la expedición del año 626 cuando, en connivencia con los persas, sitiaron la ciudad de o

s Constantinopla. En ausencia del emperador, el patriarca Sergio (610-638) organizó la defensa de la

a l Capital y enalteció la moral de la población, encendiendo el fervor religioso e infundiéndole valor in g i para resistir el asedio. Se entonaron letanías y se elevaron las manos al cielo en oración, al tiempo r

O que se invocaba a la Virgen María como intercesora predilecta ante Jesucristo. Y, admirablemente, los ávaros abandonaron el sitio. Tal victoria se puede explicar claramente, no sólo porque los ávaros carecían de técnicas de asedio adecuadas para asaltar una ciudad amurallada como Constantinopla, sino también por la oportuna llegada de refuerzos militares. Sin embargo, y esto nos dice mucho de la mentalidad bizantina, los constantinopolitanos, más que en las defensas naturales o militares de la ciudad, confiaban en la defensa sobrenatural de una capital a la que atribuían un destino trascendente. Por cierto, tal énfasis implica también una pérdida de confianza, como advierte J. Haldon, en los símbolos tradicionales del poder. La creencia en la protección celestial quedó plasmada elocuentemente en el himno Akathistos, compuesto en el siglo VI, pero cuyo proemio —en el cual se invoca a la Virgen María como “invicta estratega”— se atribuye al patriarca Sergio, quien lo habría redactado poco después del asedio ávaro, para celebrar tan magnífica y milagrosa victoria (contra unos enemigos que se asimilaron a los antiguos adversarios de Israel, como si Constantinopla fuese una Nueva Jerusalén). Ese año 626 fue decisivo no sólo para Bizancio, sino también para el futuro de los otros dos imperios en pugna: marca el principio de la decadencia de Persia, mientras que el peligro ávaro desaparece del horizonte bizantino y cuya debilidad queda en evidencia al considerar el asentamiento de serbios y croatas en los Balcanes, cuestión interesante, pero que nos alejaría ya en demasía de nuestro propósito; volvamos, pues, sobre la situación general del imperio. La situación, que llegó a alcanzar dimensiones trágicas en el siglo VII —como que el Imperio, ame- nazado en todas sus fronteras, parece a punto de perecer—, marca también una era de cambios no sólo territoriales, sino también de orientación política, con una marcada tendencia a la militarización de la administración. En aquellas regiones donde se restituía el dominio imperial, se creaba un thema, es decir, una provincia gobernada por un estratega en cuyas manos se concentraba el poder civil y militar, y cuya misión consistía en asegurar la sumisión de la región, administrarla y protegerla de nuevos peligros. Cada thema, además, contaba con un destacamento de soldados, los stratiotas, a quienes se instalaba como colonos en tierras entregadas a cambio de su defensa. Así, pues, estos soldados-colonos hacen soberanía habitando, defendiendo, cultivando y pagando sus impuestos, ya que se trató de una medida cívico-militar que tuvo repercusiones socio-económicas de largo

318 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 318 08/06/2009 8:16:31 h

alcance. Si originalmente la palabra thema designaba un cuerpo militar, más tarde termina por is g l

designar una división territorial, cambio que se opera entre fines del siglo VII y comienzos del VIII. n

La organización del Imperio en themas —un puzzle no resuelto aún del todo por la historiografía—, E in

característica del siglo X, habría tenido su origen, según unos, en las reformas de Heraclio y, según n

otros, en la excepcional unión que hizo Justiniano del poder civil y militar y la posterior creación t t e i de los exarcados en época del emperador Mauricio. Como sea, estas “provincias de avanzada” r W

constituyeron una pieza clave en la recuperación bizantina que se constata desde las primeras dé- t

cadas del siglo IX. Precisamente una de las claves de la recuperación imperial durante la época de no

la dinastía macedonia, fue la protección del pequeño campesinado libre, cuyo origen está asociado s a la constitución de los themas. e x t T La pérdida de gran parte de los Balcanes en manos de eslavos, serbios, croatas y búlgaros, llevó t h e

a que el oriente griego y el occidente latino se volvieran la espalda, ignorándose mutuamente: la f o

península, de puente que era, devino en abismo. Tres hitos marcarán el proceso: la exaltación de s

Pipino como rey de los francos en 751, la coronación imperial de Carlomagno en 800, y el más a l in g famoso que efectivo cisma de Focio, en la segunda mitad del siglo IX. Y es que la crisis de Bizancio i r

es parte de un proceso global que afectó a todo el Mediterráneo. Si para el occidente latino se trató O de una profundización de cambios que ya se venían gestando, para el oriente grecobizantino fue, prácticamente, el fin de la época antigua y el comienzo de la Edad Media griega: de un imperio latino ecuménico se pasó a un imperio griego oriental, un mundo católico que se transforma gra- dualmente en cristiano ortodoxo. El concepto de la “Gran Brecha del helenismo” —que Dionýsios Zakythinós4 acuña para el caso griego—, así, aparece como apropiado, puesto que expresa muy bien el cambio que se operó entre los siglos VII y IX, poniendo fin al helenismo antiguo que cedió ante el helenismo medieval, esto es, bizantino. Las migraciones de pueblos bárbaros señalan el fin de una etapa y el comienzo de otra. Además, el impacto global que ocasiona esta situación externa no es despreciable: contracción demográfica, movimientos migratorios —v. gr. griegos de Egipto, Siria y Palestina que dejan su tierra para dirigirse a Anatolia o, más lejos, a Sicilia, o habitantes de los Balcanes que huyen hacia las islas o al sur de Italia—, despoblación de unas ciudades y destrucción de otras con la consiguiente ruralización y dis- persión de la población, todo ello asociado a una seria crisis económica producto tanto del abandono de los campos como de la pérdida de ricas provincias, como es el caso de Egipto, la consecuente reduc- ción de la mano de obra y la interrupción de importantes vías, tanto terrestres como marítimas. Desde el punto de vista demográfico, se produjo una reducción de la población —cuya causa es tanto la violencia de los invasores bárbaros como la huida frente a su arremetida—, así como su ruralización y dispersión, con lo cual la ya dañada estructura urbana del Imperio, especialmente en los Balcanes, se derrumbó definitivamente; una nueva forma urbana, el kastron, más de acuerdo con la necesidad de los tiempos, junto a la nueva organización administrativa centrada en los themas, reemplazó a la antigua, heredada de Roma. Por cierto, los hallazgos arqueológicos demuestran que el proceso de cambio de la estructura urbana había comenzado ya en el siglo VI, antes de la irrupción de ávaros y eslavos, pero se profundizó posteriormente. La thalassocracia bizantina tuvo que enfrentar la competencia del naciente imperio islámico, que llegó a amenazar a Bizancio y su señorío en el Mediterráneo: antes del siglo VII Constantinopla

4. Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La Grande Brèche dans la tradition historique de l’hellénisme du Septième au Neuvième siècle”. Xαριστήεριον είς Άναστάσιον Κ. Όρλάνδον. Δημοσίευμα τη̃ς έν Άθήναις Άρχαιολογικη̃ς ̉Έταιρείας. Athens: 1966: III, 300-327; Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. Byzance: Etat-economie-Société. Londres: Variorum Reprints, 1973:VIII.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931 319

Originals.indd 319 08/06/2009 8:16:32 h

is dominaba las rutas marítimas a lo largo de un eje que se extendía desde Crimea, por el Oriente, g l

n hasta las Columnas de Hércules, por el Occidente, con un completo dominio naval, comercial y

E militar, y con la influencia política que naturalmente implica tal situación. Después, Bizancio tuvo in

n que conformarse con el dominio marítimo del eje Mar Negro-Mar Egeo, reduciéndose sus flujos

t t e comerciales a la vez que su presencia política en el Mediterráneo occidental —no deja de ser sin- i r tomático constatar que las épocas de apogeo del Imperio Bizantino coinciden con lós períodos de W

t dominio marítimo y, de hecho, cuando Bizancio renuncie al mar, la decadencia será inevitable—.

no En fin, la unidad del Mundo Antiguo se había resquebrajado definitivamente.

s e x t

T 5. La Gran Brecha, ¿crisis o transformación? t h e

f Los cambios políticos, sociales, económicos, religiosos, lingüísticos, que acarreó la crisis del si- o

s glo VII, implican, pues, el fin de una era que, hundiendo sus raíces en la Antigüedad, es, al mismo

a l tiempo, simiente de una nueva época. No fue una crisis terminal, pero sí una crisis originante. in

g 5 i Pareciese que la discutible —y discutida— tesis de Henri Pirenne se cumple, mutatis mutandis, en r

O el caso del Mediterráneo Oriental. De acuerdo con la proposición del historiador belga, la Anti- güedad, encarnada en la Romania, se proyecta más allá del siglo V, cuando cae políticamente el Imperio Romano de Occidente, esto es, que la estructura de la Romania, prácticamente sin cambios, persiste históricamente, postulado que, si bien no se ajusta a la realidad del Occidente Latino, sí lo hace en alguna medida respecto de la realidad oriental, como queda demostrado en nuestro planteamiento precedente. El error de Henri Pirenne, en este caso, radica en no haber resaltado suficientemente el caso de Bizancio, donde habría hallado algunas pruebas “positivas”— y no sólo teóricas— más de acuerdo con su tesis. El siglo crítico, lo que coincide de alguna manera con el planteamiento de Henri Pirenne, es el que media entre 650 y 750, cuando Oriente y Occidente se separan definitivamente al emerger el mundo musulmán como una nueva potencia en el Medi- terráneo a lo que habría que agregar la verdadera “cuña” eslava en los Balcanes, que interrumpió las comunicaciones entre Oriente y Occidente, pues la red viaria que se organizaba a partir de la via Egnatia, quedó completamente desarticulada. La importancia del siglo VII para la Historia Universal, en general, y para la historia bizantina, en particular, ha sido puesta en relieve, también, por el profesor Héctor Herrera Cajas6, sólo que esta vez con una visión más general que incluye, junto a Bizancio y el mundo islámico, al Imperio Persa Sasánida, en Oriente, y al poderío ávaro —además de serbios, eslavos, croatas y búlgaros—, en Occidente. En efecto, hay que reconocer, para situar los procesos históricos en su justa perspectiva, que una explicación unívoca es equívoca, ya que son muchos los protagonistas que se encuentran relacionados, de una u otra forma, con el Imperio Bizantino. Una vez que se ha alcan- zado a dimensionar el problema desde una óptica “universal”, es posible referirse coherentemente a los procesos de índole particular: v. gr. los cambios étnicos, las mutaciones de la vida urbana o las fluctuaciones de las fronteras imperiales. Dionýsios Zakythinós, precisamente, llamaba la aten-

5. Pirenne, Henri. Mahoma y Carlomagno, trad. Esther Benítez. Madrid: Alianza, 1981. (París: F. Alcan, 1937; Bruselas: Nouvelle société d’éditions, 1937). 6. Herrera, Héctor. Dimensiones de la Cultura Bizantina. Arte, Poder y Legado Histórico. Santiago de Chile: Centro de Estudios Bizantinos de la Universidad de Chile - Universidad Gabriela Mistral, 1998; Herrera, Héctor. Las relaciones Internacionales del Imperio Bizantino durante la época de las grandes invasiones. Santiago de Chile: Ediciones del Centro de Estudios Bizanti- nos y Neohelénicas de la Universidad de Chile, 1972.

320 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 320 08/06/2009 8:16:33 h

ción sobre ésto: estudia un caso específico pero representativo (Grecia), para luego ubicarlo en un is g l

cuadro global. Según este autor, entre los siglos séptimo y noveno se vivió en la antigua Hélade n

un período de oscuridad, de crisis y de cambio; fue la muerte de la Antigüedad Grecorromana y el E in

comienzo de lo que podemos llamar Edad Media Griega: n t t e i Después de mediados del siglo VII —dice—, y hasta mediados del IX, la historia de Grecia presenta r

un período de decadencia; los testimonios de las fuentes acerca de esta tierra clásica de glorio- W sos recuerdos, se tornan raros e imprecisos; ningún monumento del espíritu es erigido, ningún t no

manuscrito literario proviene de esta región donde la escritura plasmó las obras más sutiles del s pensamiento humano; poco numerosos y muy discutibles son los vestigios arqueológicos; pocas

inscripciones, unos humildes graffitis, han sido conservados; las monedas y los sellos son raros7. e x t T t h e

Es el fin de una era monumental y artística que, para los griegos, se remonta sin interrupción f o

hasta la Antigüedad Clásica. Los testimonios arqueológicos y artístico-arquitectónicos, cuando los s

hay, constituyen un claro testimonio de que la llama de la Civilización parece apagarse, para que- a l in g dar apenas un rescoldo que, cuando soplen vientos de renovación desde la Capital Imperial, a fines i r

del siglo VIII y comienzos del IX, se reavivará para dar una nueva luz, no menos brillante que la O anterior, aunque distinta. Para Dionýsios Zakythinós esto sería un abismo, la “Gran Brecha”, que separó dos paisajes históricos bien definidos: desde un punto de vista arquitectónico, por ejemplo, es el fin de la era de la basílica paleocristiana y el comienzo de la era de la iglesia cruciforme, así como, en el aspecto urbano, la soberbia ciudad helénica fue reemplazada por el kastron bizantino, de acentuado carácter militar. 8 Se podría explicar el fenómeno, en los Balcanes, a partir de las invasiones ávaro-eslavas y búl- garas, que ciertamente afectaron profundamente a la población helénica; sin embargo, ello sería minimizar y simplificar procesos más complejos. El problema balcánico, en efecto, debe considerarse como parte de la crisis bizantina, y esta, a su vez, no se puede entender si no es integrándola a una crisis mediterránea; las invasiones ávaro-eslavas, los terremotos, epidemias y hambrunas, o la Querella Iconoclasta, son fenómenos más o menos locales que no alcanzan a explicar el cuadro completo. Es la expansión musulmana —que avanza a costa de la debilidad persa y bizantina— la que rompe el precario equilibrio, creando una conmoción a escala “mundial”. Para Dionýsios Zakythinós, el diecisiete de septiembre del año 642 es una fecha simbólica, ya que es entonces cuando Alejandría cae en manos musulmanas, y junto con la ciudad lo hace aquel ideal que su fundador había incorporado a la historia de la Civilización Grecorromana casi un milenio antes.9 Gracias a los estudios publicados en los últimos diez años, es preciso matizar la imagen que forjó la historiografía acerca de los Balcanes, sustentada en documentación fragmentaria. La arqueología ha venido a demostrar que nunca los Balcanes, y menos el Peloponeso, escaparon completamente del control bizantino. Así, los trabajos de Anna Avramea10 sobre el Peloponeso, o de Florin Curta11

7. Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. La Grande Brèche dans la tradition historique”… 300. 8. Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La Grande Brèche dans la tradition historique”… 9. Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La Grande Brèche dans la tradition historique”… 10. Avramea, Anna. Le Péloponnèse du IVe au VIIIe siècle. Changements et persistentes. París: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1997. 11. Curta, Florin. “Byzantium in Dark-Age Greece (the numismatic evidence in its Balkan context)”. Byzantine and Mo- dern Greek Studies, 29/2 (2005): 113-146; Curta, Florin. The Making of the Slavs. History and Archéology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500-700 A.D. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006; Curta, Florin. Southeasteern Europe in the Middle Ages. 500-1250. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931 321

Originals.indd 321 08/06/2009 8:16:34 h

is acerca de los eslavos y la Edad Oscura griega, nos ofrecen hoy nuevas perspectivas de análisis, g l

n cuestionando la transformación prácticamente total del Imperio, poniendo el acento en elementos

E de continuidad y minimizando o matizando, según el caso, el cuadro esbozado hasta ahora. Hay in

n que pensar que la “Gran Brecha” representa un proceso gradual de cambios más que una marcada

t t e ruptura entre un período y otro. Dionýsios Zakythinós, aparentemente identificó bien el problema i r y sus variables principales, pero las sobredimensionó. Con todo, nos parece valioso el concepto de W

t “Gran Brecha”. 12 no Andreas Stratos , bizantinista que estudió con vivo interés el siglo VII, señala que esta es una

s época “verdaderamente grave” para el Imperio, un “siglo crucial”, en que “se lucha por la exis- e x t tencia misma de Bizancio”, la cual se gana, de algún modo, como señala George Ostrogorsky13, T abandonando el “sueño romano” para enfrentar la realidad; ambas visiones coinciden con las que t h e 14 f hemos analizado precedentemente. Sólo Paul Lemerle duda que se trate de una crisis, precisando o

s que estamos, más bien, frente a un período de transformaciones, lo que estaría también en la línea

a l del pensamiento de John Haldon15, durante el cual el eje del equilibrio del Imperio se desplaza in g i hacia el Oriente. Se cuestiona así la posición de Dionýsios Zakythinós, quien señalara que es ésta r

O una crisis política, económica, social y espiritual, para concluir afirmando que “situado sobre la Gran Brecha, es la ruina del helenismo universal lo que observo”. Si, por otro lado, siguiendo a Héctor Herrera16, entendemos una crisis como un período de cuestionamientos profundos que exigen respuestas comprometidas, comprometedoras y racionales, nacidas de un espíritu templado en este acto tremendamente histórico que es vivir en crisis, respuestas que una vez actualizadas llevarían a una transformación —radical o no— de un ser histórico determinado, la discusión planteada en tales términos parece ociosa. Más importante, y más complejo nos parece determinar si se trata de una crisis que llevó a una transformación, o viceversa. Respecto de la supuesta decadencia, éstas se producen cuando una Civilización se muestra incapaz de superar reiteradas y agudas crisis; la renovación bizantina del siglo IX demuestra, a nuestro juicio, que el Imperio supo encontrar las respuestas adecuadas, evitando, precisamente, la decadencia. Probablemente estamos frente a imágenes espe- culares detrás de las cuales nos mira agazapada —y tal vez esbozando una sonrisa socarrona— una realidad histórica de una complejidad tal que involucra todos aquellos aspectos. Como sea, lo que sí podemos observar claramente que la Civilización Bizantina no sólo pudo superar una época difícil con las respuestas históricas adecuadas, sino que también vigorizando las raíces helénicas, Bizancio supo ganar un futuro próspero.

12. Stratos, Andreas N. Studies in 7th-Century Byzantine Political History. Londres: Variorum Reprints, 1983. 13. Ostrogorsky, George. “Byzantine cities in the early Middle Ages”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959), 45-66; Ostrogorsky, George. “The Byzantine Empire in the world of the Seventh Century”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959): 1-21; Ostrogorsky, George. History of the Byzantine State, trad. Joan Hussey. New Brunswick: Rutgers U. Press, 1957. (Munich: Beck, 1940). 14. Lemerle, Paul. “Les repercusions de la crise de l’Empire d’Orient au VIIe siècle sur les pays d’ Occident”, Caratteri del secolo VII in Occidente: 23-29 aprile, 1957. V Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1958: II, 713-731. 15. Haldon, John F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century. The transformation of a culture. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1997 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). 16. Herrera, Héctor. “El sentido de la crisis en occidente”. Academia, 8 (1983): 70-78.

322 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 322 08/06/2009 8:16:35 5. Orientación bibliográfica h is g l

No hemos querido recargar este artículo con excesivas notas, que debieran ser numerosísimas; n

somos deudores, no obstante, de una importante bibliografía, de la cual quisiéramos destacar al- E in

gunos títulos que el lector encontrará, además, al final de este breve comentario. Sin detenernos n 17 18 19 20

en las fuentes —que son las conocidas, v.gr. Procopio , Menandro , Juan de Efeso , Teophanes , t t e i Teofilacto Symmocatta21, los anónimos Milagros de San Demetrio22, la Crónica de Monemvasía23, entre r

24 25 W

las más relevantes— y aparte de los manuales tradicionales de Louis Bréhier , Fotios Malleros , t 26 27 28 Alexander A. Vasiliev , Dimitri Obolensky o George Ostrogorsky , es preciso mencionar algunas no

obras recientes, como el completísimo trabajo de Warren Treadgold29, único en su tipo en décadas s de bizantinología, y que junto con una detallada descripción histórica nos entrega una puesta al e x t T día desde el punto de vista historiográfico, lo que convierte a esta obra en un manual de referencia t h e 30 obligado hoy en día. Es importante destacar la obra colectiva editada por Michael Maas y dedica- f o

da a la época de Justiniano, que es analizada desde diversos puntos de vista. Interesantes y nove- s

dosos resultan los aportes de Floin Curta31, tanto en su libro acerca de la invención de los eslavos, a l in g que presenta una visión que incorpora la antropología y la arqueología al análisis histórico, como i r

su último libro acerca de la historia del sudeste europeo en la Edad Media, cuyo capítulo segundo O está dedicado, justamente, a la “época oscura”, tópico que el autor conoce con profundidad. Para aproximarse a las principales características del siglo VII, comenzando con una excelente síntesis del período que corre entre Justiniano y Heraclio, es utilísimo el libro de John Haldon32, que incorpora no sólo una buena narración, sino también las diferentes posiciones de los historiadores respecto de ciertos problemas, como es el caso del origen de los themas. Para una visión sintética de

17. Procopius. The anecdota, or secret history, ed. H.B. Dewing. Londres-Massachussets: Heinemann-Harvard University Press, 1960. 18. Menander. The history of Menander the Guardsman, ed. R.C. Blockley. Liverpool: Cairns, 1985 19. Bishop of Ephesus, John. The third part of the ecclesiastical history of John, Bishop of Ephesus, ed. M. A. R. Payne Smith. Oxford: 1860. 20. The Confessor, Theophanes. The chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern history, A.D. 284-813, eds. Cyril Mango, Roger Scott. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997. 21. Simocatta, Theophylactus. The history of Theophylact Simocatta: an english translation with introduction and notes, eds Michael Whitby, Mary Whitby. Oxford: Clarendon Press for Sandpiper Books, 1997. 22. Les Plus anciens recueils des miracles de saint Démétrius: et la pénétration des slaves dans les Balkans, ed. Paul Lemerle. París: éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1979. 23. Cronaca di Monemvasia, ed. Ivan Dujcev. Palermo: Istituto Siciliano Studi Bizantini, 1976. 24. Bréhier, Louis. El Mundo Bizantino. Vida y Muerte de Bizancio, trad. José Almoina. México D.F.: UTEHA, 1956. 25. Malleros, Fotios. El Imperio Bizantino 395-1204. Santiago de Chile: Editorial Jurídica de Chile, 1951 26. Vasiliev, Alexander Alexandrovich. History of the Bizatntine Empire 323-1453. Madison - Milwaukee: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1964. 27. Obolensky, Dimitri. The Byzantine Commonwealth. Eastern Europe 500-1453. Londres: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971. 28. Ostrogorsky, George. Geschichte des byzantinischen Staates. Munich: C.H. Beck, 1940. 29. Treadgold, Warren. A History of the Byzantine State and Society. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997. 30. Mass, Michael, ed. The Age of Justinian. Nueva York: Cambridge University Press, 2005. 31. Curta, Florin. The Making of the Slavs. History and Archéology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500-700 A.D. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001; Curta, Florin. Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages. 500-1250.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. 32. Haldon, John F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century. The transformation of a culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931 323

Originals.indd 323 08/06/2009 8:16:36 h

is la situación general del mundo mediterráneo a comienzos del siglo VII, véanse los artículos de Héctor

g l 33 34

n Herrera , y de George Ostrogorsky .

E Para el estudio de los ávaros y los eslavos en los Balcanes y el Peoloponeso existe una extensa in

n bibliografía. Nos permitimos destacar para el último caso, primero, la obra de Antoine Bon , pio-

t t e nera en el estudio de la península, y, segundo, porque actualiza el estado de la cuestión, el libro de i r Anna Avramea36, que incorpora valiosa información de carácter arqueológico. En cuanto a ávaros

W 37

t y eslavos, aparte del clásico libro de Francis Dvornik , son imprescindibles los artículos de Ivan 38 no Dujev reunidos en Medioevo Bizantino-Slavo y que abordan diversos temas, aunque es cierto que

s algunas de sus afirmaciones pueden ser discutibles hoy en día. El citado libro de Florin Curta39 será e x t un valioso complemento de actualización. T Respecto de los cambios que se operaron en Bizancio en la “Edad Oscura”, junto al estudio t h e

f de Anna Avramea y Florin Curta para el tema arqueológico, es imprescindible consultar la Histo- o 40 s ria Económica de Bizancio, dirigida por Angeliki Laiou , con información relevante respecto de los

a l intercambios comerciales, los hallazgos numismáticos o las redes viarias, entre otros temas allí in

g 41 i abordados. Peter Charanis —varios de cuyos artículos se reimprimieron en un volumen recopila- r

O torio—, por su lado, se preocupó en varios trabajos de la situación de los Balcanes, interesándose en las evidencias arqueológicas, las fuentes o los problemas demográficos, especialmente los desplazamientos de población ocurridos en el período que nos interesa. Si bien Peter Charanis es algo vehemente en sus posturas, algunas de ellas discutibles, es indudable la seriedad con que estudió estos temas, siempre buscando una validación plena para una de las fuentes más controvertidas para el estudio del Peloponeso en la Edad Media: la Crónica de Monemvasia. A Dionýsios Zakythinós42 corresponde el haber incorporado, tomándolo de la historiografía alemana, el concepto de “Brecha Histórica”, que explica muy bien las condiciones materiales, intelectuales y espirituales de la historia griega y bizantina entre los siglos VII al IX. A sus artículos citados más abajo, agréguese la lectura de algunos interesantes trabajos de Andreas Stratos43, publicados en un volumen de la colección Variorum Reprints. El valor de la obra de Andreas Stratos radica en que, primero, se atreve a estudiar un período crucial para la historia de Bizancio y que, paradójicamente, ha sido poco estudiado, y segundo, en que analiza con erudición y perspicacia las escasas fuentes disponibles para el período, llegando a interesantes conclusiones. Para la discusión sobre si el la época

33. Herrera, Héctor. “Dagoberto y Heraclio. Un capítulo de Historia Diplomática”. Byzantion Nea Hellás, 2 (1971): 135-151. 34. Ostrogorsky, George. “The Byzantine Empire in the World of the Seventh Century”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959): 1-21. 35. Bon, Antoine. Le Péloponnese Byzantin jusqu’au 1204. París: Presses Universitaires de France, 1951 36. Avramea, Anna. Le Péloponnèse du IVe au VIIIe siècle. Changements et persistences. París: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1997. Paris, 1997. 37. Dvornik, Francis. Les Slaves. Histoire et civilisation de l’ Antiquité aux débuts de l’ Époque Contemporaine, trad. Danielle Pavlesky, Maroussia Chpolyansky. París: éditions du Seuil, 1970. 38. Dujev, Ivan. Medioevo Bizantino-Slavo, Storia e Letteratura.1. Saggi di Storia Politica e Cultural. Roma: Edizione di Storia e Letteratura, 1965. 39. Curta, Florin. The Making of the Slavs. History and Archéology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500-700 A.D. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. 40. The Economic History of Byzantium. From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, 3 vol., Angeliki E. Laiou, ed. Washing- ton D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and collection, 2002. 41. Charanis, Peter. Studies on the demography of the Byzantine Empire. Londres: Variorum Reprints, 1972. 42. Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La Grande Brèche dans la tradition historique...": 300-327. 43. Stratos, Andreas N. Studies in 7th-Century Byzantine Political History. Londres: Variorum Reprints, 1983.

324 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 324 08/06/2009 8:16:37 h 44 en estudio fue de crisis o transformación, nos ha sido útil un trabajo teórico de Héctor Herrera que is

45 g l

nos ha servido para confrontarlo a las ideas de Paul Lemerle . n E in

Apéndice bibliográfico n t t e i Ahrweiler, Hélène. “La Frontière et les frontières de Byzance en Orient”, Actes du XIVe Congrès r W

International des Etudes Byzantine (Bucarest, 6-12 septembre 1971), Mihai Berza, Eugen Stnescu, t

dirs. Bucarest: Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste România, 1974: I, 209-230; Ahrweiler, no

Hélène. Byzance: les pays et les territoires. London: Variorum Reprints, 1976: IV/209-230. s Andréadès, Andreas M. Histoire Economique et Financière de la Grèce. Atenas: Faculté du Droit de e x t T l’Université d’Athènes, 1958. t h e e e Avramea, Anna. Le Péloponnèse du IV au VIII siècle. Changements et persistences. Paris: Publications de f o

la Sorbonne, 1997. s

Baynes, Norman Hepburn; Moss, Henry St. Lawrence Beaufort. Byzantium. An Introduction to East a l in g Roman Empire. Oxford: the Clarendon Press, 1962 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1948). i r

Baynes, Norman Hepburn. El Imperio Bizantino, trads. María Luisa Diez-Canedo, Francisco Giner de O los Ríos. México D.F.: Editorial Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1985. (primera edición, Londres: Williams & Norgate, 1925). Bogdan, Henry. La Historia de los países del Este, trad. Amanda Forns. Buenos Aires: Javier Vergara, 1991. (París: Perrin, 1990). Bon, Antoine. Le Péloponnese Byzantin jusqu’ au 1204. París: Presses Universitaires de France, 1951. Bréhier, Louis. El Mundo Bizantino. Vida y Muerte de Bizancio, trad. José Almoina. México D.F.: UTE- HA, 1956. Carpenter, Rhys. Discontinuity in Greek Civilization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966. Castellán, Angel A. “Proposiciones para un análisis crítico del problema de la periodificación histó- rica”. Anales de Historia Antigua y Medieval, 8 (1957-1958): 7-48. Charanis, Peter. “The transfer of population as a policy in the Byzantine Empire”. Comparative Stu- dies in Society and History, 3/2 (Enero, 1961): 140-154. Charanis, Peter. “Ethnic changes in the Byzantine Empire in the Seventh Century”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959): 23-44. Charanis, Peter.“The Chronicle of Monemvasia and the question of the slavonic settlements in Greece”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 5 (1950): 140-166. Charanis, Peter. “On the question of the hellenization of Sicily and Southern Italy during the Middle Ages”. The American Historical review, LII/I (1946): 74-86. Charanis, Peter. “On the Slavic Sttlements in the Peloponnesus”. Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 46 (1946): 91-103. Charanis, Peter. “On the question of the Slavonic Settlements in Greece during the Middle Ages”. Byzantinoslavica, X (1949): 254-258. Charanis, Peter. “The significance of coins as evidence for the history of Athens and Corinth in the Seventh and Eigth Centuries”. Historia. Zeitschrift für alte Geschichte, IV/2-3 (1955): 163-172.

44. Herrera, Héctor.“El sentido de la crisis en Occidente”. Academia, 8 (1983): 70-78. 45. Lemerle, Paul. “Les repercusions de la crise de l’Empire d’Orient au VIIe siècle sur les pays d’ Occident”. Caratteri del secolo VII in Occidente: 23-29 aprile, 1957. V Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1958: II, 713-731.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931 325

Originals.indd 325 08/06/2009 8:16:38 h

is Charanis, Peter. “Nicephorus I, the Saviour of Greece from the Slavs (810 A.D.)”. Byzantina-Meta- g l

n byzantina, I/1 (1946): 75-92.

E Charanis, Peter. Studies on the demography of the Byzantine Empire. Londres: Variorum Reprints, in

n 1972.

t t e Curta, Florin. “Introduction”, East Central and Eastern Europe in the Early Middle Ages, Florin Curta, i r ed. Michigan: Ann Arbor, 2005: 1-38. W

t Curta, Florin. “Byzantium in Dark-Age Greece (the numismatic evidence in its Balkan context)”.

no Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 29/2 (2005): 113-146.

s Curta, Florin. The Making of the Slavs. History and Archéology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500-700 A.D. e x t Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. T Curta, Florin. Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages. 500-1250. Cambridge: Cambridge University t h e

f Press, 2006. o

s Ducellier, Alain; Kaplan, Michel; Martin, Bernadette. El Cercano Oriente Medieval, trad. Eduardo

a l Bajo. Madrid: Akal, 1998. (Paris: Hachette, 1978). in g i Dujev, Ivan. “Bisanzio e i1 mondo slavo”, Centri e vie di irradiazione della civilità nell’alto Medieoveo: r

O 18-23 aprile, 1963. XI Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro Italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1964: 3-22. Dujev, Ivan. “Il mondo slavo e la Persia nell’ Alto Medioevo”, Atti del Convegno internazionale sul tema “La Persia e i1 mondo Grecorromano”. Roma: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei (Atti della Accademia nazionale dei Lincei. Memorie della Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, quaderno 76), 1966: 321-424. Dujev, Ivan. “L’ arrivo dei popoli slavi e le sue conseguenze”, Popoli e paesi nella cultura altomedievale: 23-29 aprile 1981. XXIX Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro Italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1983: I, 131-152. Dujev, Ivan. Medioevo Bizantino-Slavo, Storia e Letteratura. 1. Saggi di Storia Politica e Letteratura. Roma: Edizione di Storia e Letteratura, 1965. Dujev, Ivan. Medioevo Bizantino-Slavo, Storia e Letteratura. 2. Saggi di Storia Letteraria. Roma: Edizione di Storia e Letteratura, 1968. Dvornik, Francis. Les Slaves. Histoire et civilisation de l’Antiquité aux débuts de l’Époque Contemporaine, trad. Danielle Pavlesky, Maroussia Chpolyansky. Paris: éditions du Seuil, 1970. (Boston: Ame- rican Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1956; New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press, 1962). Ferluga, Jadran. “Gli slavi del sud ed altri gruppi etnici di fronte a Bisanzio”, Gli slavi occidentali e meridionali nell’Alto Medioevo: 15-21 aprile 1982. XXX, Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro Italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1983: I, 303-344. Finlay, George. A History of Greece from its conquest by the Romans to the Present time. B.C. 146 to A.D. 1864, vol. IV, Mediaeval Greece and the Empire of Trebizonad A.D. 1204 1461. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1877. García-Guijarro, Luis. “Justiniano y la romanidad oriental en el siglo VI”, Historia Universal de la Edad Media, Vicente Ángel Álvarez, ed. Barcelona: Ariel, 2002: 95-132. Gregorovius, Ferdinand. Roma y Atenas en la Edad Media, trad. Wenceslao Roces. México D.F.: Fon- do de Cultura Económica, 1946. Grousset, René. L’Empire des Steppes. Attila. Gengis Khan. Tamerlan. París: Payot, 1952.

326 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 326 08/06/2009 8:16:39 h

Haldon, John F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century. The transformation of a culture. Cambridge: Cambrid- is g l

ge University Press, 1997 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). n

Hauptmann, L. “Les rapports des byzantines avec les slaves et les avares pendant la séconde moitié E in

du VI siècle”. Byzantion, 4 (1927-1928): 137-170. n

Herrera, Héctor. “Dagoberto y Heraclio. Un capítulo de Historia diplomática”. Byzantion Nea Hellás, t t e i 2 (1971): 135-151. r W

Herrera, Héctor. “El sentido de la crisis en Occidente”. Academia, 8 (1983): 70-78. t

Herrera, Héctor. Dimensiones de la Cultura Bizantina. Arte, Poder y Legado Histórico. Santiago de Chi- no

le: Centro de Estudios Bizantinos de la Universidad de Chile - Universidad Gabriela Mistral, s 1998. e x t T Herrera, Héctor. Las Relaciones Internacionales del Imperio Bizantino durante la época de las grandes in- t h e

vasiones. Santiago de Chile: Ediciones del Centro de Estudios Bizantinos y Neohelénicos de la f o

Universidad de Chile, 1972. s

Jenkins, Romilly. Byzantium. The Imperial centuries. A.D. 610-1071. Londres: Wiedenfeld and Nicol- a l in g son, 1966. i r

Laiou, Angeliki, ed. The Economic History of Byzantium. From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, 3 O volúmenes, Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and collection, 2002. Lemerle, Paul. “Invasions et migrations dans les Balkans dépuis la fin de l’ époque romain jusqu’ au VIIIe siècle”. Revue Historique, 211 (1954): 265-308. Lemerle, Paul. “Les repercusions de la crise de l’Empire d’Orient au VIIe siècle sur les pays d’ Occi- dent”, Caratteri del secolo VII in Occidente: 23-29 aprile, 1957. V Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1958: II, 713-731. Lemerle, Paul. “Quelques remarques sur le règne d’Heraclius”. Studi Medievali, III/I, (1960): 347- 361. Lewis, Archibald. “Mediterranean maritime commerce: A.D. 300-1100 Shipping and Trade”, La navigazione mediterranea nell’alto medioevo. XXV Settimane di Studi del Centro italiano di studi Sull’Alto Me- dioevo, 14-20 aprile 1977. Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi su’ll alto medioevo, 1978: II, 481-501. Mass, Michael, ed. The Age of Justinian. Nova York: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Malleros, Fotios. “¿Existe continuidad entre la Grecia clásica y la moderna?”. Byzantion Nea Hellás, 5 (1981): 199-228. Malleros, Fotios. El Imperio Bizantino 395-1204. Santiago de Chile: Ediciones del Centro de Estudios Bizantinos de la Universidad de Chile, 1987 (Santiago de Chile: Editorial Jurídica de Chile, 1951). Marín, José. “Croatas y Serbios en el De Administrando Imperio de Constantino VII Porphyrogénito”. Studia Croatica, XXXVII/130 (Marzo 1996): 24-45. Marín, José. Cruzada, Guerra Santa y Yihad. La Edad Media y Nosotros. Valparaíso: Ediciones de la Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, 2003. Musset, Lucien. “Entre deux vagues d’invasions: la progression slave dans l’histoire européenne du Haut Mayen Age”, Gli slavi occidentali e meridionali nell’Alto Medioevo: 15-21 aprile 1982. XXX, Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1983: II, 978-1028. Musset, Lucien. Las invasiones. El Segundo Asalto contra la Europa Cristiana, trad. Juan Viñoly. Barce- lona: Labor, 1968.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931 327

Originals.indd 327 08/06/2009 8:16:40 h

is Nystazópoulou-Pélekidou, Maria. “La cuestión macedónica”. Byzantion Nea Hellás, 11-12 (1993): g l

n 267-295.

E Nystazópoulou-Pélekidou, Maria. “Le sud-est de l’Europe et la Mediterranée au Moyen Age (les in

n cadres géographiques et historiques)”, Communications Grecques presentées au VI Congrès Interna-

t t e tional des Etudes du Sud-Est Européen (Sofia: 30 Août - 5 Septembre 1989). Atenas: Comité National i r Grec des Etudes du Sud-Est Européen-Centre d’Études du Sud-Est Européen, 1990: 455-469. W

t Obolensky, Dimitri. Byzantium and the Slavs: collected studies. Londres: Variorum Reprints, 1971.

no Obolensky, Dimitri. The Byzantine Commonwealth. Eastern Europe 500-1453. Londres: Cardinal Ed.,

s 1974. (Londres: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971). e x t Oikonomides, Nicholas. “The concept of Holy War and two Tenth-century Byzantine Ivories”, Pea- T ce and War in Byzantium: Essays in honor of George T. Dennos, Timothy S. Miller, John Nesbitt, eds. t h e

f Washington D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1995: 62-86. o

s Okey, Robin. “Central Europe/Eastern Europe: Behind the Definitions”. Past and Present, 137 (No-

a l vember, 1992): 102-133. in g i Ostrogorsky, George. “Byzantine cities in the early Middle Ages”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959), r

O 45-66. Ostrogorsky, George. “The Byzantine Empire in the world of the Seventh Century”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 13 (1959): 1-21. Ostrogorsky, George. History of the Byzantine State, trad. Joan Hussey. New Brunswick: Rutgers U. Press, 1957. (Munich: Beck, 1940). Patoura-Hatzópoulos, Sofia. “L’oeuvre de reconstitution du limes Danubien à l’ époque de l’ empereur Justinien Premier”. Revue des Etudes Sud-Est Européennes, XVIII/1 (Enero-Marzo 1980): 95-109. Pirenne, Henri. Mahoma y Carlomagno, trad. Esther Benítez. Madrid: Alianza, 1981. (París: F.Alcan, 1937; Bruselas: Nouvelle société d’éditions, 1937). Pritsak, Omeljan. “The Slavs and the Avars”, Gli slavi occidentali e meridionali nell’Alto Medioevo: 15-21 aprile 1982. XXX Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Medioevo. Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1983: I, 353-432. Rajevi, A. “Bizancio y la cristianización de los eslavos”. Byzantion Nea Hellás, 9-10 (1990): 239- 273. Šari, Ljiljana. “Balkan Identity: Changing Self-Images of the South Slavs”. Journalof Multilingual and Multicultural development, 25/5-6 (2004): 389-407. Setton, Kenneth M. “The Bulgars in the Balkans and the occupation of Corinth in the Seventh Century”. Speculum, 25/24 (Octubre 1950): 502-543. Spain Alexander, S. “Heraclius, Byzantine Imperial Ideology, and the David Plates”. Speculum, LII/2 (April 1977): 217-237. Stratos, Andreas N. Studies in 7th-Century Byzantine Political History. Londres: Variorum Reprints, 1983. Szádeczky-Kardoss, Samuel. “The Avars”, The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia, Denis Sinor, ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994: 206-228. Treadgold, Warren. A History of the Byzantine State and Society. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997. Vacalópoulos, Apostolos E. Origine of the Greek Nation. The Byzantine Period, 1204-1261, trad. I. Moles. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1970.

328 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 328 08/06/2009 8:16:41 h

Vasiliev, Aleksand Alexandrovitch. History of the Byzantine Empire 323-1453. Madison and Milwaukee: is g l

The University of Wisconsin Press, 1964. n

Vasiliev, Aleksand Alexandrovitch. Justin the First. An Introduction to the epoch of Justinian the Great. E in

Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1950. n

Vilfan, Sergij. “La cristianizzazione delle campagne presso gli slavi del sud occidentali: organiz- t t e i zazione, resistenze, fondo sociale”, Cristianizzazione ed organizzazione ecclesiastica delle campagne r W

nell’alto medioevo: espansione e resistenze: 10-16 aprile 1980. XXVIII Settimane di Studi Sull’Alto Me- t

dioevo. Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo,1981: II, 889-918. no

Vlasto, Alexis Peter. The entry of the Slavs into Christendom: an introduction to the medieval history of the s slavs. Londres: Cambridge University Press, 1970. e x t T Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La Grande Brèche dans la tradition historique de l’hellénisme du Sep- t h e

tième au Neuvième siècle”, Xαριστήεριον είς Άναστάσιον Κ. Όρλάνδον. Δημοσίευμα τη̃ς έν Άθήναις f o

Άρχαιολογικη̃ς ̉Έταιρείας. Athens: 1966: III, 300-327; Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. Byzance: Etat-econo- s mie-Societé. London: Variorum Reprints, 1973: VIII. a l in g Zakythinós, Dionýsios A. “La ville byzantine”. Diskussionsbeiträge zum XI. Internationalen Byzanti- i r

nistenKongress, München 1958, Franz Dölgerm, Hans Georg Beck, dirs. Munic: C. H. Beck’sche O Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1961: 75-90: XII.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 309-329. ISSN 1888-3931 329

Originals.indd 329 08/06/2009 8:16:42 h

is La economía andalusí en época de Almanzor. g l

n Teoría administrativa y realidad económica

E a través de las fuentes jurídicas y geográficas in

n t t e i r Fr a n c i s c o Fr a n c o -Sá n c h e z W

t Uni v e r si t a t d’Al a c a n t no

s e x t T Re s u m e n t h e

f o

s Se analizan tres aspectos relacionados con la economía andalusí en época de Almanzor: Prime-

a l ramente, se reivindica el Kitb al‑amwl del magrebí ad‑Dwd (m. 402 ó 411/1011·2 ó 1020·1) in g i como una obra jurídica de tema administrativo y económico empleada en esta época. En segundo r

O lugar se presenta el funcionamiento de los graneros estatales o alorines como centros de almacenamiento de los impuestos legales procedentes de la agricultura y se presentan como herederos funcionales de la annona militaris del imperio romano. Finalmente se muestra en forma de tablas la información económica que de al-Andalus transmitieron los geógrafos orientales Ibn awqal y al-Muqaddas (ambos m. después 378/988).

1. Introducción

En otros variados lugares se ha tratado de la economía en al-Andalus,1 pero en ninguno se ha insistido suficientemente sobre los aspectos que tienen que ver con la economía política de al- Andalus, un estado de raigambre confesional islámica (también podría decirse “superestructura”) que posee una administración centralizada de los recursos económicos, y que, dependiendo de la fuerza del poder central y del momento, en unos casos lo conseguirá, y en muchos otros períodos serán las dinámicas regionales y locales las que primarán en la evolución económica. En este sentido, fuera de cualquier coyuntura, hay que resaltar que la economía andalusí estaba ya regida en la época de Almanzor (gobierna de 978-1002/367-392) por una legislación claramente establecida y conocida, algunos de cuyos tratados tenían ya más de un siglo. Pero sin necesidad de

1. Remitimos al buen resumen sobre los datos conocidos de Chalmeta, Pedro. “An Approximate Picture of the Economy of al-Andalus”, The legacy of Muslim Spain, Salma Khadra Jayyusi, ed., chief consultant Manuela Marín. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1992: 741-758; Otros estudios anteriores más específicamente sobre la economía del al-Andalus del s. X son los de: Imamuddin, Sayyid Muhammad. The Economic History of Spain (under the Umayyads, 711-1031 A. C.). Dacca: Asiatic Society of Pakistan, 1963: XVII + 537 (Es la publicación en inglés de la Tesis que realizada merced a una beca del estado español, defendió en Madrid en 1956; reseñada por Martínez Montávez, Pedro. "La economía en la España omeya”. His- pania, XXV/99 (1965): 429-440); Arié, Rachel. “La vie économique dans l’Espagne musulmane”, Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Vorderen Orients in islamischer Zeit, Bertold Spuler, ed. Leiden-Köln: E.J. Brill, 1977: 239-254; Chalmeta, Pedro. “Sources pour l’histoire socio-économique d’al-Andalus: essai de systématisation et de bibliographie”. Annales Islamologiques, XX (1984): 1-14; Chalmeta, Pedro. “España musulmana. La sociedad andalusí. La economía. Instituciones”, Historia General de España y América. III. El fallido intento de un Estado Hispánico Musulmán (711-1085), Vicente-Ángel Álvarez Palenzuela, coord. Madrid: Ediciones Rialp, 1988: 459-543; Córdoba de la Llave, Ricardo. “Las actividades económicas”, Abdarrah- man III y su época, Emilio Cabrera, coord. Córdoba: Caja Provincial de Ahorros de Córdoba, 1991; y varios apuntes sobre economía e impuestos pueden hallarse en: Vallvé, Joaquín. El califato de Córdoba. Madrid: Mapfre. 1992: 1-351.

330 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 330 08/06/2009 8:16:43 h

remontarnos a fuentes orientales, hay un claro ejemplo de tratado económico que sabemos fue is g l

conocido y seguido en el al-Andalus mlik. n

Por otro lado, hemos querido mostrar la realidad económica de al-Andalus a través de un meca- E in

nismo regulador de la economía que fue utilizado en numerosas ocasiones por el poder para paliar n

las hambrunas y garantizar la tranquilidad social, a la par que las economías regionales. Hablamos t t e i de los alorines, una institución económica que hunde sus raíces en la annona militaris del mundo r W

romano, pero que por los datos que poseemos, en el al-Andalus califal contribuyó a paliar las ham- t

bres y enriquecer a sus administradores. no

Finalmente, nos fijaremos en los dos más importantes geógrafos orientales contemporáneos s para mostrar el panorama económico que Ibn awqal y al-Muqaddas quisieron reflejar de al-An- e x t T dalus, una península que conocieron en primera persona, precisamente en la época en que Ibn Ab t h e

‘mir, Almanzor, comenzaba su ascenso al poder. Aunque sus informes sobre al-Andalus hayan f o

sido calificados de claramente parciales —especialmente en el caso de Ibn awqal—, sus obras re- s

visten gran interés porque sus autores tuvieron información de primera mano de lo que refieren, a l in g y en segundo lugar, porque ambos han contribuido a crear una imagen en el mundo islámico del i r

al-Andalus rico y esplendoroso. O

2. Relación entre la teoría económica islámica y la administración económica real

El madhab de al-Awz‘ (ob. 157/774), y su normativa regulaba minuciosamente todo lo rela- tivo al reparto del botín. Su doctrina jurídica es claramente fruto de una sociedad en expansión, que busca ser equitativa en el reparto de la tierra y bienes inmuebles tomados. Pero una vez asen- tado el nuevo estado musulmán se hará necesaria otra estructuración diferente del derecho, en sintonía con una administración mucho más compleja. Esta normativa se desarro lla desde el primer período ‘abbsí, con obras como las de: Ab Ysuf Ya‘qb Ibn Ibrhm al-Anr (ob. 182/799): Kitb al-jar; Yayà Ibn dam (ob. 203/819): Kitb al-jar; Ab ‘Ubayd al-Qsim Ibn Sallm (ob. 224/839): Kitb al-amwl; Ab l-Far Qudma Ibn a‘far Ibn Qudma al-Ktib al-Bagdd (ob. 320/932): Kitb al-jar wa-in‘at al-kitba y Ab l‑ aasan ‘Al al‑Mward (364-450/974-1058): Al‑Akm as‑sulnya.2 Las referidas obras de economía política, o de administración económica, muestran la larga trayectoria de Oriente en cuanto a su codificación, pero también en el Occidente musulmán hay notables ejemplos de ello,3 tales como las obras de ad-Dwd y la de Ibn azm. Aquí, surgen en el siglo IV/X, al hilo de la necesidad de aclaración de la licitud de las posesiones inmuebles, que a su vez es consecuencia de la necesidad de restitución de numerosas injusticias por parte de los poderosos, que se habían dado al pillaje y tomado tierras sobre las que no poseían los legítimos derechos. Entre

2. A ellas habría que añadir otras posteriores, como las de Ibn al‑Farr’ (ob. 458/1066). Al‑Akm as‑sulnya; Ab l-Fara ‘Abd ar-Ramn Ibn Raab al-anbal (ob. 795/1393). Kitb al-istijr li-akm al-jar, por no citar sino los tratados más importantes. Sobre las obras de materia económica es básico confrontar la obra Taxation in Islam, ed. A. Ben Shemesh. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965‑1969, 3 vols., así como el artículo de Chalmeta, Pedro. “Una obra de ‘materia económica’: ‘el Kitb fi’at al-amwl de al-Dwd’”, Actas del IV Coloquio Hispano-Tunecino (Palma de Mallorca, octubre a noviembre de 1979). Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura, 1983: 63-78. 3. Añádase a la obra de ad-Dwd la epistola de Ibn azm (384-455/994-1063). Rislat at‑talj li‑wuh at-tajl (obra redactada con posterioridad al 426/1035), ed. y trad. parcial Asín Palacios, Miguel. “Un códice inexplorado del cordobés Ibn azm”. Al‑Andalus, 2 (1934): 1‑56.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931 331

Originals.indd 331 08/06/2009 8:16:45 h

is ellas destacaremos la obra de ad-Dwd que, basada en una casuística real, hay fundados datos de

g l 4

n que se utilizó en al-Andalus y que influyó más allá del la época final del califato omeya.

E Ab a‘far Amad Ibn Nar ad‑Dwd (o ad‑D’d) al‑Mlik al‑Asad (m. 402 ó 411/1011·2 in

n ó 1020·1) —según el q ‘iy— fue un alfaquí originario de Masla (otros dicen que de Biskra)

t t e que residió en Trípoli de Libia —donde compuso su comentario sobre el Kitb al-Muwaa’—, tras i r ladándose luego a Tremecén, donde fallece en 402 (aunque hay quien dice que fue en el 411). W

t Coinciden sus biógrafos en que fue un destacado mlikí magrebí, alfaquí virtuoso, exacto, polígrafo

no admirable y fecundo, dotado de conocimientos lingüísticos, de ad y de ciencia especulativa, tam  s bién era bondadoso.5 Fue discípulo de Ab Isq Ibrhm Ibn ‘Abd Allh az‑Zubayd al‑Qalnis e x t (ob. 359/969), y de él aprendieron Ab ‘Abd al‑Mlik Marwn al‑Bn (ob. 440/1048), Ab Bakr T Ibn Muammad Ibn Ab Zayd, Hayyn al-ab a‑ulayul, Ibn Fuays, e Ibn al‑Fara, Ibn Jayr t h e

f al-Išbl, y muchos otros. o

s Sus biógrafos, a saber: Q ‘Iy (m. 544/1150 ó 575/1179, según la fuente), Ibn Jayr (502- a l 575/1108-1179), Ibn al-Abbr (595-658/1199-1260) e Ibn Farn (720-799/1321-1397), coinci- in g i den en los rasgos básicos de su biografía. Ibn ‘Iy —que parece ser el más antiguo de ellos— afirma r

O que adquirió el conocimiento por sí mismo, siendo casi un autodidacta, reitera que su enseñanza era única y, que para fundamentar la mayoría de su saber no aducía a ningún imm famoso, llegando (a la solución) con su sola inteligencia (lo cual no resta valor ni ortodoxia a sus escritos). Afirma además que en Trípoli compuso su comentario F šar al-Muwa’, y entre otras obras menciona la que titula como Kitb al-amwl.6 Tanto Ibn Jayr como el q ‘Iy aportan argumentos contradictorios; aunque escribieron los dos poco más de ochenta años después de la muerte de ad‑Dwd, la biografía del segundo parece más completa y fundamentada. escribió un tratado mlikí de derecho musulmán que hay que situar entre las obras de tema jurídico-económico conocido como Kitb al‑amwl (Kitb fi’at al‑amwl en lectura de P. Chalmeta, también aludido en ocasiones como Kitb f l‑amwl wa l‑maksib).7 En base a una referencia de

4. En cuanto a la trascendencia de la obra de ad-Dwd es citada como fuente por Ab l-Wald Muammad Ibn Rušd al-Qurub (450-520/1058-1126). Kitb al-Muqaddimt li-aw’il kutub al-Mudawwana; Ab ‘Abd Allh Mu ammad Ibn Amad al-Anar al-Qurub (ob. 671/1273). Tafr al-Qur’n, o por Ab ‘Abd Allh Muammad Ibn Amad Qsim Ibn Sa‘d al-‘Uqbn  at-Tilimsn (ob. 871/1467). Tufat an-nz.ir wa-gunyat ad-dkir, por no citar a otros compiladores que la emplearon, como el propio Ab l-Abbs Amad Ibn Yayà al-Wanšars (834-914/1430-1508). Al-Mi‘yr al-mugrib. Estas circunstancias permiten concluir que el Kitb al-amwl de ad-Dwd fue largamente estudiado por los juristas de al-Andalus y del Mágreb, siendo referencia básica del derecho mlik durante más de 500 años después de la muerte del autor. Para más detalles sobre obra, género al que pertenece, u otros tratados de igual temática o sobre las que influyó ésta, remitimos a las páginas 1-3 y 19-20 de la introducción a su edición árabe completa: Šaraf ad-Dn, Abu Muhsin Muhammad. Kitb al-amwl. Ab Ja‘far Amad Ibn Nar ad-D’d (t. 402 H./1011). Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1995/1416: 1-3, 19-20. 5. Q ‘Iy (476-544/1083‑1150). Tartb al-madrik, ed. (parcial árabe) Muammad a-alb. Tarim aglabya mustajraa min Madrik al-Q ‘Iy. Biographies aghlabides. Extraites des Madrik du Cadi ‘Iy. Túnez: mi‘ at-Tnisya, 1968: 369- 70, 430. Sobre autor y obra ver el estudio introductorio a la edición árabe y traducción inglesa de: Šaraf ad-Dn, Abu Muhsin Muhammad. Kitb al-amwl. Ab Ja‘far Amad Ibn Nar ad-D’d (t. 402 H./1011). Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1995/1416: 1-12, así como en el artículo de Chalmeta, Pedro. “Una obra de ‘materia económica’... “: 66-73. 6. Q ‘Iy. Tartb al-madrik, ed. (árabe) Ahmad Bakr Mamd. Beirut: Dar Maktabat al-Hayat, 1968: IV, 623-624. 7. Ab a‘far Amad Ibn Nar Ad-Dwd (o Ad-D’d) al-Mlik al-Asad (Masla-Tremecén, ob. 402/1011). Kitb al- amwl (o Kitb fi’at al-amwl, o Kitb f l-amwl wa-l-maksib), edición árabe parcial y traducción francesa del tercer Dikr de la segunda parte: Abdul Wahab, Hasan Husni.; Dachraoui, Farhat. “Le régime foncier en Sicile au Moyen Age (IXe. et Xe. siècles) Édition et traduction d’un chapitre du ‘Kitb al-amwl d’al-D’d’”, Études d’orientalisme dédiées à la mémoire de Lévi-Provençal. París: G.-P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 1962: II, 401-444, edición árabe página 405-427, traducción francesa 428-444; edición árabe del capitulillo 26: Dachraoui, Farhat. “Fal min Kitb f l-amwl wa-l-maksib li-l-D’d”. awlyt al-mi‘at at-Tnisya, IV (1967): 83-100; edición árabe completa con introducción y notas del “unicum” escurialense y traducción inglesa de: Šaraf ad-Dn, Abu Muhsin Muammad. Kitb al-amwl. Ab Ja‘far Amad Ibn Nar ad-

332 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 332 08/06/2009 8:16:46 h 8 9 Ibn Jayr y al propio estilo de la obra, Pedro Chalmeta apuntó la hipótesis de que no fue com- is g l

puesta por el autor, sino que se trata de unos nawzil o compilación de respuestas dadas por el n

propio ad‑Dwd a cuestiones y asuntos concretos que le fueron planteados. Así se explicaría que E in

ad‑Dwd no redactara ni enseñara esta obra (en cuyo caso los biógrafos la habrían incluido entre n

su producción). El Kitb al‑amwl habría sido compilado por alguno de sus discípulos, y habría t t e i circulado por el Mágreb y al-Andalus sin autoría primero, luego bajo la del compilador, y muerto r W

éste, se habría reasignado a ad‑Dwd. Por tanto, disintiendo con Ibn ‘Iy, afirma que se trataría t

de un cuerpo doctrinal, más que propiamente de un tratado. no

s Esta obra consta de cuatro partes (az’), en las que desde una óptica mlik, se trata acerca de los principales recursos del estado, la administración militar, del derecho de paz y de guerra, y se e x t T contempla toda una normativa relacionada con los impuestos, los cautivos, el botín y su reparto, t h e

etc., aportándose sentencias del autor sobre casos relativos al Mágreb, Sicilia y al-Andalus. También f o 10 trata de las propiedades ilegalmente adquiridas y sobre las abandonadas y sin propietario legal. Es s

uno de los más antiguos tratados conservados sobre temas de impuestos, y versa no sólo de casuís- a l in g tica general, sino de casos particulares de al-Andalus, Sicilia y el Mágreb. i r

Parece evidente que estamos ante una serie de planteamientos jurídicos producto de un am- O biente real, en que abundan las situaciones hereda das y hay un afán de adecuarlas a la realidad y de regularizarlas. Es por ello que de los 28 epígra fes de la obra, los de cariz más “teórico” son cortos, antiguos y poco polémicos, mientras que los que son trasunto de una realidad son muchos más largos, contemporá neos al autor, poco “tradicionistas” en cuanto a su exposición y con claro matiz de controversia.11 Esta peculiaridad de tratado realista y práctico lo hace especialmente interesante y valioso para la construcción de una historia social y económica. Aunque stricto sensu no sea una obra de materia económica, sí lo es de teoría económica del estado, y por ello hay que tenerla muy

D’d (t. 402 H./1011). Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1995/1416: 1-170 + 1-225, obra que hemos tomado como referencia de base (reed. Árabe New Delhi: Kitab Bhavan, 1999), y hay otra edición árabe.: Šda, Rida Muammad Salim. Kitb al-amwl li-Amad Ibn Nar ad-Dwdí. Rabat: Markaz At-Tur al-Magrib, 1988, así como la de Al-Fili, Najib Abdul Wahab. A critical edition of Kitab al Amwal by Abu Jafar Ahmad al-Dawudi. University of Exeter, 1989. Destaca bles estudios sobre la obra, son el breve análisis de las primeras páginas de Sharfuddin, Abu Muhsin Muhammad. “Ab Ja‘far al-Dwd’s ‘Kitb al-amwl’”. Islamic Studies, 4 (1965): 441-448, así como la presentación y estudio preliminar del ms. escurialense de Chalmeta, Pedro. “Una obra de ‘materia económica’: el Kitb fi’at al-amwl de al-Dwd’”...: 66-68. Aunque la ortografía del manuscrito, tal como lo emplea su editor y traductor inglés corresponde con transcrip- ción “ad-D’d”, compartimos el criterio de los arabistas occiden tales que, evitando un arcaísmo gráfico, han transcrito “ad-Dwd” con una ortografía modernizada. 8. Ibn Jayr al-Išbl (502-575/1108-1179). Fahrasa ma rawhu ‘an šuyjihi min ad-dawwn al-musannafa f urb al-‘ilm, ed. Francisco Codera, Julián Ribera. Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana. Index librorum de diversibus scientiarum ordinibus quos a magistris didicit Abu Bequer Ben Khair. Madrid: Michaelem Romero, 1893-1895: IX-X, 247-248. Llega Pedro Chalmeta a esta conclusión por el hecho de que Ibn Jayr no cita ésta entre las obras de ad-Dwd mientras que, en otro lugar de la Fahrasa (p. 440), se ufana el «haber aprendido cuanto compuso Amad Ibn Nar ad-Dwd, con iza». Con razón se extraña Pedro Chalmeta de que no cite el Kitb al-amwl y ponga énfasis en que ha aprendido de él toda su ciencia (Chalmeta, Pedro. “Una obra de ‘materia económica’: ‘el Kitb fi’at al-amwl de al-Dwd’”…). 9. Se dice en el texto: “fue preguntado …”, “le preguntaron …”, “respondió el autor …”, “opinó …”, etc. 10. Está dividida en cuatro partes (az’), y éstas en un total de 26 capítulos (ful), que comienzan con la palabra ikr y son: Preámbulo (ff.1v-2r); 1ª parte (ff. 2r-14r), en que trata en esencia de los bienes que caen en manos del suln, del botín, del quinto, y de la puesta en cultivo de las tierras del jar; 2ª parte (ff. 14r-29v), que versa sobre el dwn y la percepción de pensiones, del botín, diezmo de las tierras, recuperación de tierras abandonadas por los musulmanes en Ifrqiya, al-Andalus y Sicilia y herencia de las pensiones; 3ª parte (ff. 29v-43v), sobre los derechos y el comportamiento con los cautivos, las treguas, así como varios epígrafes dedicados al pago de los impuestos, tanto la izya de los immes, como la adaqa de los musulmanes y casuística diversa sobre el combate, y 4ª parte (ff. 43v-55v.), sobre los bienes de propietarios desconocidos, sobre quén ha de considerase pobre y acerca de la riqueza. 11. Según Chalmeta, Pedro. “Una obra de ‘materia económica’: el Kitb fi’at al-amwl de al-Dwd’”...: 72-73.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931 333

Originals.indd 333 08/06/2009 8:16:47 h

is en cuenta, pues sus postulados nos ayudarán a entender mucho mejor la sociedad andalusí y ma- g l

n grebí de finales del s. X, y con toda seguridad los alfaquíes exigieron la aplicación de su contenido

E normativo por parte del poder omeya. in

n En ella hallamos la clave de las pautas de la regulación de los impuestos obligatorios, tales como 12

t t e la adaqa de los musulmanes o la izya de los dimmes, hasta epígrafes específicos sobre el botín,

i  r los bienes abandonados, la correcta administración de lo incautado durante el combate (con una W

t larga casuística sobre ello), el estatus de cautivos y cómo han de ser consideradas sus posesiones.

no Por otro lado, en la misma se han recogido los conceptos legales de aplicación obligatoria en la

s sociedad islámica que fue al-Andalus. De este modo, la hemos utilizado para investigaciones tan e x t diversas como la comprensión del estatus legal de las tierras de la meseta Norte, abandonadas tras T la reorganización de las fronteras del s. IX13, o para entender el concepto de “ayuda social” al nece- t h e

f sitado, remitiendo a sus definiciones sobre menesteroso, pobre y necesitado, que con tanto detalle o 14 s especifica. Por lo antedicho, deseamos reivindicar este tratado, que siendo un complemento de

a l los grandes manuales del mlikismo, muestra la legislación aplicada en el Occidente musulmán, in g i recogiéndose en él una normativa del ámbito económico-social del derecho público y del privado r

O que no se encuentra tan detallada en las obras de Mlik Ibn Anas o de Sann.

3. Algunos mecanismos de regulación de la “economía real” por parte del estado

La intervención del estado califal en la economía general de al-Andalus no podía ser directa, tal y como hoy lo entendemos, sino que se articulaba mediante mecanismos indirectos e intermedia- rios. De este modo, cuando la historiografía marxista calificó al régimen económico de las sociedades islámicas como “sistema tributario-mercantil”, haciendo así una diferenciación esencial del “sistema esclavista” precedente y del “sistema feudal”15 contemporáneo, se definió como un primer eje del mismo la relación exactiva de la clase social o grupo dirigente sobre la masa popular, manifestada mediante el pago de impuestos, mientras que otro eje quedaría configurado por la intensa relación mercantil del sistema, consecuencia a su vez de una economía claramente monetarista.16

12. Weir, Thomas Hunter.; [Zysow, Aaron]. “adaka”.. Encyclopédie de l’Islam/Encyclopaedia of Islam. (2nd edition; EI2). Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995: VIII, 510-526, en que se analizan: 1. adaka. dans le Kur’n; 2. adaka. dans le adth; 3. adaka. dans le droit islamique, y 4. La pratique de la adaka.. 13. Franco Sánchez, Francisco. “Consideración jurídica y religiosa de los territorios de la meseta y el Norte peninsular por el poder musulmán de al-Andalus”. Al-Andalus-Magreb, 7 (1999): 101-133. 14. Franco Sánchez, Francisco. ”La asistencia al enfermo en al-Andalus. Los hospitales hispanomusulmanes”, La Me- dicina en al-Andalus, Camilo Álvarez de Morales, Emilio Molina López, dirs. Granada: Fundación El Legado Andalusí, Consejería de Cultura de la Junta de Andalucía, 1999: 135-171. 15. Sobre la cuestión de si hubo o no feudalismo en al-Andalus, ver los análisis de Chalmeta, Pedro. “Le problème de la féodalité hors de l’Europe chrétienne: le cas de l’Espagne musulmane”, Actas del II Coloquio Hispano-Tunecino de Estu- dios Históricos (Madrid‑Barcelona, mayo de 1972). Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Arabe de.Cultura, 1973: 91-115, en especial páginas 93-96; Chalmeta, Pedro. “¿Feudalismo en al‑Andalus?”, Orientalia Hispanica, sive studia F. M. Pareja octogenario dicata. Volumen I: Arabica‑Islamica. Pars Prior, J. M. Barral, ed. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1974: 168-194 (especialmente las pá- ginas 173-177). 16. Acerca de la visión marxista de las sociedades islámicas remitimos a los análisis históricos y socio-económicos de Samir Amin, que en su traducción al español son: Amir, Samir. Clases y naciones en el materialismo histórico. Barcelona: Iniciativas Editoriales, 1979: 1-211; Amir, Samir. El desarrollo desigual. Ensayo sobre las formaciones sociales del capitalismo periférico. Barcelona: Fontanella, 1974, 1-427; Amir, Samir. Elogio del socialismo y otros escritos. Barcelona: Anagrama, 1978: 1-110; Amir, Samir. Sobre el desarrollo desigual de las formaciones sociales. Barcelona: Anagrama 1974: 1-154; Un aná- lisis cocincidente sobre la trascendencia real que ha supuesto los postulados marxistas en la historiografía, en general, pueden verse en dos obras tan diferentes como: Cardoso, Ciro Flamarión Santana; Pérez Brignoli, Héctor. Los métodos

334 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 334 08/06/2009 8:16:49 h

Articulada esta relación de modo tan general, no deja de ser un útil marco y elemento de análi- is g l

sis, pero poco más. La realidad, tal y como nos ha sido transmitida por las fuentes árabes, era que el n

gobierno central cordobés buscaba hacer efectivo el impuesto, recaudándolo a través de los gober- E in

nadores locales. Así enunciado esto, puede parecer una mera relación fiscal entre un(os) señor(es) n 17

y sus respectivos súbditos, pero, como ya hemos expresado en otro estudio con anterioridad, el t t e i pago del impuesto supone un “reconocimiento de soberanía” mediante el cual se está haciendo r W

algo más que el ejercicio de una fiscalidad obligatoria, se está realizando una obligación religiosa t

que afecta a la esencia misma de la “pirámide de la soberanía” islámica. Este “reconocimiento de no

legítima soberanía” hacia el gobernante musulmán es un acto político, pero también tiene implica- s ciones económicas y religiosas: como es sabido, el pago del impuesto legal (sea el de los cristianos e x t T o el de los musulmanes), es el modo en que se sustancia periódicamente este reconocimiento; su t h e

impago equivale a insubordinación, una rebeldía que trasciende de lo político y que significa el f o 18 abandono de las obligaciones jurídico-religiosas acordadas. Es decir, pago regular del impuesto s

equivale a la aceptación formal del acatamiento políti co-religioso, e impago significa rebeldía, no a l in g ya al poder terrenal establecido, sino al sistema político-religioso del cual es legítimo representante. i r

El impago del impuesto por un colectivo que haya pactado es ya motivo suficiente para considerar- O lo “fuera de la ley”, y más aún si hay una agresión activa a la comunidad musulmana, como sería el caso de los rebeldes al poder central, o de los reinos del norte peninsular. El impuesto legal ya ha quedado explicitado con anterioridad en su cualidad y obligación; a pesar de ello, los sucesivos gobiernos de Oriente y los de al-Andalus (especialmente a partir de la fitna) lo complementaron con otros impuestos ilícitos muk( s, magrim …) Ahora bien, queremos centrarnos en un aspecto que consideramos no ha recibido la merecida atención. Se trata de los graneros estatales o alorines, que según podemos colegir de las referencias de las fuentes árabes, fueron una herencia más del pasado romano en la estructura administrativa andalusí. Los, alfolíes, alhelíes o alorines19 eran los graneros públicos en los que se almacenaba esencialmente el grano, y posiblemente también los productos de más larga conservación, todos ellos fruto de los impuestos en especie pagados por los campesinos musulmanes. Estos, tenían la obligación

de la Historia. Barcelona: Crítica, 1977: 1-439 (páginas 59-70: “La concepción marxista de la historia, desde los años 20 a nuestros días”; páginas 70-72: “La influencia del marxismo en el pensamiento histórico contemporáneo”); Aróstegui, Julio. La investigación histórica: Teoría y método. Barcelona: Crítica, 1995: 1-428 (páginas 110-128: “El marxismo y la historiografía”). Un estudio de la deriva ideológica de un importane grupo de intelectuales egipcios desde postulados marxistas hacia el islamismo radical es la que ha hecho Gómez García, Luz. Marxismo, islam e islamismo: El proyecto de Adil Husayn. Madrid: CantArabia, 1996: 1-432. Finalmente otra lectura de la evolución de las ideologías árabes contempo- ráneas que busca explicar esa misma deriva intelectual es la de Charaffeddine, Fahima. Culture et ideologie dans le monde arabe: 1960-1990. París: éditions L’Harmattan, 1994: 1-244. 17. Franco Sánchez, Franco. “Consideración jurídica y religiosa de los territorios de la meseta y el Norte peninsular …”: 101-133. 18. En caso de impago del citado impuesto, el soberano musulmán está capacitado para reclamarlo; de ahí surge la relevancia religiosa que tienen las aceifas frente a los cristianos del norte (de la época de ‘Abd ar-Ramn III hasta la fitna, y en especial las de Almanzor), o frente a los rebeldes musulmanes de dentro del estado (época de ‘Abd ar-Ramn I, ‘Abd ar-Ramn II, ‘Abd ar-Ramn III). Ver más detalles en mi estudio citado en nota 17, y también esto lo ha tratado Míkel de Epalza en varios lugares, como: Epalza, Míkel de. “El derecho político musulmán y su influencia en la formación de Álava (siglos VIII‑XI)”, La formación de Álava. 650 Aniversario del Pacto de Arriaga (1332‑1982). Comunicaciones. Vitoria- Gasteiz: Diputación Foral de Álava/Arabako Foru Aldundia, 1985: 309‑310 (Estudios de Deusto, XXXII/2, fasc. 73 [1984]: 504‑518); Epalza, Míkel de. “Descabdellament polític i militar dels musulmans a terres catalanes (Segles VIII‑XI)”, Symposium Internacional sobre els orígens de Catalunya (Segles VIII‑XI), Frederic Udina, dir. Barcelona: Real Academia de Buenas Letras, 1991: I, 67-75. 19. Dozy, Reinhart; Engelmann, Wilhelm Hermann. “Alholí”. Glossaire des mots espagnols et portugais dérivés de l’arabe. Leiden: E.J Brill, 18692: 139.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931 335

Originals.indd 335 08/06/2009 8:16:50 h

is impositiva de entregar un porcentaje de la cosecha en concepto de impuesto; en general el diezmo g l

n de la misma.

E No sabemos que antes se haya apuntado un origen en la “annona militaris”20 del imperio romain

n no, pero, por lo que se sabe es más que posible, pues sus mecanismos son similares. En el estado

t t e romano el ejército a través de las vías construidas al efecto procedía a la recaudación del impuesto i r de la annona, constituido por trigo, aceite, vino, cebada, centeno, carne, legumbres, etc., y esta W

t annona estaba destinada a sufragar los gastos de las propias milicias. Los productos recaudados se

no almacenaban en graneros provinciales al efecto, las mansiones; una mansio era una estación acondi-

s cionada para que en ella pernoctasen soldados y funcionarios que viajaban por cuenta del Estado, y e x t con almacenes donde aprovisionarse ellos y sus tropas. A estos almacenes, silos o graneros llevaban T las respectivas contribuciones (annonae) los propietarios de su entorno, o si se trataba de comuni- t h e

f dades lejanas era el propio ejército quien acudía a por el impuesto. o

s En el caso andalusí hallamos su correlato en los qur, o ventas estatales, en algunos casos for-

a l tificadas, que se hallaban situadas a tramos regulares en los principales rutas peninsulares. Eran in g i ventas de lujo, casi palacetes (de ahí su derivación semántica posterior) en los que rendían jornada r 21 O los diversos señores y funcionarios estatales omeyas, y aún posteriores. Por otro lado, los graneros públicos no parece que en al-Andalus se hallaran asociados a ellos, sino que se habían centralizado provincialmente. La administración de estos silos públicos estaba encargada a los funcionarios locales, y conocemos de su existencia porque las fuentes árabes los citan como el origen de los pingües beneficios y fortunas que sus administradores conseguían de ellos. Así, la gerencia de los alfolíes de Córdoba revestía una especial importancia, por ser sede del poder central, por la gran cantidad de campesinos de las campiñas cordobesas que centralizaban allí sus impuestos en grano y especie, y por la trascendencia económica que tenían en general y cara a la ciudad en particular. Por ello se efec- tuaba regularmente el nombramiento y el control de la gestión de sus administradores encargados de ellos. Este control también se llevaba, aunque menos directamente, de la gestión de los encargados de los alfolíes provinciales, como lo demuestra una noticia de Ibn Bassm, quien recoge una carta de Ibn Šuhayd al rey taifa valenciano 'Abd al-Azz Ibn Ab 'mir (nieto de Almanzor), explicándole la promesa que se le había hecho de concederle una finca en Tudmr. El motivo era que el padre

20. De la extensísima bibliografía que cabría citar al respecto de la annona militaris destacaremos tanto los ya antiguos estudios de Berchem, Denis van. “L’annone militaire dans l’Empire romain au IIIe. Siècle”. Mémoires de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France, LXXX (1937): 117-202, y su Tesis Doctoral: Berchem, Denis van. Les distributions de blé et d’argent a la plèbe romaine sous l’empire. Ginebra: Georg et Cie., 1939: 1-182, como el de Pavis D’Escurac, Henriette. La préfecture de l’annone, service administratif impérial, d’Auguste à Constantin. Roma: École Française de Rome, 1976: I-XIII, 1-473. Gonzalo Arias ha seguido las ideas de Denis van Berchem e incluso las ha desarrollado en lo que concierne al estudio filológico del conocido como itinerario de Antonino; su deuda científica hacia Denis van Berchem la ha reconocido en el reciente artículo: Arias, Gonzalo. “Tras las huellas de van Berchem”. El Miliario Extravagante, 82 (2002): 20-26, en el que glosa su labor como investigador de la antigüedad romana. A él le debemos la teoría de que el Itinerario de Antonino son en realidad una serie de anotaciones itinerarias dispersas que agrupó un anónimo recaudador de la annona militaris romana, tesis que de la que ha hablado en diversos estudios de El Miliario Extravagante. Estudio complementario es el de Remesal Rodríguez, José. La annona militaris y la exportación del aceite bético a Germania. Madrid: Universidad Complu- tense, 1986: 1-284. 21. Ver el epígrafe a dedicado a la funcionalidad de los qur en Franco Sánchez, Francisco. Vías y defensas andalusíes en la Mancha Oriental. Alicante: Instituto de Cultura Juan Gil Albert- Conselleria d’Educació i Ciència de la Generalitat Valenciana, 1995: 1-402, así como Rubiera Mata, María Jesús. “El rey Lobo de Murcia, Ibn Mardanish (1147-1172): promotor de la construcción de alcázares viales”, Imágenes y promotores en el arte medieval. Miscelánea en homenaje a Joaquín Yarza Luaces. Bellaterra: Servei de Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2001: 191-194.

336 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 336 08/06/2009 8:16:51 h

de Ibn Šuhayd había sido nombrado por Almanzor gobernador de Tudmr y de Valencia y le había is g l

cedido para su explotación la mencionada finca, situada en un lugar indeterminado; tras nueve n

años de gobernador, vuelve voluntariamente su padre a Córdoba cargado de enormes riquezas: E in

«cuatrocientos dinares de oro procedentes de la venta de productos; objetos de oro con un valor de 100.000 n 22

dinares; documentos de propiedad de quinientas cabezas de ganado y doscientos esclavos selectos» . El gober- t t e i nador Ibn Šuhayd presenta la lista de ganancias a Almanzor para que le indique el impuesto que r W

debe pagar por ellas, quejándose del alto precio del grano que precisa para alimentar a los esclavos t

y el ganado; Ibn Ab ' mir, en un alarde de generosidad, le exime de impuestos y le concede dos no

  mil almudes de cereal, la mitad de trigo, y la otra mitad de cebada, que debía retirar de los alfolíes s o graneros estatales de Villena (Fillna), situados cerca de su finca. e x t T Mª J. Rubiera identificó estos graneros del Šarq al-Andalus citados en la partida deLos Alorines/ t h e

Els Alforins, interesante caso de derivación de un mismo étimo árabe (al-hur, pl. al-ahr’) en caste- f o

llano y en valenciano simultáneamente, separados ambos por una frontera regional y lingüística, s

a pesar de ser la misma partida. La causa de la doble derivación toponímica estriba en la enorme a l in g amplitud de la citada partida (que abarca una gran región entre los actuales municipios de Caude i r

te, Villena y Onteniente) y que desde la Edad Media la frontera lingüística ha dividido la partida O y ha dado lugar a la doble denominación.23 Esta partida de Los Alorines/Els Alforins fronteriza entre los reinos de Castilla y Valencia fue motivo de varios pleitos por su posesión y lindes, siendo aún hoy de paso.24 Estos almacenes de la cora de Tudmr estaban ubicados en una zona estratégica: lejos de la costa, la referida comarca ofrece la suficiente sequedad como para garantizar un correcto almacenamiento del grano. Además, estos se hallaban en el nudo viario de del itinerario Játiva / Villena / valle del Vinalopó / Murcia / el de Villena / Caudete y Balazote, de la Vía Augusta y del Camino de Aníbal, respecti vamente, siendo equidistantes de los grandes centros urbanos de toda la región. Son todas razones convincentes como para garantizar verosimilitud a tal identificación toponímica. Un siglo antes también al-Gazzl (156-250/772-864), el poeta áulico de la corte de ‘Abd ar- Ramn II, cuando fue encargado de los alfolíes de la cora de Jaén, se enriqueció notoriamente durante un período de escasez. Al igual que los alfolíes de Tudmr, estos de la cora de Jaén también estaban situados en otro enclave viario, aunque desconocido para nosotros: en Bal Marwn o Calzada de Marwn.25 Nueva relación con la vialidad que —como en el caso de la annona— obe- decería a dos razones: necesidad de estar situados en un nudo vial, para facilitar el acceso desde cualquier lugar de la cora a las poblaciones que acudieran a entregar el impuesto o a recoger granos

22. Ibn Bassm (m. 542/1147). A-ajza f masin ahl al-azra, ed. Isn 'Abbs. Túnez-Beirut: Dr al-'Arabya li-l-Kitb, 1975: I, 193. 23. Rubiera Mata, María Jesús. “Los precedentes geopolíticos musulmanes del señorío de Villena”, Congreso de Historia del Señorío de Villena. Albacete 23-26 octubre 1986. Albacete: Instituto de Estudios Albacetenses de la Excma. Diputación de Albacete- C.S.I.C.-Confederación Española de Centros de Estudios Locales, 1987: 360; Rubiera Mata, María Jesús. Vi- llena en las calzadas romana y árabe. Alicante: Ayuntamiento de Villena-Universidad Alicante, 1985: 1-62; Rubiera, María Jesús; Epalza, Míkel de. Xàtiva musulmana (segles VIII-XIII). Xàtiva: Ajuntament de Xàtiva, 1987: 60-61. 24. Véase Gironés Guillem, Ignasi. Els Pergamins d’Ontinyent. Ontinyent: Ajuntament d’Ontinyent, 1991: 1-229; Gironès Guillem, Ignasi. “L’Ontinyent al segle XIV (Notes tretes del Curial del Justícia d’Ontinyent de 1343). El Diari més antic que es conserva a Ontinyent des de la conquesta. Un dels primers documents de censals de la Comunitat Valenciana”. Almaig. Estudis i Documents, X (1994): 37-45. Con detenimiento Vicent Terol ha estudiado este pleito conocido como “Los debats de Villena de 1425: un episodi inèdit” que tenía como “El teló de fons: el contenciós entre Ontinyent i Villena sobre els Alforins”: Terol i Reig, Vicent “’Los debats de Villena’ de 1425: cavalcades i enfrontaments fronterers en el preludi de la Guerra de Castella de 1429-1430”. Alba. Revista d’Estudis Comarcals d’Ontinyent i la Vall d’Albaida, 10 (1995): 17-34. 25. Vallvé, Joaquín. La división territorial de la España musulmana. Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1986: 281.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931 337

Originals.indd 337 08/06/2009 8:16:52 h

is de los mismos, y en segundo lugar, para que los cuerpos militares expedicionarios no tuvieran que g l

n separarse mucho de su camino cuando necesitaran obtener provisiones de los alfolíes estatales de

E las coras. in

n El destino de los cereales almacenados en los alfolíes era diverso. Al igual que en el caso del

t t e grano de la annona militaris romana, los cereales de los alorines estaban destinados a los altos i r funcionarios y ejércitos en sus desplazamientos, garantizándose de este modo no sólo la manu- W

t tención de personas y animales de carga, sino una seguridad y comodidad mínima en cualquier

no desplazamiento de un emisario o funcionario. También de los alfolíes se extraía grano para pagar

s las pensiones a las personas a las que el poder cordobés había concedido tal derecho; de los mismos e x t se pagaba en especie a las tropas acantonadas en las fortalezas provinciales, y de ellos se extraía T el grano necesario para ser transportado por la intendencia de las aceifas califales; de este modo, t h e

f al- akam II garantiza a Glib (que estaba en el Mágreb pasando un mal momento económico) o

s su sostén incondicional «aunque hubieran de agotarse las repletas arcas del tesoro y los atestados graneros

a l de al-Andalus».26 También poseían una medida-patrón fija para el cobro de impuestos y para las in g i transacciones económicas regionales relacionadas con ellos; así al- akam II señala una pensión r

O a uno de los señores beréberes acogidos al bando cordobés de «200 dinares (...) más diez almudes de trigo mensuales, según la medida-patrón del zoco, más dos cahices de cebada para las cabalgaduras, todas las noches, según la medida-patrón del alfolí».27 El tipo de tributación viene referida por la noticia (que hemos recogido en el Apéndice I) en que se habla de los impuestos ganaderos. Se trata del diploma concedido en raman del 362/ junio 973 por el califa al- akam II a algunos de sus aliados beréberes que deseaban cruzar de nuevo a sus regiones de origen en el Mágreb. Además de las recomendaciones religiosas y de las pautas fiscales acerca de los ganados, se explicita el comportamiento recaudatorio a seguir con los productos agrícolas:

Debe tomar de sus súbditos el azaque correspondiente a los bienes cosechados, así como el de los frutos que se encuentran en sus tierras, y la adaqa o limosna legal de los ganados, según los preceptos y prescripciones legales, sin disminuir, aumentar, ni alterar en nada estos preceptos, que son los siguientes:

(...) Ha de cobrarse azaque de todos los granos ensilados. No hay azaque por menos de cinco cargas (wasq), constando el wasq de sesenta s‘es, y equivaliendo el s‘ a cuatro almudes, según el almud del Profeta (¡Dios le bendiga y salve!). Por encima de cinco wasq, el azaque es la décima parte, si el terreno está regado por lluvias o fuentes, o la quinta parte, si es de secano o está regado por aceñas.

No se cobra el azaque sobre los higos, las nueces, las almendras, ni sobre las demás frutas frescas o secas. Se cobra, en cambio, sobre los dátiles y las uvas. El azaque de las aceitunas se cobra sobre el aceite, una vez prensado. No pesa el azaque sobre los tributarios dimmes, tanto hombres, como mujeres, ni sobre ninguno de sus bienes ni ganados. Sólo se les obliga al pago del impuesto de capitación o izya. Sin embargo, si hacen el comercio de un país con otro, deberán pagar la décima parte del producto de lo que vendan.

26. Ibn ayyn (377-469/987·8-1076). Kitb al-muqtabis f ta’rj ril al-Andalus: VII, ed Emilio García Gómez. El Cali- fato de Córdoba en el Muqtabis de Ibn Hayyn. Anales Palatinos del Califa de Córdoba al-Hakam II, por ‘s Ibn Ahmad al-Rz (360-364 H. = 971-975 J. C.). Traducción de un ms. árabe de la Real Academia de la Historia. Madrid: Sociedad de Estudios y Publicaciones, 1967: 165 (cap. 139). 27. Ibn ayyn (377-469/987·8-1076). Kitb al-muqtabis f ta’rj ril al-Andalus: VII, ed Emilio García Gómez. El Califato de Córdoba...: 187 (cap. 161).

338 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 338 08/06/2009 8:16:53 h

No debe apropiarse del azaque sino la octava parte, que Dios concedió a los que lo cobran, sin aumentar ni is 28 sobrepasar esta cantidad. g l n E in

También los graneros públicos tenían otra importante misión, puesto que en el caso de tempo- n

rales, ausencia de lluvia y, en general, de cosecha ruinosa, los granos ensilados eran garantía de que t t e i el año siguiente podría sembrarse de nuevo. La inseguridad climática (sequías, lluvias torrenciales, r W

malas cosechas en general, etc.) se veía paliada en alguna medida mediante el grano depositado en t

los alfolíes estatales, puesto que, en caso de coyuntura económica o climática desfavorable se cur- no

saba orden de ponerlo a la venta pública a un precio adecuado. Con ello, se paliaba la hambruna s del pueblo y se garantizaba la siembra venidera. En estos casos sabemos que los cereales almacena- e x t T dos se ponían a la venta a precio tasado y moderado, para romper así con los altísimos precios que t h e

llegaban a alcanzar los alimentos en períodos de carestía. f o

Por ello, los alorines se constituían como un medio muy eficaz para la regulación de los precios s

del grano y para paliar las carestías. Ya los romanos utilizaron los granos recaudados mediante la a l in g annona para idéntico fin, e incluso, en época bajoimperial, en algunas ocasiones los emperadores i r

dieron orden de que se sacara cereal a precio más bajo que el mercado, como medida populista O para controlar a una plebe cada vez más descontenta.29 Las fuentes árabes recogen de los registros del Estado cordobés con frecuencia estas contin- gencias económicas negativas, como en el caso del gran hambre del 397/812·3, que hizo morir a muchas personas de Šarq al-Andalus y fue origen de graves revueltas,30 por no citar sino una singular. Para ello se articularon los alfolíes. Así, por Ibn ayyn sabemos que la capital cordobesa pudo sobrevivir gracias al grano de los alfolíes, tras una grave sequía que duró todo el año 324/935·6: «Aquel año hubo en al-Andalus una sequía general, como nunca se había conocido ni oído de tan pertinaz, pues se prolongó durante el año, negando el cielo la lluvia hasta la última gota que pudiera humedecer la tierra, pero la gente disfrutó de buena situación, y los precios no subieron mucho por la pertinaz sequía, pues siguieron teniendo recursos abundantes, ya que se traían provisiones continuamente de todas partes y la pros- peridad era general, sin que hubiera miseria, manteniéndolos el sultán a través del mal momento, hasta que el año siguiente [3]25 (936·7) tuvieron lluvia. El que pudieran mantenerse así durante el año entero fue considerado maravilloso (…)».31 En esta misma línea, sabemos que como consecuencia de las hambrunas, carestía por mala cosecha, fuertes avenidas de los ríos y desgracias diversas, a las poblaciones afectadas les correspondía una exención general del impuesto legal. Por ello en los archivos palatinos cordobeses quedaron cuidadosamente anotadas todas estas circunstancias, a las que hay que añadir, eclipses, cometas, y

28. Ibn ayyn (377-469/987·8-1076). Kitb al-muqtabis f ta’rj ril al-Andalus: VII, ed Emilio García Gómez. El Califato de Córdoba…: 142-145 (cap. 112). 29. Berchem, Denis van. Les distributions de blé et d’argent a la plèbe romaine sous l’empire…: 1-182. 30. Ibn ‘Ir al-Marrkuš (m. ha. 711/1312). Al-Bayn al-mugrib, ed. (árabe) Évariste Lévi-Provençal. Ibn ‘Idr al- Marrkuš. Al-Bayn Al-Murib. Tome Troisième. Histoire de l’Espagne Musulmane au XIème. siècle. Texte arabe publié par la première fois d’après un manuscrit de Fès. París: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1930: II, 73; también en el anónimo ikr bild al-Andalus (s. VIII/XIV), ed. (árabe) y trad. (española) Luis Molina. Una descripción anónima de al-Andalus. Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1983: cap. 109. 31. Ibn ayyn. Kitb al-muqtabis, V, ed. (árabe) Pedro Chalmeta; Federico Corriente; Muhammad ub. Ibn ayyn. Al-Muqtabas V. Madrid-Rabat: Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura- Facultad de Letras, 1979: 259-260; Ibn ayyn. Kitb al-muqtabis, V, ed. y trad. (española) María Jesús Viguera, Federico Corriente. Crónica del califa ‘Abdarramn III an-Nir entre los años 912 y 942 (al-Muqtabis V). Zaragoza: Anubar, 1981: 287 (epígrafe “La sequía”).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931 339

Originals.indd 339 08/06/2009 8:16:54 h

is otros fenómenos astronómicos extraordinarios, que eran considerados presagio o relacionados con g l

n las desgracias. De este modo, gracias a la minuciosidad de los registros de la administración central,

E ar-Rz pudo anotarlas en los que, por ello, denominó E. García Gómez Anales Palatinos. in

n Pueden aducirse numerosos ejemplos en que se refleja esta exención de impuestos. Así, Ibn

t t e ayyn recoge que se le perdonan los impuestos del año 362 (comienzos de abril 973) a la cora de i r Jaén tras una sequía seguida de heladas;32 en el fondo de la noticia subyace la injusta reclamación W

t de una gran cantidad de madera, pez y alquitrán como impuestos legales que la Cora de Jaén debía

no proporcionar al gobierno central, siendo recaudados por el ‘mil de la cora de Jaén. En el epígrafe

s previo Ibn ayyn habla de una grave sequía y heladas que afectaron a Córdoba y «también a al- e x t gunas coras próximas a Córdoba», que habían acabado con sus cultivos.33 En estas circunstancias se T tomaba cumplida cuenta de este hecho en los anales de la administración cordobesa y se aplazaba t h e

f el pago de impuestos a las poblaciones locales. El cobro de los mismos por el gobernador de la cora o

s fue considerado como una gran injusticia. Para su reparación, presiona al-akam II enviando un

a l funcionario cordobés a vigilar la devolución del pago de los suministros en especie indebidamente in g i cobrados, haciéndose cargo el tesoro público de dicha devolución. r

O Cuando el estado omeya desaparece con la fitna, con él se difuminan todas las instituciones estatales, una parte de las cuales heredan los reyes de taifas que surgen a partir del s. XI. Apenas tenemos datos acerca de la institución de los alfolíes estatales después del califato, aunque cabe pensar que, dependiendo de las nuevas capitales taifales, seguirían centralizando su importante labor fiscal y desempeñando las funciones de corrección económica ya reseñadas. Es por ello que los citados alfolíes de la región Villena/Caudete/Onteniente cabe suponer que desempeñaran su función hasta comienzos del siglo V/XI, y probablemente después desaparecieran, aunque aún per- viva su huella toponímica. Y lo mismo cabría decir del resto de los graneros estatales del califato.

4. Dos informes sobre la economía en época de Almanzor: los relatos de Ibn awqal y al-Muqaddas

I. El geógrafo Ab l-Qsim Muammad Ibn ‘Al Ibn awqal (m. después 378/988), era origina rio de Nabn/Nísibe (Alta Mesopotamia/al-azra), donde pasó su infancia y adolescencia; entre 331/943 y 362/973 se dedicó a viajar sin tregua, realizando innumerables periplos. Parece que las principales ocupaciones de Ibn awqal fueron las de comerciante, y está probado que profesó el š‘ísmo, motivo por el que ha sido calificado también de misionero-sedicioso.34 En su largo periplo

32. «El mismo mes salió el ib aš-šura y zabazoque Amad Ibn Nar, cadí de la Cora de Jaén, para examinar la denuncia por algunos habitantes de la cora contra su gobernador (‘mil), el‘rid ‘Abd ar-Ramn Ibn Yawar», y «A fines de umdà II (del año 362/comienzos de abril 973) envió el califa al- akam al ib aš-šura y zabazoque Amad Ibn Nar a la Cora de Jaén, para inspeccionar las cantidades de madera, pez y alquitrán que el ‘mil de la cora Muammad Ibn ‘Abd l-Mlik había exigido de los vasallos habitantes de la misma. Estos habían, en efecto, recibido orden de proporcionar deter minadas cantidades de dichos productos y de transportarlos a Sevilla y Algeciras para las flotas que estaban en constucción; pero ahora el Califa decidió exonerarles de este suministro e incluirlo en sus gastos particulares, por benevolencia para con sus súbditos y comodidad de éstos. El ‘mil Muammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Mlik pagó a todas las gentes de los pueblos el importe de lo que habían suminis trado, a presencia de Amad Ibn Nar. La de- volución que se les hizo fue perfecta, y no fueron defraudados ni un ápice», Ibn ayyn (377-469/987·8-1076). Kitb al-muqtabis f ta’rj ril al-Andalus: VII, ed Emilio García Gómez. El Califato de Córdoba…: 123 (cap. 88), 129-130 (cap. 90). 33. Sequía y luego granizadas y heladas que se produjeron en los meses de marzo y abril del 973 y que «se extendió tam- bién a algunas coras próximas a Córdoba y abrasó buen número de viñas, higueras y otros cultivos», Ibn ayyn (377-469/987·8- 1076). Kitb al-muqtabis f ta’rj ril al-Andalus: VII, ed Emilio García Gómez. El Califato de Córdoba…: 129 (cap. 89). 34. En opinión de A. Miquel en lo que respecta a las opciones político-religiosas del autor, las profesiones de fe fimes dispersas por su obra permiten identificarlo como un sincero militante de este movimiento, aunque es difícil afirmar que

340 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 340 08/06/2009 8:16:55 h

vital, Ibn awqal viajó por el Mágreb y al-Andalus, refiriendo el relato en primera persona: Entré« is g l

en al-Andalus a comienzos el año 337 [11 de julio–9 agosto de 948], cuando la gobernaba Ab l-Muarrif n

‘Abd ar-Ramn (III) Ibn Muammad Ibn ‘Abd Allh Ibn Muammad Ibn ‘Abd ar-Ramn Ibn akam E in

Ibn Hišm Ibn ‘Abd al-Malik Ibn Marwn» ; ‘Abd ar-Ramn III se autoproclama califa en 316/929, n

pero no es mencionado en esta obra por su título califal de an-Nir li-Dn Allh como sería de t t e i esperar, lo cual podemos pensar que es coherente con el tono anti-omeya que tendrá el resto de r W

su relato. Sabemos que desde Cádiz viaja a Sevilla y recorre las regiones occidentales de la Bética, t

ascendiendo por los actuales Portugal y Extremadura, recorriendo Toledo y la meseta central pe- no

ninsular; también pasó por Córdoba. s Vuelve Ibn awqal a la península en una segunda ocasión en 363-4/974-5. Su obra fue escri- e x t T ta sobre el 367/977 (al menos en su primera versión) un año antes del acceso de Almanzor a la t h e

iba, motivo por el que hemos pensado que los datos económicos que quiso reflejar sobre al- f o

Andalus son importantes. Aunque no puede ser un elemento de datación, refiere que Almanzor s

“es el zabazoque actual de al-Andalus”. a l in g Por la gran cantidad y el tipo de información que transmite, pero sobre todo por el modo de i r

referir algunas de sus noticias sobre al-Andalus, desde R. Dozy hay casi general coincidencia en O afirmar que Ibn awqal debió ser un espía que se dedicó a recoger información en sus largos viajes como comerciante, para luego ponerla al servicio de los fimes magrebíes o de los ies de Orien te. Ibn awqal parece que tenía interés en aportar un informe completo y verídico de los recursos económicos y naturales de al-Andalus y de sus riquezas naturales; también en describir la situa ción y estado de los caminos y rutas, así como del estado de sus ejércitos y de su potencial militar. Es cuando se fija en el comercio cuando muestra su interés en los precios, producciones, y de modo general en la actividad económica. Como se puede apreciar, los datos son más genéricos que precisos, y si quiso recoger infor- mación de al-Andalus para ofrecérsela a los fimes, fue más para convencerles de las bondades generales y de la bonanza económica global de la península, que para proporcionarles unos datos precisos de ubicaciones, rutas o producciones, que sin duda conocerían por otros informadores o comerciantes más prolijos y exactos. II. Por su parte, Ab ‘Abd Allh Muammad Ibn Amad Ibn Ab Bakr al-Bann’ aš-Šam al- Muqaddas (o al-Maqdis), (ha. 334/946-ha. 390/1000) en su Asan at-taqs m f ma‘rifat al-aqlm también comparte los postulados de la “escuela de al-Balj”. En ella completa aquellos elementos en los que no se habían fijado sus predecesores, recogiendo así datos de geografía económica sobre: minas, lenguas y razas, costumbres, religiones y sectas, pesos, medidas y precios, divisiones territoriales, itinerarios y distancias, etc. Aunque reconoce no haber viajado personalmente a al-

fuera un d‘, misione ro fim, EI2: III, 810-811. 35. Ibn awqal (m. desp. 378/988), ed. (árabe) Johannes Hendrik Kramers. Opvs Geographicvm auctore Ibn awk. al (Ab l-K. sim Ibn awk. al al-Nab). Secundum textum et imagenes Codicis Constantinopolitani conservati in Bibliotheca antiqui Palatii nº. 3346 cui titulus est “Liber Imaginis Terrae”. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1938: I, 108-117; trad. francesa Johannes Hendrik Kramers: Wiet, Gaston. Ibn awqal. Configuration de la Terre (Kitb rat al-Ar). París-Beirut: Maissonneuve et Larose-Comission International pour la Traduction des Chefs-Oeuvre, 1964: I, 107-116. El gobierno de ‘Abd ar-Ramn III se extiende entre los años 300/912 a 350/961: primero como emir independiente entre 300-316/912-929, y como primer califa de al-Andalus entre 316-350/929-961; las razones de la asunción del título califal por éste pueden verse en Epalza, Míkel de. “Problemas y reflexiones sobre el califato en Al-Andalus”. Revista del Instituto Egipcio de Estudios Islámicos en Madrid, 18 (1981-1982) (Homenaje al Profesor Abdelaziz Al-Ahwani. Madrid: Instituto Egipcio de Estudios Islámicos, 1982): 59-73; Epalza, Míkel de. “Problemas y reflexiones sobre el califato en Al-Andalus”. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, 53 (1983): 569-581.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931 341

Originals.indd 341 08/06/2009 8:16:56 h

is Andalus, sí dice haber consultado numerosos informadores andalusíes acerca de su condición, y g l

n aunque desconocemos la fecha, por ser su obra algo posterior a la de Ibn awqal, pensamos que es

E plenamente contemporánea al gobierno de Ibn Ab ‘mir.36 in

n Como se aprecia a primera vista, esta obra es más sistemática en lo que concierne a la exposi-

t t e ción sobre los datos de al-Andalus (no así quizás para otras regiones) y, en contraste con la relación i r de Ibn awqal, ofrece abundantes datos sobre cada ciudad: situación, construcción, fortificación, W

t calidad de vida, datos económicos ligados a este concepto, etc. Recoge un buen número de loca-

no lidades y aporta un mayor número de datos económicos que su predecesor en la escuela pero, a

s pesar de ello, de lo referido es complicado extrapolar datos o extraer más conclusiones que las e x t meramente descriptivas. T t h e

o Apéndice I

a l Sobre la adaqa o impuesto canóni co sobre ganados, cosechas, oro y plata, informa Ibn ayyn in g i en noticia que recoge de ar-Rz. En raman del 362/junio 973 (ocho años antes de que asumiera r

O la iba Almanzor, en 981-371) despidió el califa al- akam II a algunos de sus aliados beréberes que desearon marchar de nuevo camino de sus tierras del Mágreb. Junto con espléndidos regalos les dio un diploma –que en realidad es una especie de “constitución”– en que incluye una serie de normas básicas de tipo religioso, fiscal, social y político. Este documento recoge las pautas concretas a seguir sobre los citados aspectos, tanto dentro de su comunidad, como cara a sus relaciones con sus vecinos š‘íes. Recogido íntegramente por ar-Rz y copiado por Ibn ayyn, el documento le fue otorgado al más notable de todos ellos, Ab l-‘Ayš Ibn Ayyb «este diploma que le confería la autoridad legítima sobre sus gentes las cábilas de Kutma», además «en este día, en que se les dio permiso para partir, les fueron entregados a todos los jefes beréberes (...) a quienes se concedía el mando sobre las cábilas de su jurisdicción, los diplomas que les acreditaban, redactados según el texto del que se concedió al principal de ellos, Ab l-‘Ayš Ibn Ayyb». Son muchos y diversos los epígrafes de esta normativa que les impone al- akam II que se refieren a los diversos impuestos legales, pues aluden a granos, ganados, oro y plata, etc.

«Debe tomar de sus súbditos el azaque (adaqa) correspondiente a los bienes cosechados, así como el de los frutos que se encuentran en sus tierras, y la adaqa o limosna legal de los ganados, según los preceptos y prescripciones legales, sin disminuir aumentar, ni alterar en nada estos preceptos, que son los siguientes:

El azaque del oro y de la plata (...) El azaque de los camellos (...) En el ganado menor, a partir de cuarenta cabezas (pues por debajo de este número no hay azaque) y hasta ciento veinte, el azaque será una cabeza de ganado. Desde ciento veinte a doscientas, será de dos cabezas, y desde doscientas a trescientas, tres. Si pasan de trescientas, el azaque será de una cabeza por cada centena.

En el ganado bovino, a partir de treinta cabezas (pues por debajo de este número no hay azaque) y hasta llegar a cuarenta, el azaque es de un novillo de dos años cumplidos (tab‘). Al llegar las reses a cuarenta, el

36. Al-Muqaddas (ha. 334-después 378/ha. 946-después 988), ed. (árabe) Michael Jan de Goeje. Bibliotheca Geographo- rum Arabicorum. Pars Tertia. Descriptio Imperii Moslemici auctore Al-Mokaddasi. Lugduni-Batavorum: E. J. Brill, 1877: 1-7+8- 499. Trad. inglesa de toda la obra: Collins, Basil Anthony; Hamid al-Tai, Muhammad. The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions. A Translation of ‘Asan at-taqsm f ma‘rifat al-aqlm’. Reading: Centre for Muslim Contribution to Civiliza- tion-Garnet Publishing Limited, 1994: I-XXVIII + 1-460. Véase el capítulo sobre la provincia del Mágreb, que incluye al-Andalus: 215-245 (árabe), 198-222 (traducción inglesa).

342 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 342 08/06/2009 8:16:57 azaque es una vaca de tres años cumplidos (musinna). A partir de cuarenta, el azaque es un novillo de dos h años cumplidos por cada fracción adicional de treinta, o una vaca de tres años cumplidos por cada fracción is g l

adicional de cuarenta. n

No ha de juntarse lo separado ni separarse lo reunido para eludir la adaqa. Así, si tres hombres tienen en jun- E in to ciento veinte ovejas, a cuarenta cada uno, deberán pagar una sola oveja, y no tres como sería por separado; y si dos hombres tienen en junto doscientas una ovejas, deben pagar tres (siendo así que, si al llegar el cobrador n t t e

las separan, no debería pagar cada uno más que una oveja). i r W

En el pago de la adaqa debe tomarse la cabeza de ganado que ha echado los primeros dientes o la que es un t poco más joven; pero no ha de tomarse la que cría —o sea la ya parida—, ni la que se ceba para carne, ni el no

semental del ganado. s

(texto sobre el azaque de los productos agrícolas, copiado anteriormente) e x t T t h e

No pesa el azaque sobre los tributarios dimmes, tanto hombres, como mujeres, ni sobre ninguno de sus bienes f o ni ganados. Sólo se les obliga al pago del impuesto de capitación o izya. Sin embargo, si hacen el comercio de  s un país con otro, deberán pagar la décima parte del producto de lo que vendan. a l in g Debe el titular de este diploma obrar con justicia en la cobranza del azaque y en repartirlo entre las ocho i categorías de personas designadas por Dios Altísimo. Caso de no existir todas ellas en su país, las partes que r O correspondan a los que tienen derecho a ellas, o sea, los que hacen la guerra santa a los infieles y herejes, según decidan los caídes del Príncipe de los creyentes que operan en el Mágreb No debe apropiarse del azaque sino la octava parte, que Dios concedió a los que lo cobran, sin aumentar ni sobrepasar esta cantidad. No debe construir en parte alguna de la tierra que se le confía puesto aduanero que cobre peaje alguno de los pasajeros y viajeros, y no debe exigirles, ni por tierra, ni por mar, tributo, alcabala, contribución, impuesto alimenticio, ni extorsión o gasto que pese sobre sus bienes (… …)».37

Variados son los aspectos a considerar en este texto. En primer lugar, podemos suponer que esta normativa que se impone a los magrebíes aliados es la misma que regía en al-Andalus, pues muy genérica y acorde a lo estipulado en los tratados generales de economía administrativa islámica, y además los magrebíes habrían protestado si su azaque fuera mayor que el de los andalusíes. Sólo exceptuaríamos a los camellos, inexistentes en la Península (al menos en el número de cabezas reseñado). Estos impuestos legales tienen su base en el cobro sobre las producciones agrícolas, así como sobre las posesiones de oro y plata, y la de ganados. En este último caso se especifica primero y de modo detallado el correspondiente a los camellos, puesto que el documento se destinaba a los beré beres magrebíes. Luego se especifican los impuestos sobre el ganado menor y el mayor; en el caso del menor (ovejas y cabras) se comienza a pagar a partir de las 40 reses, y hasta 120 se paga una; en el caso del bovino, hasta 30 hay exención, y entre 30 y 40 se paga un novillo. Son importantes estos tramos impositivos, puesto que, en el caso de que se consideren iguales los azaques, hemos de concluir que en al-Andalus habría una gran riqueza ganadera. Es decir que en el s. IV/X los rebaños domésticos menores estaban eximidos del pago de tales impuestos, mientras que posiblemente haya que pensar que quien poseía un rebaño tendría un mínimo de 40 ovejas o cabras o de 30 bóvidos y que lo normal sería superar esta cifra.

37. Ibn ayyn (377-469/987·8-1076). Kitb al-muqtabis f ta’rj ril al-Andalus: VII, ed Emilio García Gómez. El Califato de Córdoba…: 143-145 (cap. 112).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931 343

Originals.indd 343 08/06/2009 8:16:59 h

is Son curiosas las correcciones impositivas que se enuncian seguidamente, que huyen de la ava- g l

n ricia fiscal. Ya que lo normal era reunir el ganado y contratar a un pastor que lo cuide, a la hora de

E tributar, el impuesto siempre será el más favorable a los propietarios. Igualmente es de reseñar el in

n que no se cobrara el impuesto legal de los musulmanes a los dimmhes, a no ser que comercien con

t t e los musulmanes (en cuyo caso deberán pagar también el diezmo) y la indicación de la octava parte i r que se quedaría el recaudador de tales impuestos. W

t Se prohíbe que a sus súbditos o viajeros les sean exigidos «ni por tierra, ni por mar, tributo, alcaba-

no la, contribución, impuesto alimenticio, ni extorsión o gasto que pese sobre sus bienes», lo cual entra dentro

s de la lógica, puesto que los impuestos citados son de carácter ilegal, y éste es un documento oficial. e x t Por otro lado, sabemos que en al-Andalus estas tasas ilícitas (por estar fuera de la sunna) existieron T durante el califato, fueron corrientes durante el período de las taifas, e incluso ya se han aportado t h e

f algunos ejemplos concretos sobre su presencia también en el período almohade y en el nazarí. En o

s el mismo sentido cabe entender la prohibición expresa de que se construyera «puesto aduanero que

a l cobre peaje alguno de los pasajeros y viajeros», de lo que podría concluirse que en al-Andalus durante in g i el período califal no existieron tales fielatos o peajes interiores (al menos legalmente autorizados), r

O pero del texto de Ibn awqal se deduce lo contrario (vide supra). Finalmente, entre las diversas conclusiones que pueden extraerse hay otra que tiene que ver con los albacares de las fortificaciones, como los lugares en los que la tropa local guardaría el ganado recaudado en concepto de adaqa, hasta su posterior venta (y conversión en dinero efectivo), o consumo.38 Porque, si queda claro el impuesto a pagar, y sabemos que el grano se ensilaba en los alorines, también habrían de ser estabulados estos ganados, aunque fuera momentáneamente, en algún recinto ad hoc.

Apéndice II

En un estudio sobre la economía de al-Andalus todavía no puede haber una conclusión. Sirvan de recapitulación gráfica y de síntesis los tres mapas que ofrecemos sobre la economía productiva peninsular en los siglos XI al XIII.39 Aunque ya se le noten los años, el trabajo de César Emilio Dubler “Sobre la vida económica en la Península Ibérica del siglo XI al XIII. Contribución a las relaciones islamo-cristianas” fue el primer estudio profundo, detallado y extenso sobre la economía andalusí. Centrado en los ss. XI al XIII, en él di- bujó una panorámica de las producciones y artesanías andalusíes en base a los geógrafos orientales, pero sobre todo a los datos de al-Idrs y de al- imyar, utilizando también profusamente la toponimia árabe,40 así como los datos que proporcionan las fuentes cristianas contemporáneas. Estos tres mapas los hemos traducido del alemán, y los recogemos porque creemos que, aunque haya algunos reparos que ponerles, son un buen elemento de aproximación al reparto de las producciones andalusíes.

38. Véase la explicación de Epalza, Míkel de. “Funciones ganaderas de los albacares, en las fortalezas musulmanas”. Sharq Al-Andalus. Estudios Árabes, 1 (1984): 47-54. 39. Dubler, César E. Über das Wirtschaftsleben auf der iberischen Halbinsel vom XI. zum XIII. Jahrhundert. Beitrag zu den islamisch-chistlichen Beziehungen. Ginebra-Erlenbach-Zürich: Librairie E. Droz-Eugen Rentsch Verlag, 1943: I-XIV + 1-186. Ver los detalles que sobre esta obra añadió García Gómez, Emilio en la elogiosa reseña que le hizo en Al-Andalus, 10 (1945): 472-474. 40. A pesar de lo novedoso de la utilización de la toponimia árabe como portadora de información histórica, hay que apuntar que Dubler asume los postulados de Miguel Asín, sin aportar otra cosa que una mera enunciación de topónimos y significados, y sin más crítica semántica o morfológica.

344 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 330-344. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 344 08/06/2009 8:17:00 h

Fidélité, amitié et amour dans is g l

la correspondance de Fulbert de Chartres n E in

An a l i e Ge r m a i n t t e i Uni v e r si t é d e Pr o v e n c e -Ai x -Ma r s e i l l e r W t no

s e x t Ré s u m é T t h e

Dans la lettre 51 de sa correspondance, Fulbert de Chartres propose une définition de lafidelitas f o

qui a longtemps été utilisée par les historiens pour définir les relations féodo-vassaliques. Dans s

l’ensemble de sa correspondance, Fulbert exprime ce lien social grâce à l’emploi d’un abondant a l in g vocabulaire de l’amitié et de l’affectivité. Il nuance ainsi les relations sociales exprimées dans le i r

cadre de la vassalité et de la fidélité et leur donne un contenu moral. Il définit amicitia,l’ en parti- O culier à l’attention du duc Guillaume d’Aquitaine, en insistant sur son aspect « utile » et sur son but, l’honestum ou le bien commun, termes que l’on trouvait déjà dans sa lettre 51 pour définir la fidelitas. L’amitié est alors un corollaire naturel aux relations de fidélité au sein du clergé ou dans le monde laïc. De même les relations de fidélité se doublent de l’emploi du vocabulaire de l’affectus qui traduit bien l’idéal de paix et de bien commun porté par l’évêque de Chartres dans la société féodale du début du XIe siècle.

La correspondance de Fulbert, évêque de Chartres entre environ 1006 et 1028, est une source fondamentale pour connaître l’organisation de la société féodale. De fait cet évêque, désigné par le roi Robert le Pieux après avoir été l’écolâtre de Chartres et réputé pour son érudition et sa piété, a laissé 131 lettres qui traitent de problèmes concrets, d’ordre juridique, ecclésiastique et religieux. Ces lettres traduisent la façon dont l’évêque s’est forgé un réseau de relations parmi les Grands de la société de ce début de XIe siècle : il correspond, par exemple, avec Robert le Pieux, Foulque Nerra comte d’Anjou, Guillaume duc d’Aquitaine ou Eudes II comte de Blois et Chartres, mais aussi avec des hommes d’Eglise tels qu’Odilon de Cluny ou Abbon de Fleury. Cette source invite à s’interroger sur la société du pouvoir dans la période de l’an Mil et sur ce que peut recouvrir la notion de féodalité.1 En effet Fulbert de Chartres a proposé dans la fameuse lettre 512 de sa correspondance (numé- rotation de l’édition de Frederick Behrends) une définition de la fidelitas, dans laquelle beaucoup d’historiens ont vu la définition des relations féodo-vassaliques, à l’attention de Guillaume, duc

1. Cet article fait suite à une communication présentée le 21 mai 2005 à Aix-en-Provence, dans le cadre des Rencon- tres Doctorales organisées conjointement par les laboratoires SICMA (Sociétés, Idéologies, Croyances au Moyen Age) de l’Université de Provence et CHREMMO (Centre Historique de Recherches Médiévales sur la Méditerranée Occiden- tale) de l’Université de Montpellier III-Paul Valery. Il s’inscrit dans le cadre de la préparation d’une thèse à l’université de Provence sous la direction de Madame H. Taviani-Carozzi. Je remercie les participants aux Rencontres Doctorales pour leurs conseils et leur soutien. Je remercie Madame H. Taviani-Carozzi de l’avoir relu. 2. La numérotation et le texte des lettres utilisés dans cet article renvoient à The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres, éd. Frederick Behrends. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1976. La traduction des lettres est personnelle.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931 345

Originals.indd 345 08/06/2009 8:17:01 h 3 is d’Aquitaine . En fait, il semble que l’évêque de Chartres joue sur les deux sens du mot fidelitas,

g l 4

n qui désigne aussi bien la relation féodo-vassalique dans son ensemble que la fidélité jurée . Ainsi

E il définit la relation de fidélité, qui fait partie du rituel vassalique mais englobe d’autres types de in

n relations, par les notions de securitas, de consilium et d’auxilium. De cette façon sa lettre peut servir

t t e de base pour établir les règles de la vassalité comme celles de tout type de fidélité. Fulbert insiste i r sur l’aspect moral de cette relation d’homme à homme, qui doit suivre des règles établies et qui W

t a pour but le bonum, l’utile et l’honestum, c’est-à-dire le bien commun et le bien souverain de la 5 no société féodale . Pour l’évêque de Chartres, cette relation est essentielle à la société de son temps

s : elle permet de moraliser et de hiérarchiser le monde des laïcs comme des clercs afin de favoriser e x t la paix et la justice. T Dans les 131 lettres qui constituent sa correspondance, cette notion de fidelitas et le champ t h e

f lexical qui lui est associé reviennent fréquemment et ils sont souvent liés à deux autres champs o

s lexicaux, ceux de l’amitié et de l’amour. Comment alors comprendre cette association entre le

a l vocabulaire d’une relation sociale et celui de l’affectivité ? Et quels sont les mots et les notions qui in g i peuvent justifier ce lien entre eux ? Fulbert de Chartres tente t’il d’appliquer à la relation de fidélité r

O un autre modèle, culturel et moral, et dans quel but ? Il convient d’étudier dans quels contextes, dans quelles circonstances et en fonctions de quelles nécessités ce vocabulaire propre à la fidelitas s’enrichit d’autres notions comme celles de l’ « amitié » et de l’ « amour ».

1. Fidélité et amitié dans les lettres de Fulbert de Chartres

Dans les lettres de Fulbert qui contiennent le champ lexical de la fidélité, on trouve donc parfois un autre champ lexical, celui de l’amicitia. Cette notion est héritée de l’Antiquité grecque et romaine6 : Cicéron, dans son traité De Amicitia, a transmis aux hommes du Moyen Age les conceptions antiques de cette relation sociale. A Rome, l’amicitia s’incarnait dans deux types de relations

3. Cette lettre est en particulier utilisée dans les ouvrages de référence suivants : Bloch, Marc. La société féodale. Paris : Albin-Michel, 1994 (première édition, Paris : Albin Michel, 1940) ; Ganshof, François-Louis. Qu’est-ce que la féodalité ? Paris : Tallandier, 1982 (première édition, Bruxelles : impr. de l’Office de Publicité, 1944) ; Boutruche, Robert.Seigneurie et Féodalité. I. Le premier âge des liens d’homme à homme. Paris : Aubier, 1968 ; Bournazel, Eric ; Poly, Jean-Pierre. La mutation féodale Xe-XIIe siècles. Paris : Presses universitaires de France, 1991. 4. Texte latin de cette lettre, selon The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres… :90-92: Glorioso duci Aquitanorum W(illelmo) F(ulbertus) episcopus oracionis suffragium. De forma fidelitatis aliquid scribere monitus, haec vobis quae secuntur breviter ex librorum auctoritate notavi. Qui domino suo fidelitatem iurat, ista sex in memoria semper habere debet : incolume, tutum, honestum, utile, facile, possibile. Incolume videlicet, ne sit in dampnum domino de corpore suo. Tutum, ne sit ei in dampnum de secreto suo vel de municionibus per quas tutus esse potest. Honestum, ne sit ei in dampnum de sua iustitia vel de aliis causis quae ad honestatem eius pertinere videntur. Utile, ne sit ei in dampnum de suis possessionibus. Facile vel possibile, ne id bonum quod dominus suus leviter facere poterat faciat ei difficile, neve id quod possibile erat, reddat ei impossibile. Ut fidelis haec nocumenta caveat iustum est, sed non ideo casamentum meretur. Non enim sufficit abstinere a malo, nisi fiat quod bonum est. Restat ergo ut in eisdem sex supradictis consilium et auxilium domino suo fideliter prestet, si beneficio dignus videri vult, et salvus esse de fidelitate quam iuravit. Dominus quoque fideli suo in his omnibus vicem reddere debet (…). 5. Pour l’analyse précise de cette lettre et en particulier de son aspect rhétorique et de son contenu moral, voir les études suivantes : Becker, Alfons. “Form und Materie. Bemerkungen zu Fulberts von Chartres De forma fidelitatis im Lehnrecht des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit”. Historisches Jahrbuch, 102 (1982) : 325-361; Adalbéron de Laon. Poème au roi Robert, éd. et trad. Claude Carozzi. Paris : Les Belles Lettres, 1979. Voir l’introduction pour l’élucidation de la lettre 51 de Fulbert de Chartres. 6. L’ouvrage suivant offre un panorama détaillé de la notion d’amitié dans l’Antiquité et de son évolution : Konstan, David. Friendship in the classical world. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

346 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 346 08/06/2009 8:17:02 h

: une relation noble, entre hommes politiques bien nés, qui partageaient la même éducation et les is g l

mêmes valeurs, en particulier la recherche de la vertu, et une autre relation, plus courante, qui n

subordonnait le client à son patron. Le terme d’amicitia était employé pour désigner cette relation E in

malgré l’inégalité entre les deux partenaires. A partir des premiers siècles de notre ère, les auteurs n

chrétiens ont repensé cet héritage grec et romain et l’ont adapté à leurs croyances et à leur mode t t e i de vie en communauté. Le thème de la caritas, l’amour chrétien qui est un don de Dieu et qui doit r W

irriguer le clergé, est alors apparu et a été préféré à la notion romaine d’amicitia dans le cadre des t 7 communautés monastiques de la fin de l’Antiquité et du haut Moyen Age . L’héritage gréco-ro- no

main a cependant survécu, repensé et adapté par les Pères de l’Eglise tels que saint Augustin ou s Ambroise de Milan, qui l’ont transmis aux lettrés du Moyen Age. Gerbert de Reims et Fulbert de e x t T Chartres en particulier ont fait de l’amicitia un idéal élevé de vertu et d’affection partagée entre t h e

deux hommes de même qu’une relation sociale utile aux deux parties. Ils reprennent ainsi la no- f o 8 tion d’utile, d’utilitas développée par Cicéron dans plusieurs de ses ouvrages et que Fulbert emploie s

pour définir la fidelitas dans sa lettre 51. Il semble donc que ces deux relations sociales, l’amicitia a l in g et la fidelitas, soient parées des mêmes connotations morales par l’évêque de Chartres. Partant de i r

l’étude du vocabulaire de l’amicitia associé aux mots et expressions qui traduisent la fidélité, nous O proposons d’analyser la relation particulière qui lie Fulbert à Guillaume d’Aquitaine car elle donne lieu à l’emploi de ces deux champs lexicaux.

2. L’amicitia dans le champ lexical de la fidélité

Cette notion d’amicitia est présente dans les lettres de Fulbert avec quelques mots de la même famille et des mots qui lui sont étroitement liés. Si l’on relève le champ lexical de l’amicitia dans les lettres qui contiennent déjà le champ lexical de la fidelitas9, on peut d’abord constater la rareté et la pauvreté de ce champ lexical en comparaison de celui de la fidélité. Les mots sont particulièrement pesés avant d’être écrits. Le mot le plus courant, amicus, n’apparaît que sept fois, alors que le terme de fidelitas10 est présent 16 fois et le terme fidelis11 22 fois dans la correspondance. Dans la lettre 26, l’évêque de Chartres nie être l’ami de Léothier, archevêque de Sens. Dans les lettres 105, 114 et 117, Hildegar, le secrétaire de Fulbert, lui donne des nouvelles de son « ami » Guillaume d’Aquitaine12. Fulbert reprend ce terme d’amicus dans la lettre 119

7. Brian P. McGuire propose une analyse de cette évolution : McGuire, Brian P. Friendship and community : the monastic experience, 350-1250. Kalamazoo : Cistercian Publications, 1988. 8. Voir en particulier son De Officiis (Cicero, Marco Tulio. De Officcis, éd. Walter Miller. Cambridge [Mass.] London : Har- vard University Press-William Heinemann, 1975) et son De Amicitia (Cicero, Marco Tulio. De amicitia, éd. Valentín García Yebra. Madrid : Gredos, 1987). 9. Le champ lexical de la fidelitas est fort abondant dans les lettres de Fulbert de Chartres. On peut citer les mots et expressions suivantes : fidelitas, fidelis, fidus, fideliter, subditus, satelles, dominus, casatus, miles, auxilium, consilium, securitas, casamentum, beneficium, honor, dignitas, … 10. Le mot a pu être relevé dans les lettres suivantes : The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 2 (lettre 1, 2 fois), 10 (lettre 2), 12 (lettres 3, 4), 20 (lettre 9, 2 fois), 148 (lettre 82), 164 (lettre 92), 172 (lettre 95), 178 (lettre 99), 204 (lettre 114), 208 (lettre 115), 214 (lettre 120), 218 (lettre 122), 228 (lettre 127). 11. Le mot a été relevé dans les lettres suivantes : The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 12 (lettre 3), 14 (lettre 5), 16 (lettre 6), 20 (lettre 9), 50 (lettre 27, 2 fois), 58 (lettre 31), 74 (lettre 42), 98 (lettre 56), 106 (lettre 62), 108 (lettre 64), 138 (lettre 78), 150 (lettre 83), 172 (lettre 95), 182 (lettre 100), 204 (lettre 114), 206 (lettre 115), 212/214 (lettre 119, 2 fois), 218 (lettre 122), 224 (lettre 125), 226 (lettre 126). 12. Hildegar, auparavant chancelier et secrétaire de l’évêque de Chartres, est, à partir de 1022, son représentant à Poi- tiers, capitale de Guillaume d’Aquitaine, où Fulbert détient la charge de trésorier de Saint-Hilaire.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931 347

Originals.indd 347 08/06/2009 8:17:03 h

is qu’il adresse directement à Guillaume. De même le superlatif amicissimus est utilisé par Hildegar g l

n pour qualifier l’attitude de Guillaume envers Fulbert, dans la lettre 109. Le terme amicitia est

E rare lui aussi : on le trouve dans la lettre 1 adressée à Abbon de Fleury par Fulbert et il est sur- in

n tout employé pour caractériser la relation entre l’évêque de Chartres et Guillaume d’Aquitaine.

t t e Certains termes sont étroitement associés au concept d’amicitia : Hildegar écrit ainsi à Fulbert i r que celui-ci « peut observer la bonté, la familiarité, l’amitié et la patience de son ami Guillaume

W 13

t (le duc d’Aquitaine) envers lui » . Fulbert écrit au duc d’Aquitaine qu’il a « ressenti sa bien-

no veillance, qui lui a été plus douce en affection et plus utile en effet que les bienveillances de tous

s ses amis »14. On retrouve la notion d’utilitas dans le salut de la lettre 107, que Fulbert adresse à e x t Guillaume d’Aquitaine et dans laquelle il lui souhaite de posséder « l’utile et l’honnête » ou « T le bien commun et le bien souverain »15. Ces notions, associées au terme d’amicitia, permettent t h e

f de définir cette relation plus précisément : il s’agit d’un lien social dans lequelaffectus et utilitas, o

s loin de s’opposer, se complètent. La notion d’utilitas, que Fulbert employait déjà pour définir la

a l fidélité, lui sert aussi à caractériser l’amicitia. On constate d’ailleurs que la notion d’amicitia est in g i particulièrement utilisée entre hommes cultivés puisque Hildegar, Fulbert et Guillaume d’Aqui- r 16 O taine sont des lettrés , qui connaissent suffisamment Cicéron pour se souvenir du lien qu’il fait entre amicitia et utile dans ses oeuvres17. On trouve aussi, intégrés au vocabulaire de l’amitié, les mots fidelitas, dominus, consilium, beneficium, servulus, mots qui appartiennent au champ lexical de la fidelitas. A l’issue de cette brève présentation des contextes d’utilisation du vocabulaire de l’amitié asso- cié au champ lexical de la fidelitas, on constate que ces associations de vocabulaire ne concernent finalement que certaines relations de l’évêque de Chartres : la correspondance de Fulbert avec le duc d’Aquitaine ou avec Hildegar au sujet du duc d’Aquitaine concentre l’essentiel de ces associations. L’étude de la relation entre l’évêque de Chartres et le duc d’Aquitaine fera l’objet d’un développement particulier. Mais l’on peut dès à présent tenter d’analyser l’association des deux champs lexicaux dans les lettres échangées entre Fulbert et Abbon de Fleury, Hildegar et Léothier de Sens. En 1004, alors que Fulbert n’est pas encore évêque, mais un simple clerc et peut-être le secrétaire de l’évêque Rodolphe de Chartres, il écrit au célèbre abbé Abbon de Fleury afin de solliciter son aide contre le nouvel abbé de Saint-Père de Chartres, imposé par le comte Eudes. Fulbert écrit à Abbon qu’il ne sait « que donner en retour du don de sa sainte amitié », puis qu’il « répond à son amitié par une fidélité éternelle »18. On retrouve dans cette lettre une association

13. amici tui Guillelmi comitis deprehendere potes erga te benignitatem, familiaritatem, amititiam (sic), sustinentiam (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres… : 210 [lettre 117]). 14. Vestram (…) benivolenciam expertus sum cunctis amicorum meorum benivolenciis affectu mihi dulciorem, effectu quoque utiliorem. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212 [lettre 119]). 15. Clarissimo duci Aquitanorum G(uillelmo) F(ulbertus) humilis episcopus utile et honestum. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 190 [lettre 107]). 16. Fulbert et Hildegar sont ou ont été des écolâtres renommés. Guillaume est un prince laïc réputé pour sa culture et il n’hésite pas à réclamer des livres à Fulbert. 17. On retrouve dans la lettre 51 de Fulbert (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 90, 92) une longue référence au De Inventione de Cicéron, en particulier dans l’emploi des mots utile et honestum qui sont au centre de la réflexion cicéronienne sur la vertu (Cet aspect a été étudié dans : Carozzi, Claude. « Introduction », Laon, Adalbéron de. Poème au roi Robert, éd. et trad. Claude Carozzi. Paris : Les Belles Lettres, 1979 : I-XII). 18. quid rependam muneris santae amicitiae…et ac perennem fidelitatis habitum amicitiae tuae rependo. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 2 [lettre 1]).

348 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 348 08/06/2009 8:17:04 h

directe entre fidelitas et amicitia, puisque l’amitié offerte par Abbon semble nécessiter en retour is g l

la fidélité de Fulbert. En outre, apparaissent à côté de ces deux notions d’autres mots du même n

champ lexical : l’amitié se traduit par la benivolentia d’Abbon et Fulbert lui doit « fidélité comme E in

un élève » envers son maître (dominus). Fulbert introduit donc le mot amicitia dans le champ n

lexical de la fidelitas. Deux interprétations de cette lettre sont possibles. Fulbert peut associer ces t t e i deux champs lexicaux dans un simple but rhétorique : il s’agirait de convaincre Abbon de son r W

amitié et de sa fidélité uniquement pour obtenir son aide dans une affaire précise. Mais Fulbert t

recherche sans doute vraiment l’amitié de ce lettré qu’est Abbon et qu’il respecte « comme son no

élève ». Dans ce cas l’utilisation du champ lexical de la fidélité renvoie à la relation maître-disci- s ple, que Fulbert connaît bien puisqu’il a été l’écolâtre de Chartres, et non à une relation de vassa- e x t T lité. La souplesse de la relation de fidélité apparaît ici puisqu’elle peut englober les relations entre t h e

un écolâtre et ses élèves, ce qui est certainement le cas à Chartres entre Fulbert et ses anciens f o

disciples, tels Hildegar. Cette relation s’accompagne alors d’une amitié née parfois de la cohabi- s

tation au sein de l’école, souvent du respect réciproque entre lettrés. La relation entre Fulbert et a l in g Hildegar offre donc un autre exemple d’amitié, fondée sur une fidelitas. Hildegar a d’abord été i r

l’élève de Fulbert, alors écolâtre de Chartres ; puis il est devenu l’un des clercs de son entourage, O son secrétaire et chancelier. Il a partagé sa vie quotidienne et est entré dans sa familiaritas. Une double fidélité les lie, celle qu’Hildegar doit à son ancien maître au sein de l’école cathédrale de Chartres et celle qu’il doit à l’évêque au sein du clergé chartrain. Les deux hommes n’utilisent jamais le vocabulaire de l’amicitia dans leurs lettres sauf pour caractériser la relation entre Fulbert et Guillaume d’Aquitaine. Par contre ils emploient un abondant vocabulaire emprunté au champ lexical de la fidélité : Hildegar se qualifie fréquemment de fidelis face à son dominus Fulbert, à qui il doit fidelitas20. A côté de ces mots, apparaissent de nombreux termes affectifs tels que carissimus ou dilectissimus21 et des expressions toutes faites qui sont en fait des topoï de l’amicitia, hérités de l’Antiquité et du haut Moyen Age. Fulbert écrit par exemple à Hildegar : « ton absence me rappelle souvent combien ta présence m’était indispensable »22. Ce vieux lieu commun de l’amitié était déjà utilisé par les pères chrétiens ou lors de la renaissance carolingienne23. Il s’agit donc bien d’une relation d’amitié, caractérisée par l’affection réciproque et l’utilité puisque Fulbert fournit à Hildegar des charges importantes comme celle de chancelier et écolâtre à Chartres24 tandis qu’Hildegar le représente à Poitiers et lui transmet de précieuses informations. L’usage du vocabulaire de la fidélité témoigne du fait que l’amitié entre ces deux clercs lettrés n’efface pas la hiérarchie ecclésiastique entre le clerc et l’évêque, la hiérarchie sociale entre le maître et le disciple. On peut cependant se demander pourquoi, dans cette relation, le vocabulaire de l’amitié, que les deux hommes maîtrisent parfaitement et emploient pour d’autres personnes, n’est pas utilisé. Ce vocabulaire laisse en fait la place au vocabulaire fraternel ou paternel employé en général dans

19. fidelitas ut alumni. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 2 [lettre 1]). 20. Voir par exemple l’adresse de les lettres 114 et 115: The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 204, 206-207. 21. The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 188 (lettre 105). 22. Absencia tua sepe commemoror quam necessarius eras presens. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 156 [lettre 88]). 23. White, Caroline. « Friendship in absence – Some patristic views », Friendship in medieval Europe, Julian Haseldine, dir. Sutton: Stroud, 1999: 68-89 ; Goetz, Hans-Werner. « ‘Beatus homo qui invenit amicum’. The concept of friendship in early medieval letters of the Anglo-Saxon tradition on the continent (Boniface, Alcuin) », Friendship in medieval Europe, Julian Haseldine dir. Sutton: Stroud, 1999: 124-136. 24. scolarum ferulam et cancellarii tabulas tibi servo. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 194 [lettre 108]).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931 349

Originals.indd 349 08/06/2009 8:17:05 h

is l’Eglise : les deux hommes s’appellent « frère » ou « père ». De cette absence du vocabulaire de g l

n l’amitié, il ne faut pas forcément conclure à une absence d’amitié mais plutôt à l’existence d’un

E autre modèle d’amitié : celui de l’amitié spirituelle fondée sur la caritas, l’amour chrétien censé in

n irriguer le clergé . Le cas de la lettre écrite à Léothier de Sens est différent : il est fort possible

t t e que Fulbert ait prêté un serment de fidélité à Léothier, son archevêque, lors de sa consécration i r en tant qu’évêque de Chartres. En effet, le Pontifical romano-germanique du Xe siècle, large- W

t ment connu et recopié dans le nord de la France, témoigne du fait que les ordinationes d’évêques 26 no contiennent souvent un serment d’obéissance et de fidélité envers leur archevêque . Ainsi les

s deux hommes entretiennent au sein de l’Eglise une relation de fidélité, qui exclut l’hommage, e x t mais qui reprend abondamment le champ lexical de la fidelitas. Fulbert emploie fréquemment la T notion de fidelitas, en particulier dans les adresses des lettres : il promet ainsi à Léothier « le service t h e 27 28 f de sa fidélité » ou « le service et le sentiment de sa fidélité » . Les termes fidelis et dominus sont o

s aussi présents dans ces lettres. La lettre 16 nous apprend que Léothier a excommunié un ennemi

a l de Fulbert qui l’en remercie. Il semble bien que Léothier ait apporté de l’aide, l’auxilium, dans le in g i cadre ecclésiastique, à son évêque suffragant. Enfin, dans la lettre 26, Fulbert reproche à Léothier r 29 O d’avoir consacré le nouvel évêque d’Orléans « sans son conseil » . On retrouve donc, dans les lettres de Fulbert à son archevêque, un ensemble de termes qui appartiennent au champ lexical de la fidélité. Le conflit entre les deux prélats au sujet de l’évêque d’Orléans donne l’occasion à Fulbert de nier toute relation d’amitié avec Léothier : « j’accepterai avec plaisir, père, que tu m’appelles ton ami, si tu agissais toi aussi en ami »30. Avant cette lettre, on trouve fréquemment un vocabulaire affectueux dans les missives de Fulbert à son archevêque, ce qui prouve que leur relation de fidélité se doublait, avant cet événement, d’une relation d’amitié : celle-ci reposait sur le serment de fidélité de Fulbert et impliquait une « aide » et un « conseil » entre les deux prélats. Elle associait l’affectus ou la dilectio, le sentiment d’amour entre eux et l’utilitas, tant pour les deux prélats que pour l’Eglise dans son ensemble. Enfin cette relation n’abolissait pas la hiérarchie qui existait entre l’archevêque et l’évêque suffragant. C’est d’ailleurs ce lien hiérarchique qu’exprime le champ lexical de la fidelitas. La correspondance de Fulbert de Chartres offre donc les exemples de différentes relations sociales, associant amitié et fidélité. L’emploi de ces deux champs lexicaux permet de nuancer des relations à chaque fois différentes et de mettre en valeur certaines relations de fidélité seulement. On constate qu’il existe plusieurs modèles d’amitié, l’amicitia entre lettrés ou la caritas entre clercs, mais que, dans tous ces modèles, la fidélité est une composante essentielle. De même il existe plusieurs types de fidélité, celle entre le disciple et le maître ou entre l’évêque

25. La caritas, ou amour chrétien, définit les relations idéalisées entre membres du clergé régulier ou séculier. Cepen- dant, chez Fulbert de Chartres, l’utilisation du vocabulaire de la caritas devient systématique entre clercs. Pour conclure à une amitié réelle entre deux correspondants, il faut donc constater la présence, à côté de ce vocabulaire, de tout un champ lexical affectif et amical. 26. LXIII Ordinatio episcopi : Vis sanctae Mogontiensi aecclesiae, mihi et successoribus meis fidem et subiectionem exhibere ? Volo (Vogel, Cyrille ; Elze, Reinhard. Le Pontifical Romano-Germanique du Xe siècle. Cité du Vatican : Biblioteca apostolica Vati- cana, 1963 : I, 202). 27. obsequium fidelitatis. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 12 (lettre 3) 28. fidelitatis affectum et obsequium. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 12 [lettre 4]). 29. sine meo consilio. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 48 [lettre 26]). 30. Quod me, pater, amicum appellas gratanter annuerem, si te quoque exhiberes amicum. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 48 [lettre 26]).

350 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 350 08/06/2009 8:17:06 h

et son archevêque, qui nourrissent des amitiés différentes. En outre l’amitié n’abolit pas les is g l

hiérarchies sociales en ce début de XIe siècle : certes elle fait de deux hommes des égaux théori- n

ques, de par leur culture et leur place élevée dans la société. Cependant, au sein de cette « élite E in

» il existe bien une hiérarchie qui explique l’emploi des mots dominus, fidelis. Cette hiérarchie n

dans l’égalité, au sein d’une élite, est bien sûr à comparer avec le système vassalique, dans t t e i lequel Jacques Le Goff a repéré le même phénomène31. La relation particulière qu’entretient r W

Fulbert avec Guillaume d’Aquitaine donne lieu à un emploi très abondant des deux champs t

lexicaux de l’amitié et de la fidélité et permet d’analyser plus précisément le fonctionnement no

de ce double lien social. s e x t T

3. Fulbert et Guillaume d’Aquitaine t h e

f o

La relation entre les deux hommes est complexe et eux-mêmes l’expriment de diverses façons. s

Dans la correspondance de l’évêque de Chartres, la première image que l’on a de cette relation a l in g est celle donnée par les lettres qu’Hildegar envoie de Poitiers à Fulbert et qui mentionnent systé- i r 32 matiquement son « ami le comte Guillaume » : Hildegar est alors le représentant de Fulbert à O Poitiers, dans la charge de trésorier de Saint-Hilaire. En effet Guillaume d’Aquitaine33 est, en tant que comte de Poitiers, l’abbé laïc de Saint-Hilaire et nomme à la très lucrative charge de trésorier de Saint-Hilaire. En 1022 il nomme Fulbert de Chartres à cette charge, espérant attirer à Poitiers ce célèbre lettré. Mais Fulbert est accaparé par son travail dans son diocèse et envoie Hildegar pour le représenter. Ce dernier joue le rôle d’intermédiaire entre le prince et le prélat et il témoigne de l’attitude de Guillaume envers celui à qui il a confié cet honor34 : « tu peux observer la bonté, la familiarité, l’amitié et la patience de ton ami Guillaume envers toi »35. On retrouve donc dans les lettres d’Hildegar tout le vocabulaire de l’amicitia, et ce lettré semble prendre plaisir à définir cette relation entre un prélat et un grand laïc à l’aide d’un vocabulaire aux accents cicéroniens. Le champ lexical de la fidélité est, lui, peu employé sauf pour le mothonor désignant la charge de tré- sorier de Saint-Hilaire. On distingue alors, dans les lettres d’Hildegar, la coexistence de deux types de fidélité entre Guillaume d’Aquitaine et Fulbert de Chartres : l’honor que Guillaume a confié à Fulbert implique de celui-ci une fidelitas, peut-être jurée, et des servitia. L’abondant vocabulaire de l’amitié employé par Hildegar indique que les deux hommes entretiennent aussi une fidelitas reposant sur une relation d’amicitia. Ces deux relations, que nous séparons pour la clarté de l’analyse,

31. Le Goff, Jacques. « Pour un autre Moyen Age, temps, travail et culture en occident : 18 essais », Un autre Moyen Age. Paris : Gallimard, 1999 : 11-400. Jacques Le Goff rappelle le déroulement du rituel vassalique et son sens symbolique : l’hommage et l’immixtio manuum signifient la soumission du vassal envers son seigneur et donc la hiérarchie qui existe dans les relations féodo-vassaliques. Par contre l’osculum échangé par les deux hommes à la fin du rituel montre qu’ils sont égaux, qu’ils appartiennent à une même élite. 32. amicus vester comes G(uillelmus) (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 190 [lettre 105]) ; G(uillelmus), comes amicus tuus (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 204 (lettre 114). Des formules comparables existent dans les lettres 109 et 117 (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 194 [lettre 109], 210 [lettre 117]). 33. Richard, Alfred. Histoire des comtes de Poitou. I. 778-1204. Paris : Alphonse Picard et fils, 1903 ; Treffort, Cécile. « Le comte de Poitiers, duc d’Aquitaine et l’Eglise aux alentours de l’an mil 970-1030 ». Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 43 (2000) : 395-445. 34. non amittes susceptum honorem si tenere volueris. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 210 [lettre 117]). 35. amici tui Guillelmi deprehendere potes erga te benignitatem, familiaritatem, amititiam, sustinentiam. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 210 [lettre 117]).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931 351

Originals.indd 351 08/06/2009 8:17:07 h

is ne sont pas distinguées dans les lettres des trois hommes, qui mettent l’accent sur l’une ou l’autre g l

n d’entre elles selon leurs besoins.

E La correspondance de Fulbert a conservé les lettres échangées par les deux protagonistes de in

n cette relation sociale et une lettre de Fulbert à Hildegar dans laquelle l’évêque définit sa relation

t t e avec Guillaume. Ces missives témoignent de la relation d’amicitia existant entre les deux hom- i r mes. De fait on y trouve un abondant vocabulaire de l’amicitia et de l’affectus : les adjectifs carus-

W 36

t carissimus et dilectus-dilectissimus sont souvent employés . Guillaume envoie à Fulbert ses « chè- 37 38 no res amitiés » tandis que Fulbert compare le comte à ses meilleurs amis . Les mots bonitas, bene-

s volentia définissent les relations entre les deux hommes et en particulier l’attitude de Guillaume e x t à l’égard de Fulbert39. L’évêque se réjouit aussi de la caritas40 et de l’affectus dont Guillaume fait T preuve à son égard : il écrit ainsi au comte qu’il souhaite « revivifier la douceur admirable de son t h e 41 f affection envers lui » . Les deux hommes semblent donc entretenir une véritable affection l’un o

s pour l’autre. De même Fulbert se présente comme le fidèle de son seigneur Guillaume ; parfois

a l c’est Guillaume qui appelle Fulbert dominus,montrant ainsi son respect à l’évêque et au lettré in g i réputé qu’il est. Ce vocabulaire renvoie alors à la fidélité qu’ils se doivent au sein de leur rela- r

O tion d’amitié. Les deux hommes se font aussi de nombreux cadeaux. Fulbert écrit par exemple à Guillaume : « j’ai accepté vos dons gratuits »42 ; il parle des « bénéfices gratuits »43 que Guillaume lui a donnés. On pourrait croire que Fulbert désigne ainsi la charge de trésorier de Saint-Hilaire mais cela contredirait l’emploi des termes servitium, deservire associés à cette charge. Il est donc plus probable que ces « dons gratuits » renvoient à des aumônes, des offrandes faites par Guillau- me à l’église de Chartres pour sa reconstruction après l’incendie qui l’a détruite en 1020. Fulbert fait allusion à ces offrandes dans la lettre 92 et écrit dans la lettre 119 qu’elles sont employées au « service » de Jésus et de sa mère Marie, c’est-à-dire au service de la cathédrale Notre-Dame de Chartres44. En échange Fulbert lui envoie un recueil de textes sur le roi Salomon, sujet qui inté- ressait le duc45. Fulbert constitue en outre pour Guillaume un point d’appui au nord de la Loire et un moyen d’obtenir des informations sur le roi ou les comtes d’Anjou46 et de Blois et Chartres. Cette amicitia est bien utile au sens concret du terme. On retrouve d’ailleurs la notion d’utile

36. The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 164 (lettre 92), 208 (lettre 116). 37. caras amicicias. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 208 [lettre 116]). 38. Voir ci-dessus note 13. 39. The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212 (lettre 119), 216 (lettre 120). 40. vobis autem me licet immerentem gratuitis beneficiis accumulare mira caritatis abundancia placet. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212 [lettre 119]). 41. relevare cupio mirabilem affectus vestri erga me dulcedinem. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 214 [lettre 119]). 42. munera vestra gratis suscepisse. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212 [lettre 119]). 43. gratuitis beneficiis. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212 [lettre 119]). L’adverbe gratis et l’adjectif gratuitus ne signifient pas une gratuité au sens moderne du terme : des contreparties, des contre-dons sont probablement atten- dus par Guillaume. Par contre ces cadeaux n’obligent pas Fulbert à un servitium envers le duc d’Aquitaine. 44. propter elemosinam quam misit ad restauracionem ecclesiae nostrae (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 164 [lettre 92]) ; Domninum Ihesum Christum et sanctam Mariam genitricem eius in cuius officio expensa sunt mercedem uobis reddituros (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 214 [lettre 119]). 45. tibi etiam misisse sibi exponendas sentencias Bacharii, Bedae et Rabani de fine Salomonis (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 164 [lettre 92]). 46. Foulque Nerra, alors comte d’Anjou, est un vassal « difficile » de Guillaume d’Aquitaine.

352 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 352 08/06/2009 8:17:08 h

dans la définition de cette relation entre les deux hommes : Fulbert remercie Guillaume pour sa is

47 g l

bienveillance qui lui est « plus utile en effet que celle de tous ses amis » . Il salue aussi le duc en n

lui souhaitant « l’utile et l’honnête »48. Enfin Hildegar conseille à Fulbert de garder le plus long- E in

temps possible la charge de trésorier de Saint-Hilaire, même s’il ne peut l’accomplir lui-même, n 49

« s’il pense qu’elle pourra lui être utile » . La notion d’utilitas est donc au cœur de la relation t t e i entre Fulbert et le duc d’Aquitaine. Dans la lettre d’Hildegar, il s’agit d’une utilité pratique : Ful- r W

bert doit conserver la charge de trésorier de Saint-Hilaire car elle lui offre des moyens financiers t

conséquents. Dans les lettres de Fulbert, la notion d’utile a plusieurs emplois : la bienveillance de no

Guillaume lui est « utile » effectivement par les services que son ami lui rend, par ses dons géné- s reux. D’ailleurs il compare l’efficacité effectu( ) de cette amitié à celle de ses relations avec d’autres e x t T amis. L’amicitia se définit donc en partie par son « utilité ». Cependant Fulbert, quand il emploi t h e

les termes utile, utilitas, a aussi en tête leur sens cicéronien d’utilité au bien commun. La relation f o

d’amitié avec Guillaume d’Aquitaine prend alors une connotation morale. Cette connotation se s

retrouve dans l’expression utile et honestum que Fulbert emploie dans l’adresse de sa lettre 107 à a l in g Guillaume. En souhaitant « l’utile et l’honnête » au duc d’Aquitaine, Fulbert se positionne avant i r

tout comme son fidèle pour la charge de trésorier de Saint-Hilaire, puisque cette expression dé- O finissait les devoirs du fidèle dans sa lettre 51, mais il fait aussi allusion à leur relation d’amitié qui se veut « utile ». L’expression utile et honestum, inspirée de Cicéron, sert à faire le lien entre ces deux types de relation et s’intègre désormais dans le modèle d’amitié que Fulbert propose au duc d’Aquitaine : cette relation sociale privilégiée doit avoir pour but non seulement l’utilité concrète de chacun mais surtout l’utilité publique et le bien souverain car l’amitié et la fidélité permettent l’expression de la vertu et la recherche de la paix sociale. Cependant la fidelitas que les deux hommes entretiennent dans leur relation d’amitié est moins contraignante que celle que Fulbert doit à Guillaume pour sa charge de trésorier. Au nom de cette charge, Fulbert demande à Hildegar, dans la lettre 92, de « dire sa fidélité perpétuelle »50 au duc d’Aquitaine. Il « reconnaît en effet qu’il lui doit une fidélité perpétuelle, envers son âme comme envers son corps »51. On retrouve dans cette expression la notion de sécurité, de garantie que le fidèle doit assurer au corps et à la personne de son seigneur, définie dans la lettre 51. Cette relation de fidélité repose sur la charge de trésorier de Saint-Hilaire que le duc d’Aqui- taine a confié à l’évêque de Chartres. Cette charge est appelée beneficium ou dignitas52 dans les lettres de Fulbert et honor, on l’a vu, dans une lettre d’Hildegar. Les notions d’aide ou de conseil n’apparaissent jamais dans les lettres échangées entre les deux hommes53 ; par contre la charge

47. Vestram (…) benivolenciam expertus sum cunctis amicorum meorum benivolenciis affectu mihi dulciorem, effectu quoque utiliorem (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212 [lettre 119]). 48. Clarissimo duci Aquitanorum G(uillelmo) F(ulbertus) humilis episcopus utile et honestum (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 190 [lettre 107]). 49. suadeo ergo ne facias vel scribas eius repudium si intelligis fore tibi utilem (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 210 [lettre 117]). 50. dic karissimo nobis principi G(uillelmo) perpetuam fidelitatem (..) ex parte nostra. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Char- tres…: 164 [lettre 92]). 51. Agnosco enim me perpetuum debitorem esse fidelitatis animae tuae et corpori (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 220 [lettre 122]). 52. The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212-214 (lettre 119), 214-216 (lettre 120). 53. Cependant on trouve une fois l’expression quicquid sum et possum tuum est employée par Fulbert dans la lettre 120. Il propose ainsi son aide, sous toutes les formes possibles pour un évêque, à Guillaume d’Aquitaine. (The letters and poems

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931 353

Originals.indd 353 08/06/2009 8:17:09 h 54 is reçue par Fulbert et qui consiste à « récolter les fruits » de Saint-Hilaire et à en tenir l’école,

g l 55

n implique des servicia envers Guillaume et saint Hilaire . Ces termes, qui appartiennent au cœur

E du champ lexical de la fidelitas, définissent la relation existant entre le trésorier de Saint-Hilaire in

n et le duc d’Aquitaine. Dans le cas de Fulbert et de Guillaume, cette relation se double, on l’a vu,

t t e d’une relation d’amicitia qui implique une autre fidélité, plus personnelle. Cette double relation i r explique certaines contradictions ou ambiguïtés du lien entre les deux hommes : Guillaume ne W

t reproche jamais à Fulbert de ne pas remplir son servitium envers lui et Saint Hilaire, par contre 56 no il lui demande, dans la lettre 116, de passer trois jours à Poitiers pour le voir . Fulbert écrit à

s Guillaume que sa fidélité ne dépend pas de la charge de trésorier de Saint-Hilaire : « je t’en prie, e x t ne me crois pas assez vil pour t’être moins fidèle à cause de cela (le renoncement à la charge) T »57. Effectivement l’évêque de Chartres, qui ne peut remplir correctement sa charge du fait de t h e

f son éloignement, pense sérieusement à y renoncer tout en conservant une relation d’amitié et o

s de fidélité avec Guillaume.

a l Les lettres échangées entre Guillaume d’Aquitaine et Fulbert de Chartres témoignent donc in g i d’une association particulièrement étroite des vocabulaires de l’affectus, de l’amicitia et de la fi- r

O delitas. On peut alors tenter de retracer l’évolution de leur relation : en 1020-1021, Guillaume d’Aquitaine consulte Fulbert, juriste renommé, au sujet de sa querelle avec un vassal. Impres- sionné par la qualité littéraire et juridique de sa réponse58, il cherche à l’attirer et à le fixer à Poitiers par la charge de trésorier de Saint-Hilaire et par un serment de fidélité. Cependant l’évê- que a peu de temps à consacrer à cette charge étant donné que l’église de Chartres est en pleine reconstruction. Il envoie alors son secrétaire et ami Hildegar pour le représenter : celui-ci entretient d’excellentes relations avec Guillaume, à qui il sert probablement de secrétaire. Par son intermédiaire, Fulbert et Guillaume échangent des informations, des cadeaux et entament une double relation de fidélité, l’une liée à la charge de trésorier, l’autre à leur affection réciproque, leur amitié. Cette double fidelitas est définie par le même terme d’utile et par l’expression utile et honestum. Fidélité amicale ou fidélité jurée, elle est utile au bien commun des deux hommes et au bien souverain de l’ensemble de la société. Ainsi Fulbert propose à Guillaume un modèle de relation d’amitié adapté à sa condition de laïc. Ce modèle, différent de celui vécu entre clercs, s’exprime à partir de deux références essentielles : la fidelitas et l’amicitia antique. La fidélité, certainement antérieure à l’amitié dans ce cas, offre à l’évêque de Chartres un cadre social et un champ lexical assez souple pour nourrir une relation d’amitié qui met les deux hommes sur un plan d’égalité. En outre Guillaume, Fulbert et Hildegar sont des lettrés qui connaissent la conception antique de l’amicitia cicéronienne59 : pour Cicéron, l’amitié est une relation sociale élitiste

of Fulbert of Chartres…: 214). 54. ad colligendas fruges. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 164 [lettre 92]). 55. quod sanctissimo ac sapientissimo patri nostro Hylario tibique debita servicia non rependo (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 214 [lettre 120]). Voir aussi le verbe deservire dans la lettre 119. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 212). 56. si non manseris nobiscum plus quam triduo…(The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 208 [lettre 116]). 57. Nec me putes, obsecro, ita pravum, ut propter hoc videar tibi minus esse fidelis. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 218 [lettre 122]). 58. Il s’agit de la fameuse lettre 51. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 90, 92). 59. Voir le De Amicitia de Cicéron (Cicero, Marco Tulio. De amicitia, éd. Valentín García Yebra. Madrid : Gredos, 1987) et l’étude suivante : Hellegouarc’h, Joseph. Le vocabulaire latin des relations et des partis politiques sous la République. Paris : Les Belles Lettres, 1972.

354 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 354 08/06/2009 8:17:10 h

qui ne concerne que les hommes politiques ou les lettrés. Le vocabulaire de l’amitié employé par is g l

ces trois hommes et en particulier par Hildegar, dans ses lettres et dans celles qu’il écrit au nom n

de Guillaume, renvoie à cette conception. Finalement l’amicitia s’insère, dans ce cas, assez faci- E in

lement dans une relation de fidélité préexistante qu’elle renforce et nuance. La coexistence des n

champs lexicaux de l’amitié et de la fidélité dans certaines lettres de Fulbert de Chartres permet t t e i à celui-ci de nuancer l’expression de ses relations sociales et de trouver pour chacune un équi- r W

libre subtil entre la hiérarchie inhérente à la société féodale et exprimée par le vocabulaire de la t

fidelitas et l’égalité, l’entraide et l’affection qui caractérisent les relations entre ces lettrés et que no

symbolise l’amicitia. Finalement celle-ci est peut-être un moyen de hiérarchiser et de pacifier les s relations de fidélité et l’une des formes les moins contraignantes de lafidelitas . e x t T t h e

4. De l’amicitia à l’affectus : un idéal de paix o

Un troisième champ lexical, étroitement associé à celui de l’amicitia, apparaît dans les lettres de a l in g Fulbert de Chartres : celui de l’amor, de l’affectus. L’ « affectivité », nous l’avons relevé, fait pleine- i r

ment partie de la relation d’amitié. Mais elle est également présente dans des relations de fidélité O d’où l’amicitia est absente. Pour l’évêque de Chartres, l’affectus constitue alors l’un des fondements de la relation de fidélité au même titre que la securitas, l’utile ou l’honestum. L’étude de ce vocabulaire de l’ « amour » montre la richesse de ce champ lexical, qui permet à Fulbert de proposer un modèle original de fidelitas.

4.1. « Amour » et fidélité

Dans la correspondance de l’évêque de Chartres, le vocabulaire affectif est très riche, beaucoup plus présent que le champ lexical de l’amitié. Il existe des associations directes, c’est-à-dire au sein d’une même phrase ou expression, des deux champs lexicaux de l’affectus et de la fidelitas. Ainsi l’expression dominus et dilectissimus, est employée par Fulbert pour saluer certaines personnes dans l’adresse des lettres : sur dix occurrences60, l’expression sert huit fois à saluer le roi et dominus de Fulbert, Robert le Pieux61. Les autres expressions qui associent affectus et fidelitas ont un emploi plus varié : Fulbert écrit à Léothier, archevêque de Sens, dans la lettre 2, qu’il lui doit « beaucoup d’amour et de fidélité »62. Dans la lettre 120, l’évêque de Chartres déclare devoir à Guillaume d’Aquitaine « une fidélité du fond du cœur 63» . Ainsi sur cinq expressions de ce type, quatre renvoient à une relation d’amicitia, ce qui explique l’association des deux champs lexicaux. Une seule expression est utilisée dans un contexte purement vassalique. Elle permet à Fulbert de déclarer « son amour de fidèle 64» à Eudes de Blois et Chartres. Le mot amor est alors directement associé à une relation de fidélité et désigne le sentiment que doit exprimer le fidèle envers son seigneur.

60. Ces occurrences sont présentes dans les lettres suivantes aux pages : The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 32 (lettre 17), 38 (lettre 21), 46 (lettre 25), 74 (lettre 41), 94 (lettre 53), 102 (lettre 59), 176 (lettre 97), 178 (lettre 99), 182 (lettre 101), 218 (lettre 122). 61. Les deux autres occurrences permettent à Fulbert de Chartres de saluer Guillaume d’Aquitaine et H (?) sous-doyen de Tours. 62. multum amoris atque fidelitatis tibi, pater, me debere censeo. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 10 [lettre 2]). 63. fidelitatem ex corde. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 214 [lettre 120]). 64. nostri adhuc sui fidelis amorem. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 182 [lettre 100]).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931 355

Originals.indd 355 08/06/2009 8:17:11 h

is En plus de ces expressions, des adjectifs et des substantifs permettent d’exprimer l’affectivité g l

n dans des lettres qui contiennent le vocabulaire de la fidelitas. On constate que les adjectifs af-

E fectifs, tels que dilectissimus, benignissimus, sont très fréquemment utilisés dans les adresses des in

n lettres ou pour invoquer une personne dans le corps des lettres. Ces adjectifs ne sont pas réservés

t t e aux seigneurs ou aux vassaux de Fulbert ; ils sont aussi employés entre clercs ou entre Fulbert i r et Hildegar. Ce vocabulaire de l’affectus est donc utilisé dans toutes les relations de fidélité, de la W

t relation féodo-vassalique aux liens de fidélité au sein du clergé. Cependant certains de ces mots

no sont plus souvent utilisés pour désigner les relations de Fulbert avec des laïcs : ainsi l’adjectif

s dilectissimus est employé treize fois65 dont sept fois pour désigner le roi Robert, le seigneur de e x t Fulbert. De même l’adjectif benignissimus66 sert toujours à qualifier le comportement d’un grand T prince envers l’évêque de Chartres : il sert à remercier Guillaume d’Aquitaine, Robert le Pieux et t h e

f Richard de Normandie pour les dons qu’ils font à l’église cathédrale de Chartres. En l’employant, o

s Fulbert se place dans sa position de fidèle. Enfin l’adjectif familiarissimus est uniquement em-

a l ployé dans un cadre vassalique, puisqu’il désigne la proximité entre Eudes de Déols et Guillaume in

g 67 i d’Aquitaine, son seigneur . Dans ce champ lexical de l’affectivité, il existe différentes catégories r

O de substantifs : certains mots désignent directement des sentiments. Fulbert oppose les termes odium et dilectio dans une même phrase en écrivant à l’un de ses clercs : « non seulement je ne reçois de toi ni conseil ni aide mais en outre tu rembourses mon amour par de la haine »68. L’évê- que de Chartres associe dans ce cas un sentiment, la dilectio, l’amour, à une relation de fidélité qui lie à lui l’un de ses clercs. Il est d’ailleurs étonnant que, dans ce cadre, l’évêque n’ait pas utilisé le mot caritas, à connotation plus clairement chrétienne et cléricale69. L’emploi du mot dilectio et de l’expression consilium vel auxilium, fortement liée à une relation de fidélité, montre que l’évêque a voulu insister sur la fidelitas que lui devait ce clerc. Il lui reproche par ailleurs de mener une vie profane et de ne pas mériter sa charge de prêtre. Le mot dilectio, l’amour que Fulbert porte à ce clerc, est opposé au mot odium, la haine que ce clerc lui porte en échange. Fulbert tente, dans cette lettre, de démontrer que toute relation de fidélité doit s’accompagner d’un amour récipro- que entre les deux parties. Parmi les substantifs désignant des sentiments, deux en particulier, les mots pietas et affectio, sont réservés, dans les lettres de Fulbert, à Robert le Pieux. Le terme pietas désigne l’affection entre deux personnes mais aussi le fait d’accomplir ses devoirs envers Dieu ou envers autrui ; il convient particulièrement au roi puisqu’il indique son aptitude à bien gouver- ner, à bien traiter ses fidèles et donc à bien servir Dieu. L’unique occurrence du termeaffectio est liée au mot pietas puisque Fulbert remercie le roi « pour une si grande affection (pietatis affectione)

65. Cet adjectif a pu être relevé dans les lettres suivantes aux pages : The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 32 (lettre 17), 74 (lettre 41), 94 (lettre 53), 102 (lettre 59), 148 (lettre 82), 176 (lettre 97), 178 (lettre 99), 184 (lettre 101), 188 (lettre 105), 190 (lettre 107), 206 (lettre 115), 214 (lettre 120), 218 (lettre 122). 66. Le mot est présent dans les lettres suivantes aux pages : The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 32 (lettre 17), 52 (lettre 28), 146 (lettre 81), 150 (lettre 83), 182 (lettre 101), 214 (lettre 120), 220 (lettre 122). 67. Voir la lettre 109 : The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 194. 68. Non solum enim nullum ex te consilium vel auxilium capio verum insuper odium pro dilectione reddis. Il est possible que ce clerc tienne des biens des mains de l’évêque de Chartres. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 32 [lettre 16]). 69. On constate d’ailleurs que le mot caritas est totalement absent de ces associations entre vocabulaire de l’affectivité et champ lexical de la fidélité. Ce mot est pourtant assez fréquent dans les lettres de Fulbert puisqu’il compte 22 occurrences, mais, à une ou deux exceptions près, il est uniquement employé entre membres du clergé pour désigner l’amour chrétien qui les relie. L’absence de ce terme dans le cas du clerc G. est d’autant plus étonnante.

356 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 356 08/06/2009 8:17:13 h 70 71 envers lui » . Les deux substantifs amor et affectus sont d’une plus large utilisation : Fulbert les is g l

emploie aussi bien pour sa relation avec son seigneur, le comte Eudes de Blois et Chartres, que n

pour ses « amis » Léothier de Sens, Hildegar ou Guillaume d’Aquitaine. Une autre catégorie de E in

substantifs exprime, non plus des sentiments, mais un certain comportement entre deux per- n

sonnes : ce comportement se caractérise par la bonté, la bienveillance, la familiarité. On a déjà t t e i vu que ce comportement caractérisait la double relation d’amicitia et de fidelitas entre Fulbert r W

et Guillaume d’Aquitaine. Certains de ces termes sont aussi employés pour définir l’attitude de t

Fulbert envers Hildegar. Mais ces mots ne sont pas uniquement utilisés dans le cadre de l’amici- no

tia ; les termes bonitas et benignitas définissent ainsi le comportement de Robert le Pieux envers s l’évêque de Chartres. Enfin les deux mots cor et anima permettent de renforcer l’expression des e x t T sentiments entre deux personnes par des formules telles que « de tout cœur » ou « de toute mon t h e 72 âme ». Leur utilisation est assez large et concerne tant des relations d’amicitia que des relations f o

de fidélité. Ainsi cet abondant vocabulaire de l’affectivité, présent dans les lettres de Fulbert à s

côté du champ lexical de la fidelitas, renvoie en partie à des relations d’amicitia, que nous avons a l in g déjà étudiées. Cependant, sur les 84 occurrences des mots de ce champ lexical de l’affectivité, 36 i r

sont consacrées à de simples relations de fidélité, et 33 occurrences concernent la seule relation O entre Fulbert et Robert le Pieux. De fait Fulbert est le vassal du roi pour l’évêché de Chartres et il lui doit fidélité dans ce cadre. Il semble donc que Fulbert de Chartres tente d’introduire dans la définition de lafidelitas et en particulier dans l’expression de la relation féodo-vassalique, une forte connotation affective et morale.

4.2 Une nouvelle expression de la fidélité

Cette utilisation du champ lexical de l’affectus pour caractériser des relations de fidélité et en particulier des relations vassaliques conduit Fulbert à compléter sa définition de la fidelitas, qui, dans la lettre 51, reposait essentiellement sur des clauses juridiques et concrètes. L’ensemble de ce vocabulaire de l’ « amour » traduit en fait un modèle de relation interpersonnelle qui n’aurait pas pour seuls fondements le fief et la fidélité : un autre de ses fondements est la relation d’amour réciproque entre seigneur et fidèle. Fulbert de Chartres développe d’ailleurs une comparaison entre la relation de fidélité et les relations au sein de la famille, basées sur l’amour réciproque et l’autorité du père. Ainsi il adresse, dans la lettre 27, « au comte Gualeran, au comte Gautier et à tous ses autres fils et fidèles son salut et sa bénédiction73 » . Ces hommes sont ses vassaux directs et il les nomme « fils » ou « frères » dans la lettre. Ces expressions renvoient tant à sa position de seigneur qu’à son rôle d’évêque, de père de la communauté des chrétiens. De même la bénédiction qu’il leur adresse est celle de l’évêque comme celle du seigneur, comparé à un père. Fulbert va

70. pro tanta erga me pietatis affectione. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 146 [lettre 81]). 71. On trouve le mot amor dans les lettres suivantes aux pages : The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres, éd. Frederick Behrends…: 18 (lettre 7), 148 (lettre 82), 172 (lettre 95, dos fois), 182 (lettre 100) ; et le mot affectus dans les lettres suivantes : The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 12 (lettre 4), 212-214 (lettre 119, 2 fois). 72. Le mot cor est présent dans les lettres suivantes aux pages : The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 38 (lettre 21), 148 (lettre 82), 172 (lettre 95), 214 (lettre 120), 218 (lettre 120); et le mot anima, dans cette acception, dans les lettres suivantes : The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 74 (lettre 41), 218 (lettre 122). 73. Fulbertus (…) comiti Gualeranno et comiti Gualterio ceterisque filiis fidelibusque suis salutem et benedictionem. (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 50 [lettre 27]).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931 357

Originals.indd 357 08/06/2009 8:17:14 h 74 is encore plus loin en demandant à ses vassaux de le « défendre comme leur père spirituel » . Il leur g l

n témoigne ainsi son amour et sa confiance et se considère comme responsable d’eux sur les plans

E matériel et spirituel75. Les liens entre Fulbert et ses vassaux dépassent donc les obligations prati- in

n ques détaillées dans la lettre 51 ; Fulbert, en tant qu’évêque, introduit dans ces liens les notions

t t e d’amour et de responsabilité morale. i r La relation entre Fulbert de Chartres et son principal seigneur Robert le Pieux, bien que plus W

t complexe, reprend en partie cette rhétorique de la responsabilité : Fulbert fait souvent appel à

no la pietas du roi, au respect de ses devoirs d’affection envers ses fidèles. Ainsi, vers 1008, Fulbert

s omet de se déplacer pour rencontrer le roi, peut-être à cause d’un conflit autour de l’attribution e x t de l’évêché d’Orléans ; il demande alors le « pardon » auprès de l’ « affection royale»76. Fulbert T attend de son seigneur une aide qu’il lui doit en vertu de leur lien de fidélité. Il utilise donc la t h e

f référence au père pour solliciter cette aide avec plus de conviction, même si l’auxilium fait partie o

s des devoirs réciproques entre seigneur et fidèle : « soutenez moi plutôt, saint père, soutenez

a l notre faiblesse »77. Ce rapport de fidélité entre Fulbert et Robert le Pieux est le plus documenté in g i grâce aux lettres que Fulbert a envoyées au roi et dont il a conservé un double dans sa collection. r

O Ces lettres témoignent du fait que Fulbert cherche à se comporter en bon fidèle du roi et à suivre les règles qu’il a lui-même mises par écrit dans la lettre 51. Ainsi il apporte très fréquemment son consilium au roi, même quand son avis pourrait heurter ce dernier. Il a une conception élevée du consilium, conception héritée des évêques carolingiens et qui veut que le conseil, d’origine divine, soit transmis au roi par ses évêques : il souhaite à Robert le Pieux d’obtenir « de Dieu le conseil et le courage »78. Fulbert n’hésite d’ailleurs pas à s’opposer au roi si les décisions de ce dernier vont contre son propre intérêt, ou contre le salut de son âme. De même Fulbert apporte son aide à son seigneur, en particulier en lui transmettant des informations sur le comté de Chartres ou en soutenant sa décision de faire sacrer son fils Henri en 1027. Si Fulbert remplit aussi bien ses devoirs de fidèle, c’est parce qu’une relation morale et affective le lie à son seigneur. Fulbert témoigne souvent son affection au roi en l’appelant dominus dilectissimus et il rappelle qu’à son égard, le roi est « toujours irrigué par une fontaine de bonté »79. L’évêque de Chartres le remercie d’ailleurs de prendre régulièrement de ses nouvelles80. Cette relation de fidelitas et d’affectus entre les deux hommes prend parfois une connotation morale et religieuse dans les lettres de Fulbert. Ce dernier souhaite que sa relation de fidélité avec le roi contribue à « l’augmentation de sa sainte vertu »81 et lui permette d’obtenir « ce qui est honnête et utile »82. On retrouve là tout le vocabulaire cicéronien de la vertu, de l’utile et honestum, qui apparaissait déjà dans la lettre 51 définissant lafidelitas et dans la conception fulbertienne de l’amicitia. Pour Fulbert, la fidelitas doit

74. rogo ut me sicut patrem vestrum spiritualem defendatis (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 50 [lettre 27]). 75. Fulbert leur montre cette affection quand leurs relations sont normales et bien évidemment pas en cas de conflit : dans ce cas il peut se montrer très froid et autoritaire, comme dans les lettres 9 et 10 : The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 20-22. 76. facilis tamen debet esse remissio apud regiam pietatem (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 38 [lettre 21]). 77. Sustinete potius, sancte pater, sustinete inbecillitatem nostrum (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 74 [lettre 41]). 78. consilium et fortitudinem a Deo (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 102 [lettre 59]). 79. fonte bonitatis ut semper irriguus (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 106 [lettre 61]). 80. placuit bonitati vestrae consulere nos super habitu nostro (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 178 [lettre 99]). 81. sanctae virtutis augmentum (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 74 [lettre 41]). 82. quod decet et prodest (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 106 [lettre 61]).

358 Im a g o Te m p o r I s . me d I u m ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 358 08/06/2009 8:17:15 h

permettre, grâce à l’affection existant entre le seigneur et le fidèle, d’atteindre le bien souverain, is g l

l’honestum. Ceci est d’autant plus vrai pour le roi qu’il détient un ministère religieux particulier, n

grâce à son sacre : le roi est responsable de l’état moral et spirituel de son royaume. La relation E in

de fidélité, telle qu’elle est définie par Fulbert, est donc pour lui un outil de gouvernement n

permettant de maintenir la paix et de faire le bien du royaume. Fulbert n’hésite d’ailleurs pas à t t e i exprimer cet aspect religieux de la fidelitas en souhaitant à Robert que « Dieu réconforte sa chère r

83 W

âme en lui accordant tout ce qui est bon » . La notion de bonum était déjà présente dans la lettre t

51: la fidelitas permet au seigneur comme au fidèle d’atteindre le bien souverain, avec l’aide de no

Dieu, grâce aux devoirs et à l’amour réciproques qu’elle met en place dans la société. Elle entre s donc parfaitement en harmonie avec le dessein divin. Il s’agit bien là de la vision de la fidélité e x t T d’un évêque, à la fois pieux et érudit, qui tente d’intégrer une relation sociale dominante dans sa t h e

conception spirituelle de la société et du pouvoir royal. La relation entre le fidèle et le seigneur f o 84 peut donc aussi être comparée à la relation entre le fidèle et Dieu , en particulier dans le cas de s

Fulbert et de Robert le Pieux, puisque le roi a un rôle spirituel important de même que l’évê- a l in g que de Chartres. Le charisme religieux de Robert justifie alors l’obéissance de ses fidèles. C’est i r

pourquoi Fulbert s’adresse parfois au roi en citant les Psaumes : « Je te chéris de tout mon cœur ; O ne me chasse pas loin de tes commandements »85. Ainsi Robert est assimilé à Dieu et Fulbert au prophète ou au fidèle qui souhaite lui obéir de son mieux. Dans cette relation particulière qui lie le roi à son évêque, on peut distinguer, derrière l’emploi d’un abondant vocabulaire affectif, une volonté de Fulbert d’imposer la dilectio, l’amour réciproque, comme l’un des fondements du contenu moral et religieux de la fidélité. Enfin l’association des vocabulaires de la fidelitas et de l’affectus est pour Fulbert un moyen de maintenir la paix avec son seigneur : on constate, dans les lettres de l’évêque de Chartres, que la plupart des conflits entre Fulbert et le roi sont réglés ou amoindris par l’emploi de cette double rhétorique. Ainsi, vers 1008, un conflit sérieux éclate entre les deux hommes au sujet de l’évêché d’Orléans. Le roi veut y placer Thierry qui est un familier de la reine, tandis que Fulbert et ses partisans veulent imposer leur candidat Oudri. Ce conflit dégénère en bataille rangée entre les partisans des deux candidats et Fulbert est molesté. Il s’agit donc d’une dispute sévère entre le roi et son fidèle et Fulbert refuse de se rendre à la consécration de Thierry. Il écrit alors une lettre d’excuse au roi, expliquant son absence par divers prétextes et lui demandant sa remissio, son pardon, au nom de son devoir d’affection envers son fidèle86. De même en 1020-1021, Fulbert refuse d’organiser la procession habituelle du clergé chartrain jusqu’à Orléans car il est toujours en désaccord avec l’évêque de cette ville. Pour ne pas blesser le roi, qui tient à cette procession, il prend pour prétexte l’incendie qui a ravagé son église peu avant et surtout il lui témoigne son affection et sa confiance en sa sagesse dans la lettre 41. La définition fulbertienne de la fidélité, reposant tant sur des clauses juridiques que sur une conception morale et affective, permet à Fulbert d’assouplir cette relation, de refuser son aide

83. ut Deus omni bono refocilet caram animam vestram (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 74 [lettre 41]). 84. Dans ce cas, la fidesdu chrétien envers Dieu peut être assimilée à la fidelitas du fidèle envers son seigneur. Ce thème a été étudié par Claude Carozzi dans l’article suivant à partir des lettres d’Yves de Chartres au début du XIIe siècle : Carozzi, Claude. « Les évêques vassaux du roi de France d’après Yves de Chartres », Chiesa e mondo feudale nei secoli X-XII: atti della dodicesima Settimana internazionale di studio, Passo della Mendola, 24-28 agosto 1992. Milan : Vita e pensiero, 1995 : 225-243. 85. In toto corde meo diligo te : ne repellas me a tuis mandatis (The letters and poems of Fulbert of Chartres…: 38 [lettre 21]). La deuxième partie de la phrase fait référence aux Psaumes, 118, 10. 86. Voir ci-dessus la note 75.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931 359

Originals.indd 359 08/06/2009 8:17:16 h

is ou son conseil au roi au nom de principes moraux supérieurs ou au nom de son affection pour g l

n lui. Elle met à sa disposition toute une rhétorique de l’affectus qui lui permet de désamorcer

E les conflits avec le roi. Cependant ce modèle de relation de fidélité se veut aussi « utile » à in

n l’ordre social : le fidèle est encouragé à se montrer obéissant, aimant pour obtenir les faveurs 87

t t e de son seigneur ; en échange, ce dernier doit lui montrer de la familiarité (familiaritas) et i r de la bienveillance (benevolentia), concrétisées par des faveurs (gratiae). La relation de fidélité, W

t ainsi définie par un amour réciproque, est moins rigide et donc garante de la paix et de l’ordre

no social : elle nuance les rapports hiérarchiques qui existent au sein de l’élite féodale et unit les

s Grands entre eux. Cette relation est « utile » au bien commun, comme le démontre Fulbert e x t dans sa lettre 51. Elle est, en particulier, nécessaire pour le roi qui est responsable de la paix T du royaume. Fulbert propose donc une définition de la fidelitas plus complexe que nous le t h e

f montre la lettre 51, souvent utilisée par les historiens de la période : certes la fidélité jurée et le o

s bénéfice sont au fondement de cette relation sociale. Mais Fulbert, par l’emploi d’un abondant

a l vocabulaire affectif, offre aussi un modèle de comportement, une morale fondée sur l’amour in g i réciproque entre le fidèle et son seigneur. Il répond de cette façon à un réel besoin de la société r

O du début du XIe siècle, marquée par les trahisons et les fidélités éphémères.

5. Conclusion

L’étude de l’association entre eux des champs lexicaux de la fidélité, de l’amitié et de l’amour dans les lettres de Fulbert de Chartres permet de nuancer la conception que l’on a de ces relations sociales. Dans la lettre 51, Fulbert propose une définition théorique de la fidélité fondée sur la sécurité, l’aide et le conseil en échange d’un bénéfice. Cependant il utilise le champ lexical de la fidelitas pour caractériser d’autres types de relations sociales comme l’amicitia. En effet Fulbert propose à Guillaume d’Aquitaine, grand prince laïc et lettré, un modèle de relation qui mêle fidélité, affect et amicitia cicéronienne. Son point de départ est certainement un serment de fidélité, juré par Fulbert à Guillaume pour la charge de trésorier de Saint-Hilaire. Fulbert et Hildegar, son représentant à Poitiers, associent alors le vocabulaire de l’amicitia antique à cette relation : ils créent ainsi un lien social nouveau où la fidélité tient une grande place et qui n’abolit pas la hiérarchie sociale entre Fulbert et Guillaume. Sous l’influence de Cicéron, Fulbert fait de l’amitié un lien social réservé à une élite et « utile » au bien commun, à la concorde. Cependant, à la différence de la relation féodo-vassalique, cette relation est librement choisie, peut être librement abandonnée en fonction des intérêts de chacun et les dons, les cadeaux n’engagent pas ceux qui les reçoivent à un service particulier : ces dons entretiennent l’amicitia, sans plus. L’habileté de Fulbert est de proposer à un laïc cultivé une relation sociale fondée sur les deux principales références de sa propre culture : Cicéron que Guillaume connaît de par son éducation soignée et le vocabulaire de la fidelitas qui s’insère dans la pratique des relations d’homme à homme. De même Fulbert propose, à travers toute sa correspondance, un modèle de relation de fidélité plus nuancé que celui présenté dans la lettre 51 : dans ce modèle, il met l’accent sur l’amour réciproque entre seigneur et fidèle et il définit une morale et un code de

87. Le même type de relation de fidélité se retrouve plus tardivement à la cour du comte de Toulouse, voir l’étude suivante : Macé, Laurent. « Amour et fidélité : le comte de Toulouse et ses hommes (XIIe-XIIIe siècles) »,Les sociétés mé- ridionales à l’âge féodal (Espagne, Italie et sud de la France, Xe-XIIIe siècles), Hélène Debax, dir. Toulouse : Université Toulouse le Mirail, 1999 : 259-304.

360 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 360 08/06/2009 8:17:17 h

comportement pour leur relation. Pour cela il introduit dans les relations de fidélité un abondant is g l

vocabulaire affectif qui traduit l’idéal d’une société dans laquelle la hiérarchie féodale serait n

tempérée par l’amour chrétien partagé. En outre il donne ainsi une connotation religieuse et E in

morale à la fidelitas, responsable désormais de la concorde sociale. On retrouve là l’idée cicéro- n

nienne de l’utile et honestum qui fait le lien entre l’amitié et la fidélité. Pour Fulbert de Chartres, t t e i ces deux relations interpersonnelles engagent différemment les personnes concernées mais elles r W

possèdent un même code moral fondé sur l’amour réciproque, la sécurité et l’utilité sociale : t

toutes deux traduisent, sous la plume de Fulbert, l’idéal chrétien et antique de la concorde et no

du bien commun. s e x t T t h e

f o

s a l in g i r O

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 345-361. ISSN 1888-3931 361

Originals.indd 361 08/06/2009 8:17:18 h

is Le message chrétien dans le Josep d’Abarimatie g l

n et la Demanda del Santo Grial: conversion

E et charité à travers le dialogue in

n t t e i r Ca t a l i n a Gi r b e a W

t Uni v e r si t a t e a d in Bu c a r e s t i no

s e x t T t h e

f Résumé o

a l Les romans arthuriens français du XIIIe siècle livrent parfois un message religieux destiné à in g i convertir le public. Le succès de ce genre de message, sa réception, peut être mesuré à travers les r

O traductions et adaptations en d’autres langues. L’adaptation de l’Estoire del saint Graal en castillan montre que le texte ibérique reprend et amplifie les idéaux chrétiens véhiculés par l’original. En étudiant les modifications, les changements et les suppression faites par le traducteur, le lecteur peut s’apercevoir que dans le Josep d’Abarimatia les formes de violence ainsi que la place les miracles dans la diffusion du message de conversion sont largement réduites au profit de l’amorce dialogique. D’autre part, l’adaptation de la Queste Post-Vulgate en castillan sous le nom de Demanda del Santo Grial met au centre des idéaux chrétiens la charité et la bonté, à la différence de la Queste Vulgate, qui accorde une place plus importante à la pureté.

Les romans arthuriens du XIIIe siècle font parfois figure de véhicule de messages religieux destinés à convertir l’auditoire et les lecteurs, ou à améliorer leur foi. Les textes mettent en place des stratégies de conversion fondées sur la persuasion. L’une des principales stratégies employées est celle de la parole, elle semble en tout cas être la plus valorisée, mais elle est systématiquement abandonnée au profit d’une autre, fondée sur la force, que cela soit un miracle de punition, un miracle tout court ou un combat1. Ceci est peut-être le résultat d’un changement dans la pastorale chrétienne du XIIIe siècle avec l’apparition des Ordres Mendiants. Les Franciscains et les Domini- cains sont tournés au début vers la discussion, vers la prédication de la foi par le biais de la parole persuasive. La croisade, critiquée de plus en plus2, n’est qu’un moyen pour accéder plus facilement au monde musulman et multiplier les contacts avec les païens qui doivent être convertis3. Par la

1. Girbea, Catalina. « Discours persuasifs et conscience religieuse dans les romans arthuriens du XIIIe siècle », Convaincre et persuader. Communication et propagande aux XIIe-XIIIe siècles, Martin Aurell, éd. Poitiers : Université de Poitiers-CESCM, 2007 : 153-189 ; Girbea, Catalina. « Quelques éléments sur la réception du message religieux arthurien à travers les enluminures (XIIIe-XVe siècles) », Comunicazione e propaganda nei secoli XII e XIII. Atti del convegno internazionale (Messina, 24-26 maggio 2007), Rossana Castano, Fortunata Latella, Tania Sorrenti, dirs. Roma: Viella, 2007 : 299-324. 2. Vones, Ludwig. « Mission et frontière dans l’espace Méditerranéen », Christianizing Peoples and Converting Indivi- duals, International Medieval Research 7, Guyda Armstrong, Ian Wood, dirs. Turnhout : Brepols, 2000 : 212. Voir aussi Throop, Palmer A. Criticism of the Crusade. A Study of Public Opinion and Crusade Propaganda. Amsterdam : Swets et Zietlinger, 1940. 3. Vones, Ludwig, « Mission… » : 212.

362 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 362 08/06/2009 8:17:19 h

suite, les frères développent vers la fin du XIIIe siècle une attitude plus radicale, qui a tendance à is

4 g l

abandonner la parole comme inefficace et qui vise la conversion à tout prix . n

Nous nous proposons d’examiner dans cet article5 la réception du message religieux arthurien E in

dans le milieu ibérique à travers quelques remaniements castillans. Les romans français sont très n

vite connus en Espagne et au Portugal, où ils circulent au début dans le milieu des nobles et des t t e i princes, pour être diffusés ensuite vers les autres couches sociales. Ils arrivent dans la Péninsule r W

probablement à travers la Historia Regum Britaniae, dès le XIIe siècle sous le règne d’Alphonse VIII t 6 ou Henri Ier . Selon d’autres chercheurs, la matière de Bretagne est déjà connue au début du siè- no

cle, puisqu’une sculpture de la cathédrale de Modène représente probablement des scènes de la s légende tristanienne7. Dans le milieu ibérique, ces romans sont diffusés, cultivés et traduits pour e x t T leur picaresque, leur dynamique et leur sens de l’aventure, mais aussi pour le message de morale t h e 8 chrétienne qu’ils transmettent . Par ailleurs, des romans comme Libro del Cavallero de Dios Zifar ou f o

Amadis de Gaula qui, même s’ils s’inspirent partiellemnt de la matière arthurienne ne sont pas des s

traductions mais des créations ibériques authentiques, laissent percevoir un phénomène de conta- a l in

9 g mination entre le romanesque et le traité de morale . i r O 1. Le discours de conversion dans le contexte ibérique

Avant de nous pencher sur la réception des messages religieux arthuriens dans la Péninsule, nous devrions faire un détour à travers la tradition ibérique de l’évangélisation et de la conversion individuelle, qui met en place des discussions, des dialogues et des disputatio sur le plan théorique et sur le plan concret. C’est un aspect normal pour une région constamment tiraillée entre trois religions différentes, qui se disputent aussi bien le territoire que la suprématie religieuse, et où les membres des trois confessions tentent systématiquement de se comprendre et de cohabiter. Nous devons une mise en place du concept de dialogue médiéval dans l’espace ibérique à la thèse du chercheur allemand Roger Friedlein, qui explique les origines antiques de la pratique et de sa diffusion au cours du Moyen Age. Il s’appuie essentiellement sur les thèses de Paul Zumthor concernant l’oralité, en exposant le dialogue comme une forme intermédiaire entre l’écrit

4. Cohen, Jeremy. The Friars and the Jews : The Evolution of Medieval Anti-Judaism. Ithaca-Londres: Cornell University Press, 1982 : 32. 5. Nous tenons à remercier particulièrement Martin Aurell de ses remarques sur cet article. Notre gratitude va égale- ment vers Mianda Cioba pour les corrections qu’elle nous a faites, et vers Francisco Crosas qui nous a facilité l’accès à l’édition ancienne de la Demanda del sancto Grial. Flocel Sabaté nous a aimablement proposé de publier cet article dans la présente revue, qu’il en soit sincèrement remercié. 6. Entwistle, William. The Arthurian Legends in the Literatures of the Spanish Peninsula. New York: Phaeton Press, 1975: 226. 7. Pour des détails sur les modalités de diffusion orale de ces motifs à travers les routes de pèlerinage à Saint-Jacques voir Aurell, Martin. La légende du roi Arthur. Paris : Perrin, 2007 : 210-250. Voir aussi Stanesco, Michel. La légende du Graal dans les littératures européennes. Paris : Le Livre de Poche, 2006 : 113. 8. Ainsi, les écrits de Ramon Llull sont influencés par les romans du Graal ; Galaad devient le modèle d’un connétable de Portugal, Nuo Alavares Pereira ; des scènes de la Queste del saint Graal apparaissent dans des tapisseries fabriquées sous le règne de Pierre le Cérémonieux, etc, voir Stanesco, Michel. La légende…: 115-116. 9. Cioba, Mianda. « El Libro de las armas de Juan Manuel: caballería y realeza a finales de la Alta Edad Media Castella- na », Studii de lingvistica si filologie romanica. Hommages offerts à Sanda Rîpeanu-Reinheimer, Alexandra Cunita, Constantin Lupu, Lucia Tasmowski, éds. Bucarest : Editura Universitatii din Bucuresti, 2007 : 113- 131. L’auteur emploie l’heureuse expression de « hybridation » à la page 113.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931 363

Originals.indd 363 08/06/2009 8:17:20 h 10 is et l’oral , et il souligne que la tradition antique se manifeste avec prédilection dans l’écriture g l

n religieuse et théologique, comme les dialogues à thématique judéo-chrétienne d’Abélard, Pierre

E Alphonse, Anselme de Canterbury, etc11. Le but de cette recherche est la mise en contexte des in

n formes d’écriture dialogique chez un auteur comme Ramon Llull, qui apporte énormément sur ce 12

t t e plan dans le panorama médiéval . i r Cependant, si les formes dialogiques et le simulacre de discussion sont productifs chez l’auteur W

t catalan, c’est parce que le monde médiéval ibérique connaît déjà un fort penchant pour le débat

no argumentaire, issu de la spécificité d’une zone co-habitée par trois religions concurrentielles. De

s véritables disputes entre les représentants des chrétiens, des juifs et des musulmans ont été organi- e x t sées à partir du XIIIe siècle13. Ces disputes ressemblent à des jutes entre chevaliers, sauf que la lutte T est déplacée sur le plan du discours, elles se déroulent en public et comportent les dimensions d’un t h e 14 f spectacle, en présence des partisans d’un camp ou d’un autre . Il en est ainsi des controverses de o 15 s Paris en 1240, de Barcelone en 1263, de Majorque en 1286 , la dispute ayant opposé le Ramban à

a l Pablo Christiani à Gérone16, ou plus tard celle de Tortosa en 1415, que l’on connaît grâce aux rap- in

g 17 i ports ou aux protocoles qui ont été rédigés par la suite . Elément intéressant pour la controverse r

O de Barcelone, Jacques Ier y assiste en personne et promet au représentant des juifs Nahmanide qu’il lui permettra d’exposer librement ses arguments18. Les textes théoriques empruntent cet esprit de controverse. Ainsi, le premier texte polémique ibérique, d’origine arabe, est celui de Ibn Hazm, au XIe siècle19. Ses écrits sont suivis par des formes purement dialogiques au XIIe siècle, provenant de juifs, de chrétiens ou de musulmans, dont un exemple intéressant et très cité au Moyen Age est celui de Pedro Alfonso, un juif converti qui construit un dialogue entre deux personnages qui représentent deux faces différentes du même visage, lui-même juif et lui-même chrétien20. La prédication et la légitimité du prédicateur ont été dès le XIIe siècle vus comme essentiels dans la Péninsule21. Au XIIIe siècle l’esprit missionnaire prend un essor considérable et joue également un rôle important dans la constitution de textes qui mettent face à face des représentants de reli-

10. Friedlein, Roger. Der Dialog bei Ramon Llull. Tübingen: M. Niemeyer Verlag, 2004 : 15. 11. « Um ein operatives Dialogkonzept für das Mittelalter und insbesondere für Llull abzustecken, läβt sich der Kern- bereich der Gattung in Nachfolge der spätantiken Traditionen zunächst im Gebiet der religiösen und theologischen Texte vermuten – ein Bereich, dem freilich ohnehin das Gros der überlieferten Texte angehört », Friedlien, Roger. Der Dialog… : 20. 12. Friedlien, Roger. Der Dialog… : 27. 13. Sugranyes de Franch, Ramon. « Le Livre du Gentil et des trois sages », Juifs et judaïsme de Languedoc (Cahiers de Fan- jeux, 12). Toulouse: Édouard Privat éditeurs, 1977: 332. 14. Barkaï, Ron. « Les trois cultures ibériques entre dialogue et polémique », Chrétiens, musulmans et juifs dans l’Espagne médiévale. De la convergence à l’expulsion, Ron Barkaï, dir. Paris : Cerf, 1994 : 228-229. L’auteur rappelle que le point commun entre ces trois religions est le monothéisme et la prééminence d’un seul livre : les arabes par exemple désignent les chrétiens et les juifs comme ahl al-kitab, « peuple du Livre ». 15. Barkaï, Ron. « Les trois cultures… » : 243. 16. Barkaï, Ron. « Les trois cultures… » : 242. 17. Friedlein, Roger. Der Dialog… : 61. 18. Barkaï, Ron. « Les trois cultures… » : 242. 19. Barkaï, Ron. « Les trois cultures… » : 233. Roger Friedlein rappelle d’ailleurs que la littérature arabe est très impré- gnée de l’esprit de controverse rationnelle entre les religions et qu’elle a dû influencer les écrits de la Péninsule au cours du Moyen Age (Friedlein, Roger. Der Dialog… : 64). 20. Barkaï, Ron. « Les trois cultures… » : 236. 21. Comme le prouvent par exemple certaines œuvres hagiographiques comme la vie de l’évêque Oleguer, voir Aurell, Martin. « Prédication, croisade et religion civique. Vie et miracles d’Oleguer (mort en 1137), évêque de Barcelone ». Revue Mabillon, 10 (1999) : 113-168.

364 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 364 08/06/2009 8:17:21 h 22 gions différentes. Ainsi, à part Ramon Llull , l’Espagne médiévale connaît aussi d’autres figures is

23 g l

de missionnaires très actifs Ramon Martí, concentré sur la conversion des juifs , ou Ramon de n

Penyafort24. Les Ordres Mendiants, développent un système argumentaire basé sur le syllogisme E in

logique . Ainsi, l’étude de Wolfram Schleicher sur l’influence de la prédication des Dominicains n

et des Franciscains sur le livre d’Evast et Blaquerna s’applique à montrer que l’auteur catalan a mé- t t e i langé de manière consciente des éléments épiques aux éléments de pastorale populaire dans son r

26 W

roman . Wolfram Schleicher partage les chapitres du roman en plusieurs catégories, en fonction t

de leur rapport à la prédication, et il établit ainsi des formes de prédication pure, des formes qui no

mélangent le dialogue et le sermon, et enfin des rédactions-exempla27. Ce qui nous intéresse ici de s premier abord ce sont les deuxième types de rédaction, inspirés non seulement par la tradition des e x t T disputes théologiques, mais également par les discussion monastiques qui avaient lieu dans l’après- t h e 28 midi et qui s’appelaient collationes . f o 29 Le Livre d’Esvast et Blaquerna comporte de nombreux passages qui parlent de la manière dont s

les chrétiens doivent percevoir les juifs et les musulmans et dont ils doivent leur prêcher. Ainsi, a l in g dans le chapitre 71, un chanoine passe devant une synagogue et se met à pleurer sur le sort des i r 30 juifs qui ne connaissent pas la vérité de la foi . D’ailleurs le chanoine parcourt le monde en guise O de fou de Dieu, selon le modèle de saint François, pour enseigner et sermonner le peuple, danse avec les débauchés, et souffre à cause du sort de ces trois religions divisées31. Lorsqu’il était évêque, Blanquerna allait tous les samedis prêcher aux juifs : dans son esprit une religion unique aurait évité les malentendus, les agressions et les violences qui se passaient constamment sous ses yeux32. Le message du roman llulien est également que le dialogue entre les religions doit se tenir en paix et sans rancune33. Pendant la période que Blanquerna fut pape, il envoya son cardinal à pacifier les différends entre les membres des diverses religions. A Rome il y avait un juif et un chrétien qui

22. Fortement influencé par Roger Bacon, Jacques de Vitry et Guillaume de Tripolis, voir Vones, Ludwig. « Missions… » : 218. 23. Friedlein, Roger. Der Dialog… : 48. 24. Friedlein, Roger. Der Dialog… : 62. 25. Barkaï, Ron. « Les trois cultures… » : 246. 26. Schleicher, Wolfram. Ramon Lulls Libre de Evast e Blanquerna. Eine Untersuchung über den Einfluβ der Franziskanisch-Do- minikanischen Predigt auf die Prosawerke des katalanischen Dichters. Genève: Droz, 1958. 27. Schleicher, Wolfram. Ramon Lulls…: 106. 28. Ou Nachmittagspredigten en allemand, ce qui signifie que malgré leur caractère dialogal elles ne sont pas moins per- çues comme des sermons : Schleicher, Wolfram. Ramon Lulls… : 113. L’auteur rappelle les collationes très connues de Jean Cassian, qui se sont gardées par écrit. 29. Que nous citerons à travers sa traduction en ancien français, n’ayant pas pu avoir accès pour le moment à sa version originale, Llull, Ramon. Livre d’Evast et Blanquerna, éd. Armand Llinarès. Paris : Presses Universitaires de France, 1970. La traduction est fidèle à l’original, et l’éditeur signale tous les endroits où il y a des variations. 30. Llull, Ramon. Livre d’Evast... : 197. 31. Llull, Ramon. Livre d’Evast... : 209 : « Le chanoine aloit par la vile en guise de fol si come il avoit acoustumé et disoit aucunes foles paroles porce que par celes peüst amener les gens a bones oeuves. ». 32. Llull, Ramon. Livre d’Evast... : 204 : « L’evesque pensa que se les Juys et les crestiens eussent une creance, entreus n’eust point de male volenté, et por ce aloit l’evesque touz les samediz preeschier et desputer aus Juys en leur sinagogue, porce que il se crestiennassent et loassent et beneïssent Dieu Jhesucrist, et qu’il eussent pés aus crestiens. ». Voir aussi le commentaire de Wolfram Schleicher. Ramon Lulls… : 91. 33. Voir aussi Schleicher, Wolfram. Ramon Lulls... : 85.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931 365

Originals.indd 365 08/06/2009 8:17:22 h

is disputaient tous les jours des différences entre leurs croyances, mais ils le faisaient avec haine et

g l 34

n agressivité. Le cardinal réussit à les pacifier et à les rendre amis .

E Cependant, Ron Barkai dans son étude sur l’évolution du dialogue entre les religions constate in

n que à partir de la deuxième moitié du XIVe siècle les relations se radicalisent, le dialogue se tait, les

t t e personnalités laïques appelées pour modérer les débats disparaissent, et les juifs aussi bien que les i r musulmans commencent à apparaître comme des éléments mal vus, qui doivent être expulsés35. W

t Par ailleurs, ce changement peut être observé déjà dans l’évolution de la pensée de Ramon Llull,

no qui se montre très ouvert au dialogue dans ses premiers écrits, et de plus en plus tranchant vers la

s fin du XIIIe siècle, parvenant dans les années 1294-1296 à recommander la force comme premier e x t moyen de conversion ; il demande au roi Jacques II d’Aragon d’obliger les juifs et les musulmans T à assister aux prêches36, mais ceci n’est pas forcément une preuve de radicalisation de sa pensée, t h e

f mais de changement de stratégie. Par ailleurs, la demande qu’il faut au roi Jacques II n’est pas en o

s soi nouvelle, c’est plutôt l’exigence qu’il respecte une attitude royale déjà traditionnelle, puisque

a l Alphonse X avait également coutume d’obliger les juifs et les musulmans d’assister aux sermons, in

g 37 i tout en recommandant la force et non pas la violence . Ce changement dans les mentalités a lieu r

O probablement à la suite de la chute de Saint-Jean d’Acre en 1291 et aussi des attaques des Mérini- des pour conquérir le détroit de Gibraltar38.

2. L’Estoire française et le Josep castillan : l’influence franciscaine et sa reprise à travers la traduction

C’est dans ce contexte de refroidissement, entre la fin du XIIIe siècle et le début du XIVe que sont produites les traductions espagnoles des romans français de la Vulgate arthurienne. Le Josep d’Abarimatie39 est traduit probablement vers 131340, après la Demanda del sancto Grial41, et il suit d’assez près son original français, qui n’est pas le Joseph de Robert de Boron, mais l’Estoire del saint Graal (vers 1230) du cycle de la Vulgate42. Le roman spagnol a été conservé dans deux manuscrits,

34. Llull, Ramon. Livre d’Evast... : 225. 35. Barkaï, Ron. « Les trois cultures »… : 247. 36. Vones, Ludwig. « Mission… »: 216. 37. Tolan, John. Saracens. Islam in the Medieval European Imagination. New York: Columbia University Press, 2002 : 174, 179. 38. Tolan, John. Saracens... : 218. 39. Que nous citerons désormais d’après l’édition incorporée dans Spanish Grail Fragments : El Libro de Josep Abarimatia. La Estoria de Merlin. Lançarotte, éd. Karl Pietsch. Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1924 : I. 40. La plupart des chercheurs s’accordent à dater de 1313 le Josep, à cause de deux éléments importants, le premier c’est la déclaration d’un Docteur Manuel Alvarez qui dit, au XVIe siècle, avoir transcrit le texte à partir d’un original vieux de deux cent ans. Le scribe le dédicace à João III qui a régné de 1521 à 1557, ce qui met l’année 1321 comme terminus ante quo pour le texte. D’autre part, Juan Sánchez, un clerc de Léon, annonce qu’il a demandé la fabrication de ce livre cinq ans après la fondation de l’université de Coïmbre, en 1308. Ceci fixe nore date pour 1313. (Voir Entwistle, William. Arthurian Legends… : 135-136 ; voir aussi Spanish Grail : Fragments... : I, XIX). 41. Que nous citerons d’après l’édition de 1535 à Séville, La Demanda del sancto Grial, con los maravillosos fechos de Galaz et de Lançarotte, su hijo. 42. Nous citerons l’Estoire d’après l’édition « Joseph d’Arimathie », Le Livre du Graal, eds, Daniel Poirion, Philippe Wal- ter. Paris : Gallimard, 2001. Afin d’éviter toute confusion possible avec le Joseph de Robert de Boron, nous appelons ce roman partout dans cet article, dans le texte et dans les notes, Estoire del Saint Graal.

366 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 366 08/06/2009 8:17:23 h

le 2-G-5 de la Bibliothèque Royale de Madrid aujourd'hui à Salamanca et fabriqué au XVe siècle, is

43 g l

et le manuscrit Alcobaça, n° 643, de Torre do Tombo . n

L’influence franciscaine.On peut percevoir une influence franciscaine directe, évidente déjà E in

dans le texte français, et qui explique partiellement probablement la volonté de traduite le texte n

au début du XIVe siècle en Espagne. Par ailleurs, l’esprit franciscain n’est pas totalement étranger t t e i à la matière arthurienne du XIIIe siècle, même si elle n’est pas directe : l’esprit d’évangélisaion et r W

l’idéal de la pauvreté sont présents très souvent, et une allusions concrète aux Mendiants dans t 44 la Continuation de Gerbert de Montreuil, surprise par Martin Aurell , en sont la preuve. Même si no

Joseph et ses compagnons rappellent le modèle des communautés chrétiennes d’origine ou que s le moule narratif rappelle celui des Actes des Apôtres, le lecteur peut reconnaître, à une lecture plus e x t T attentive, les frères mineurs des ordres mendiants dans nos personnages. t h e

Un premier trait essentiel est la pauvreté. Lorsque Joseph part prêcher, Dieu lui ordonne de f o 45 se dépouiller de tous ses biens . Cette pauvreté c’est aussi ce qui frappe le roi Evalac lorsqu’il les s

regarde attentivement : a l in g i r

Et quant li rois les vit tous nus piés, si en ot molt grant pitié selonc sa creance. Si les apela et lor O demanda pourcoi il suffroient tele penitence d’aller nus piés et d’estre tant povrement et si vilainement vestu. Lors respondi li fix Joseph : “ Rois, fist il, nous souffrons ceste painne pour le Sauveour del monde, qui sousfri mort pour nous, et angoisse si grant qu’il en ot les piés perciés et les paumes (…). Et quel service li porrons nous faire qui vaille tel service, se nous ne souffrons a estre crucefiié aussi com il fu pour nous ? ”46.

La version castillane reprend l’épisode presque à l’identique :

E vidolos tan desnudos e tan pobremente vestidos que ovo dellos grand piedat. E preguntolos por que sofrian tan penitencia de andar descalços e tan mal vestidos e tan villanamente. E entonçe rrespondio Josaphas, el fijo de Josep : « Rrey, nos sofrimos esta penitençia por el Salvador del mundo que sofrio tan grand coyta por nos que ovo les pies et las manos foradadas con grandes fierros. (…) E qual servicio le podriamos nos fazer a este si otrosi nos non sofriesemos e marteriasemos por el commo el fizo por nos 47? .

La seule modification introduite par le traducteur est celle qui concerne Evalac : il supprime la précision que le roi eut pitié des missionnaires « selon sa foi ». Cette suppression n’est probablement pas un hasard, elle tend à mettre sur le même plan les païens et les chrétiens, rappelant qu’en tant qu’êtres humains ils ont, globalement, les mêmes affects et les mêmes sentiments, ce qui n’étaient pas une évidence au XIIIe siècle48. Nous reviendrons sur les capacités d’Evalac à être charitable dans les deux versions.

43. Voir Entwistle, William, Arthurians Legends…: 133. L’édition de Karl Pietsch que nous suivons est établie d’après le 2-G-5 de Madrid. 44. Aurell, Martin. La légende… : 369 sq. Chez Gerbert, la vie des Franciscains est déjà perçue comme idéal, puisque le texte (v. 8692-8697) fait allusion à ceux qui sont mal vus parce qu’ils ne se comportent pas comme les Cordeliers. 45. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 35. 46. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 51. Voir aussi Girbea, Catalina. « Discours… » : 188. Nous n’avions pas encore perçu dans cet article l’influence des Franciscains sur le roman. 47. El libro de Josep Abarimatia…: 27. 48. Voir à ce sujet l’article de Elukin, Johnatan M. « From Jew to Christian. Conversion and Immutability in Medieval Europe », Varieties of Religious Conversion in the Middle Ages, James Muldoon, éd. Gainesville : University Press of Florida,

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931 367

Originals.indd 367 08/06/2009 8:17:24 h 49 is En plus d’un tableau qui rappelle la façon dont les frères mendiants allaient à travers le monde , g l

n nous retrouvons aussi les tendances pénitentielles des Franciscains, puisque Joseph explique au

E roi que c’est pour expier les souffrances du Christ qu’ils vont pieds nus à travers le monde. C’est le in

n dolorisme qui commence à s’introduire dans les mentalités avec les Mendiants au XIIIe siècle.

t t e En dernier lieu, force nous est de constater la place immense, presque obsessive, prise par i r la prédication dans l’œuvre. L’Estoire est une suite de conversions et le récit du périple des W

t compagnons de Joseph à travers le monde, certes calqué sur le modèle biblique, mais aussi bien

no ancré dans l’esprit du temps. Et, surtout, il ne faut pas oublier devant qui prêchent Joseph et les

s siens : systématiquement devant des rois et souverains païens. Or, c’est bien le projet de François e x t d’Assise de convertir d’abord les têtes couronnées, pour arriver ensuite à leurs peuples. Ainsi, T il tenta trois fois de rencontrer des chefs musulmans en Orien, il échoua en 1212 lors de son t h e

f voyage en Orient et en 1214 sur le chemin de Maroc, mais il réussit en 1220 à rencontrer le sultan o

s Melek al-Kamil à Damiette. Il disputa publiquement avec lui, entreprise qui n’eut pas un immense

a l succès50. La dispute publique entre Joseph et Josephé et le roi Evalac rappelle bien cette entreprise in g i de saint François qui fut célèbre au XIIIe siècle et que l’auteur de l’Estoire n’a pas pu ignorer. Par r

O ailleurs, des légendes ont commencé à se former autour des missions franciscaines en Orient, et nous avons ainsi des récits qui circulent sur la mort en martyrs de cinq frères mineurs exécutés au Maroc en 122051, alors qu’en 1228 deux Franciscains italiens se font tuer à Valence toujours pour avoir tenté de prêcher publiquement52. Nous ne pouvons pas ignorer les parallèles évidentes entre ces récits et les épisodes de l’Estoire. Le détail le plus important qui impressionne le sultan, selon le récit de Thomas de Celano est que François refuse tous ses cadeaux et affirme sa soif de pauvreté53. Or, comme nous l’avons vu plus haut, c’est toujours la pauvreté qui attire l’attention d’Evalac. Il est vrai que le roi de Sarraz se convertit au christianisme, à la différence du sultan de saint François, mais l’entreprise est longue et ce n’est pas la parole de Joseph seule qui fait l’affaire, mais surtout les nombreux miracles qui l’accompagnent et la révélation nocturne du roi54. Ce détail nous fait penser au récit de Jacques de Vitry sur la fin de l’entrevue entre saint François et le sultan, ce dernier demandant au moine de prier pour lui afin que le Dieu des chrétiens lui envoie quelque révélation55. Cependant d’autres tentatives de conversion du texte français se terminent moins bien et certains des compagnons de Joseph se font tuer ou emprisonner par des rois particulièrement endurcis comme Crudel ou Agreste, autant d’épisodes qui font peut-être écho aux mésaventures des frères prêcheurs en pays musulman. En plus de l’aura que donne le martyre, qui peut être empruntée au bout du compte tout simplement aux récits hagiographiques, les héros de l’Estoire ont le même air de famille que les Franciscains et semblent être habités par leur même zèle missionnaire.

1997: 171-189. 49. Pieds nus, et dépouillés de tous bien matériel : Tolan, John. Saracens… : 215. 50. Vones, Ludwig, « Mission… » : 209. 51. Vones, Ludwig, « Mission… » L’auteur attire l’attention que la source, Passio sanctorum martyrum in Marochio martyrizatorum peut ne pas être sûre. 52. Vones, Ludwig, « Mission… » Voir aussi Feld, Helmut. Franziskus von Assisi und seine Bewegung. Darmstadt : Wissens- chaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1994 : 296. 53. Tolan, John. Saracens... : 215. 54. Voir Girbea, Catalina. « Discours… » : 169. 55. Tolan, John. Saracens… : 215.

368 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 368 08/06/2009 8:17:25 h

Deux nuances essentielles sont à signaler tout de même pour les différences qui s’établissent is g l

entre les frères prêcheurs et nos héros. En premier lieu, pour ce qui concerne le souhait de souffrir n

le martyre. Certains Franciscains, inspirés par saint François qui souhaitait ardemment mourir E in

pour le Christ, cherchent en priorité d’être martyrs et non pas de convertir les infidèles. C’est n

d’ailleurs ce que leur reproche Roger Bacon à la fin du XIIIe siècle. Ainsi, les cinq frères exécutés à t t e i Marrakech en 1220 ont provoqué délibérément les Sarrasins en insultant publiquement Moham- r W

mad, dans le but précis de se faire tuer. Pardonnés une fois, il reviennent et finissent par se faire t

exécuter. Il en va à peu près de même pour les frères qui se font exécuter à Ceuta en 1227, ou à no

Marrakech en 123256. Même si ce genre de mort devient source de légendes et inspire parfois des s conversions, aux yeux de l’Eglise elle peut paraître immodérée et douteuse et le pape Honorius III e x t T rappelle aux Franciscains dans une bulle que vivre humblement parmi les païens est une bonne t h e 57 58 chose . Ainsi, les martyrs de 1220 n’ont été canonisés qu’en 1481 . Il faut également souligner f o 59 que le zèle immodéré de certains frères n’est pas forcément représentatif de tout l’Ordre . Or, les s

héros de l’Estoire ne ressemblent pas énormément sur ce point aux martyrs Franciscains et font a l in g preuve de beaucoup plus de sagesse. Lorsque douze des compagnons sont martyrisés par le roi i r 60 Agreste à Camelot, Josephé manifeste une grande douleur à entendre la nouvelle , ce qui cadre O assez mal avec la phrase que saint François aurait dit lorsqu’il apprend la mort de ses cinq compagnons en 1220, « maintenant je peux vraiment dire que j’ai cinq frères »61. De même, lorsque Josephé même se trouve dans la prison du roi Crudel, les autres chrétiens ne semblent pas du tout lui souhaiter le martyre, mais incitent tous Mordrain à attaquer la cité pour le sauver62. C’est la conversion des mécréants, et non pas le martyre, qui est avant tout importante pour Joseph et les siens. Cette problématique nous fait penser que l’auteur du roman se place plutôt du côté des penseurs Franciscains plus modérés, ayant embrassé les stratégies de conversion rationnelles et sans véritable souhait de mourir dans l’entreprise. Un deuxième aspect concerne les insultes à Mahomet que les frères avaient parfois tendance à proférer, et leur violence verbale destinée à provoquer les musulmans et à les déterminer de leur donner la palme du martyre63. Par ailleurs, cette attitude était particulièrement contre-productive dans le contexte d’évangélisation, puisque de nombreuses sources disent que les païens écoutaient tranquillement les frères parler du Christ, mais les chassaient dès qu’ils commençaient à dire du mal de leur prophète64.

56. Tolan, John. Saracens… : 215-218. 57. Tolan, John. Saracens… : 218. 58. Tolan, John. Saracens… : 231-232. 59. Comme le prouvent les recherches de Schleicher, Wolfram. Ramon Lluls Libre…. De plus la théologie des Francis- cains théorise en même temps la conversion des autres que la conversion de soi, et la manière de les concilier. Le moine Franciscain est supposé s’améliorer progressivement et systématiquement. (Voir Roest, Bert. « Converting the Other and Converting the Self : Double Objectives in Franciscan Educational Writings », Cristianizing Peoples and converting individuals, Guyda Amstrong, Ian N. Wood, éds. Leeds-Turnhout : The Institute for Medieval Studies-Brepols Publishers, 2000 : 295-302). 60. « Et quant il le sot, si en fu mout dolans, et i vint o plours et o larmes ; et fist prendre le cors des martirs qui devant la crois estoient et les fist tous.XII. metre en une chapele. »,Estoire del Saint Grial... : 479. 61. Tolan. John, Saracens... : 216. 62. Estoire del Saint Grial... : 468. 63. Tolan, John. Saracens… : 216. 64. Tolan, John. Saracens… : 215.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931 369

Originals.indd 369 08/06/2009 8:17:26 h

is Josephé se livre à une véritable débauche fantastique d’exorcisations, il traîne le diable à travers g l

n la ville, détruit violemment les idoles de Sarraz, invoque toutes sortes de malédictions, et semble

E dépasser la juste mesure65. C’est là une attitude digne de l’exaltation de certains missionnaires in

n Franciscains, mais l’auteur de l’Estoire s’avère plus subtil et se tient à une stratégie raisonnée de

t t e l’évangélisation : Josephé se livre à ces formes de violence verbale et gestuelle seulement après i r avoir converti le roi, ou en tout cas après l’avoir presque acquis à la cause chrétienne et s’être as- W

t suré de son soutien et de sa protection.

no Par ailleurs, l’auteur prend bien soin de freiner et condamner les abus de Josephé et surtout

s son orgueil : Dieu l’interrompt en pleine course pour ligoter un démon et un ange lui transperce e x t la cuisse d’une lance. Cette punition, qui lui vaudra de boiter toute sa vie, est due au fait qu’au T lieu de baptiser les gens il tentait d’enchaîner le diable qui nuisait aux mécréants66. Le sens de cet t h e

f épisode est biaisé et quelque peu obscur, mais sa leçon reste évidente, le rôle de Josephé est avant o

s tout de baptiser et de convertir et il ne peut exercer son pouvoir contre le démon que dans le

a l contexte d’évangélisation. Encore une preuve donc que l’auteur de l’Estoire place l’évangélisation in g i avant toute forme de martyre et la conversion du mécréant avant sa destruction. L’Estoire concilie r

O ainsi les deux tendances des frères Franciscains, le désir de convertir par une stratégie raisonnée et le zèle de prêcher sans aucune visée systématique.

2.1 Les apports du traducteur castillan : rajouts et suppressions

Pour mesurer la réception du message religieux arthurien dans la Péninsule à travers la traduction de l’Estoire, nous tenterons d’examiner les différences entre la version française67 et la version castillane. Cette entreprise est évidement risquée, étant donné que nous ne savons pas quel est le manuscrit français qui a constitué la source de la traduction, ni d’ailleurs si notre traducteur a suivi directement l’original français ou une version castillane (voire portugaise) ultérieure. Il existe cependant un indice dans le texte qui nous renvoie vers une tradition manuscrite française. Lorsque Vespasien demande, afin qu’il puisse guérir, qu’on apporte de la Judée un objet qui avait été touché par le Seigneur nous avons une version différente du nom de Véronique : le traducteur espagnol la confond avec Marie l’Egyptienne, or cette confusion existe dans le manuscrit S 526 de la Bibliothèque universitaire de Bonn aussi bien que dans le manuscrit Royal 19. C. XII de Londres68. Il est donc probable que notre traduction suive cette tradition manuscrite. Cependant lorsque Vespasien et Titus font leur entrée en scène, le traducteur donne un nom au personnage qui leur annonce les pouvoirs thaumaturges de Jésus, il s’appelle Barfano, alors que dans l’Estoire il est question d’un « homme venu du Capharnaüm ». Ce détail peut être une erreur du traducteur castillan, ou bien la preuve qu’il suit une autre traduction69. De même, Joseph est présenté comme

65. Estoire del Saint Graal... : 150. 66. Estoire del Saint Graal... : 152 : « Ce est, dit li angles, en ramenbrance de ce que tu laissas a baptizier les gens pour rescourre les despiseurs de ma loy : tout ce te parra jusques en la fin de ta vie ». 67. L’édition de Philippe Walter et de Daniel Poirion est basée sur le manuscrit S 526 de la Bibliothèque Universitaire de Bonn. 68. Selon Philippe Walter, la page 1685 de l’édition de l’Estoire. 69. Voir aussi le compte rendu de Entwistle, William à l’édition de Karl Pietsch, dans Modern Languages Review, 20/ 3 (1925) : 357-359.

370 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 370 08/06/2009 8:17:27 h

venant d’Arimathie, en Aromate. Ceci est un apport de l’Estoire, que nous ne trouvons ni chez is

70 g l

Robert, ni dans l’Evangile de Nicodème . n

Le prologue. La première partie suit assez fidèlement la version française. Cependant il existe E in

une modification intéressante dans le prologue. L’Estoire raconte la mort du Christ, après avoir n

expliqué comment l’ermite auteur du livre a reçu l’inspiration pour écrire la nouvelle Bible du t t e i Graal. Suit l’apparition de Joseph d’Arimathie et le récit de sa demande à Pilate pour le corps du r

71 W

Seigneur . Le Josep commence directement avec l’histoire de la Passion et de Joseph, en éliminant t 72 tout ce qui a trait aux sources du livre . Dans les deux cas, le récit qui commence est prétexte pour no

rappeler à l’auditoire le sens de la Passion et du sacrifice du Christ. Cependant, la version castillane s élimine toute une partie de l’Estoire : e x t T t h e

En la ora que el Nuestre Sennor Jesu Cristo rrescebio muerte, e la nuestra muerte fue destruyda, e f o nuestra vida fue rreparada, non avya entonçe ningunos que en El creyesen fuera sus discipulos. E s quando Nuestro Sennor fue puesto en la cruz, dudo la muerte commo omne mortal. E dixo : Padre a l

si podiese ser que yo non sofriese esta pasion. Pero non ovo tan grand coyta porque El quesiese in

73 g escusar de la muerte. E muchos estavan y que avyan començamiento de lo creer, que dudaron. i r O A la différence de l’original, la traduction coupe au milieu la phrase du Christ sur la croix et élimine l’explication quelque peu douteuse donnée par l’auteur de l’Estoire, précisément que le Sauveur a eu peur de ne pas sauver tout le monde. Le traducteur castillan préfère se tenir à une interprétation plus conforme aux Evangiles, et surtout mettre en avant l’enjeu de la faiblesse humaine du Christ. En ne gardant que l’image du Crucifié souffrant et éprouvant de la peur, il façonne une représentation conforme au dolorisme du XIIIe siècle, destinée à éveiller avant tout de la pitié et de la compréhension face à la Passion. Santiago. Le jeune Josephé est baptisé par saint « Jacques le menour » dans l’Estoire74, détail que le traducteur espagnol reprend avec une précision : « E ovieron rresçebido baptismo de Santi- ago el menor que fue obispo de Jerusalem grand tienpo despues de la muerte de Jesu Cristo »75. Jacques le Mineur, mort en martyr, est considéré dans la Bible le fils de Marie sœur de la Vierge et d’Alphée et nommé « frère du Seigneur » (Mt., 27, 56 ; Lc, VI, 16, etc). Il semble avoir un rôle

70. « A tant i vint uns riche hom : / Joseph, issi l’appelout hom : / Produm ert et de bone vie / Et si ert nez d’Arimathie… », Trois versions rimés de l’Evangile de Nicodème, par Chrétien, André de Contances et un anonyme publiées d'après les manuscrits de Florence et de Londres, ed. Alphonse Bos, Gaston Paris. Paris : Librairie Firmin Didot, 1877 : 27, v. 845-848 ; « La vint uns preudom et loiaux, Joseph d’Arimachie, une cité en Judée », L’Evangile de Nicodème. Les versions courtes en ancien français et en prose. Genève : Droz, 1973 : 88. 71. « Au jour que li Sauverres del monde souffri mort fu nostre mors destruite, et nostre joie restorree. A icel jour estoient mout poi de gent qui en lui creïssent fors si desciple ; et s’il avoit avoec aus de creans, mout en i avoit poi. Et quant Nostre Sires fu en la crois, si douta li hom la mort conm hom morteus. Car il dist : “ Biaus Peres, ne souffre pas ceste Passion se je ne garandis les miens de la mort. ”. Car il n’estoit pas si coureciés encore de l’angoisse del cors, com il estoit de ce que il veoit qu’il ne ravoit encore conquis fors le larron qui li cria merci en la crois. Et ce dist Jhesucrist en l’Escriture, aussi com cil qui cuelle l’estuelle el tans de messon — c’est-à-dire qu’il n’avoit rachaté a sa mort que le larron qui n’estoit riens envers les autres gens. » : Estoire del Saint Graal… : 22. 72. Procédure courante pour les traductions et les adaptations dans la Péninsule (nous remercions Mianda Cioba pour cette information). Cependant, la suppression du début sur les sources divines du livre n’est valable que pour le manuscrit 2-G-5 de Madrid ; dans le manuscrit de Torre do Tombo cette introduction est traduite aussi (voir Entwistle, William. Arthurian Legends... : 134.) 73. El libro de Josep Abarimatia… : 3. 74. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 27. 75. El libro de Josep Abarimatia... : 6.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931 371

Originals.indd 371 08/06/2009 8:17:29 h

is important dans les Evangiles et se prononce sur une série de problèmes qui sont présentés à Paul, g l

n Pierre et d’autres Apôtres (Actes, 15, 13-21). Certains auteurs comme Eusèbe ou Saint Epiphane

E veulent qu’il ait été premier évêque de Jérusalem76, même si cette information n’apparaît jamais in

n concrètement dans la Bible. Des auteurs comme Eusèbe ou Jean Chrystostome soutiennent même

t t e qu’il a été consacré par le Seigneur lui-même. Or, ne l’oublions pas, dans l’Estoire cette grâce est i r transférée sur Josephé qui est sacré par le Christ au cours d’un long et détaillé cérémonial, qui W

t occupe plusieurs pages. Ceci prouve que l’auteur de l’Estoire connaissait probablement les écrits

no des penseurs ayant raconté l’onction de Jacques. La précision supplémentaire introduite par le

s traducteur castillan vise probablement à lever la confusion entre Jacques le Mineur et Jacques le e x t Majeur, le culte de ce dernier étant particulièrement répandu en Espagne. T Jacques le Majeur, frère de Jean et disciple du Christ, a souffert le martyre sous Hérode Agrippa t h e

f en 44 selon les Actes des Apôtres (12, 2-3). C’est un saint controversé dans la Péninsule. Ainsi, au o

s cours du haut Moyen Age, il est considéré comme le premier évangélisateur de l’Espagne. Isidore

a l de Séville est le premier à le dire dans le Breviarium apostolorum et le De ortu et obitu patrum, idée que in

g 77 i l’on retrouve ultérieurement chez Béatus de Liebana . Cependant il y a polémique autour de cette r 78 O question : Notker de Saint-Gall émettait des doutes à la fin du IXe siècle , alors que le métropoli- tain de Narbonne dit, au Xe siècle, au cours d’une polémique avec Césaire de Montserrat, que saint Jacques n’est venu en Espagne que mort79. A partir de là toute une série de sources prétendent que la Péninsule a été évangélisée par Torquat, avec plusieurs compagnons. Le Codex calixtinus combine l’action de saint Paul et Pierre avec celle de Jacques, en racontant la translation des reliques de l’Apôtre depuis Jérusalem jusqu’en Espagne80. En 829 on trouve une mention des reliques de saint Jacques à Compostelle81. D’autre part, Lucas de Tuy préfère laisser ouverte la question de la prédication de saint Jacques en Espagne, et se concentre sur sa tombe dans la Péninsule82. Il met aussi un fort accent sur sa dimension guerrière, puisque la prise de Coïmbre par Ferdinand Ier est due à son intercession83, alors que l’expression « Santiago y cierra Espana » est devenu un cri de combat pour les hispaniques84. Dans tous les cas, quel que soit le saint auquel on fait allusion dans le texte, que ce soit Jacques le Majeur, possible évangélisateur, ou bien Jacques le Mineur, premier évêque, les deux figures correspondent parfaitement comme images tutélaires de notre Josephé, en même temps évan-

76. Gerard, André-Marie, éd. Dictionnaire de la Bible. Paris : le grand livre du mois, 1998 : 1084-1087. 77. Henriet, Patrick. « L’espace et le temps hispanique vu et construit par les clercs », A la recherche de légitimités chrétien- nes. Représentations de l’espace et du temps dans l’Espagne médiévale (IXe-XIIIe siècles), Patrick Henriet, dir. Madrid : Casa de Velázquez, 2003 : 96. 78. Herbers, Klaus. « Le culte de saint Jacques et le souvenir carolingien chez Lucas de Tuy. Indices d’une conception historiographique (début XIIIe siècle) », A la recherches de légitimités chrétiennes. Représentations de l’espace et du temps dans l’Espagne médiévale (IXe-XIIIe siècles). Lyon : ENS Éditions – Casa de Vélasquez, 2003 : 152. 79. Henriet, Patrick. « L’espace… » : 96. 80. Henriet, Patrick. « L’espace… » : 97. 81. Aurell, Martin. « Guerriers, moines et pèlerines. Les royaumes ibériques et saint Jacques de Compostelle », Appro- ches du pèlerinage de Compostelle, 1er cycle de Conférences (1998-1999). Dordogne : Associations des amis de saint Jacques et d’études compostellanes de Dordogne, 1999 : 38. 82. Klaus Herbers. « Le culte… » : 154. 83. Klaus Herbers. « Le culte… » : 157. Voir aussi Dehoux, Esther. « “Con avés non, vasal al ceval blanc ? ” Sur quelques apparitions des saints guerriers lors de combats, notamment dans la ‘ Chanson d’Aspremont ’ », L’Epopea normanna et il territorio. Reggio Calabria : Associazione Nuovo Umanesimo, 2007 : 32-39. 84. Aurell, Martin. « Guerriers… » : 47.

372 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 372 08/06/2009 8:17:30 h

gélisateur et premier évêque oint directement par Dieu. Par ailleurs, la précision supplémentaire is g l

sur l’épiscopat de Jacques, qui manquait dans le texte français, est peut-être là afin de renforcer n

dans l’esprit des lecteurs l’autorité épiscopale en soi et la légitimité des évêques dans un temps de E in

conversions et de reconquêtes. n

Perception de la prédication. La prédication et l’esprit missionnaire sont déjà au cœur de t t e i la problématique de l’Estoire. La version castillane la radicalise encore plus, en accentuant par des r W

rajouts centraux les aspects liés à l’acte d’évangélisation, vu avant tout comme œuvre de Dieu. t

Ainsi, la mort du Christ est racontée de manières différentes dans l’Estoire et dans la version cas- no

tillane. Lorsqu’un pèlerin du Capharnaüm arrive chez Vespasien et lui raconte sa guérison par le s Christ, il dit : e x t T t h e 85 Certes, sire, par un prophete que li mescreant ocisent a molt grant tort . f o

La version espagnole, qui pourtant abrège de nombreux passages, rajoute tout un paragraphe : a l in g i r

E Vespasiano le pregunto por que lo mataron. E el cavallero le rrespondio : Porque predicava la O verdat e mostrava a los judios sus maldades86.

Nous pouvons observer donc que pour le traducteur espagnol, c’est l’acte de prédication qui est mis en avant dans la condamnation du Seigneur, c’est dire tout l’importance que les prêches semblaient avoir à l’époque dans la Péninsule. Par contre, l’insistance sur le crime des juifs est également révélatrice du froid qui avait commencé à s’instaurer entre les membres de différentes religions et de la vague d’anti-judaïsme qui commençait à monter. D’autre part, ce passage montre aussi un visage de Vespasien plus ouvert que dans la version française. Pour l’auteur de l’Estoire, le fils de l’empereur est intéressé par la manière de guérir et tout ce qu’il veut connaître au début sur le Christ est l’efficacité de Son pouvoir thaumaturge. L’efficacité du christianisme est l’élément standard qui opère dans l’Estoire la captatio benevolentiae des auditeurs païens87. Cette perspective est entièrement renversée par le traducteur castillan : Vespasien ne se montre pas prêt au dialogue uniquement parce qu’il envisageait une possibilité de guérir, mais aussi par pure curiosité de connaître la raison de la mort du prophète, curiosité totalement absente à ce stade dans l’Estoire : le fils de l’empereur ne commencera à s’intéresser à la vie du Christ que lorsqu’il aura eu la preuve concrète de Son pouvoir par la guérison. Le traducteur castillan fait un autre rajout à un moment important du roman, lorsque Dieu ordonne à Joseph d’aller prêcher Son nom dans la cité de Sarras88. Joseph se dit dépassé par sa mission, et craint de ne pas trouver les bons mots afin de convaincre les païens ; Dieu le rassure lui disant qu’il doit compter sur la grâce du Saint-Esprit plus que sur n’importe quel argument logique. Cependant la réponse divine est nettement plus longue dans la version castillane :

85. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 28. 86. El libro de Josep Abarimatia… : 8. 87. Girbea, Catalina. « Discours… » : 164. 88. Cité importante puisque donnée dans les deux version, française (page 39) et castillane (page 17), comme la souche des Sarrasins.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931 373

Originals.indd 373 08/06/2009 8:17:31 h 89 is Or ne t’esmaiier, dist Nostres Sires : car tu ne feras fors que la bouche ouvrir . g l

n Non te espantes de ninguna cosa ; que non faras si non abrir la boca. Ca yo metre y grand partida

E de mis palabras que nunca fallaras omne atan sesudo que pueda contrariar a lo que yo te dire. E 90 in non te espantes de ninguna cosa ; ca te yo guardare doquier que tu seas.

n t t e i r Dans le Josep, il devient donc explicite que c’est Dieu qui parle à travers les paroles du prédica- W

t teur, ce qui donne à son discours une dimension messianique.

no Connaissance du monde païen. Le traducteur castillan fait montre d’une meilleure connais-

s sance, ou en tout cas d’une tolérance plus grande à l’égard des infidèles. Un passage intéressant est e x t celui qui suit à la vengeance du Seigneur par Vespasien. L’auteur de l’Estoire commente : T t h e

f Car cil qui le plus l’avoient tenu chier ce furent les sarrasin et plus firent pour lui que cil qu’il ape- o loit ses fix : car li felon juis le pendirent en crois et li paiien le vengierent.91 s a l in g i Alors que l’auteur castillan dit : r O E aquellos que el llamava canes eran paganos quel fazian mas onrra que aquellos que llamava fijos. E estos fueron los judios quel posieron en la cruz. E el paganos lo vengaron asi commo oystes92.

Les sarrasins du texte de base sont remplacés par les païens, tout court. L’auteur français fait montre d’une ignorance totale de la distinction entre musulmans et Romains, puisqu’il nomme tous les païens « sarrasins ». Ainsi, Vespasien est interpellé par un chanoine sous les murs de Jérusalem et appelé « Vaspasiens sarrasins desloiaus »93, et même les populations de Northumber- land, une région évangélisée par Josephé et ses compagnons, sont nommés « sarrasins »94. Cette ignorance va de pair avec le fait que l’auteur de l’Estoire insiste longuement sur la démonstration faite par Josephé de la conception du Christ, ce qui rebute profondément Evalac qui refuse, dans un premier temps, d’y croire. Or, les musulmans ne refusaient pas au Moyen Age l’idée que Jésus a été conçu par une Vierge. Ceci montre que, en dépit de son zèle missionnaire, l’auteur de notre roman ne connaissait pas vraiment l’Orient, ni les mentalités musulmanes. Rien d’étonnant dans le contexte d’une influence franciscaine puisque certains missionnaires, dont les pensées se retrouvent sous la plume de saint Bonaventure, considéraient qu’il ne sert à rien de connaître la nature de l’erreur de l’Islam, et que ce n’est pas avec des arguments rationnels que les infidèle vont se convertir, mais par la grâce du Saint-Esprit qui habite le prédicateur95. D’autres penseurs Francis- cains, et particulièrement en Espagne appréhendent le problème par un autre côté : l’ignorance de la foi de l’autre est un obstacle pour le convaincre d’y renoncer, puisque le prédicateur ne trouve pas les bons arguments. C’est pourquoi ils recommandent vivement la création d’écoles et d’éta-

89. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 40. 90. El libro de Josep Abarimatia… : 17. 91. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 35. 92. El libro de Josep Abarimatia… : 13. 93. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 37. 94. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 429. 95. Tolan, John. Saracens... : 220-221, qui rappelle que l’Islam est assez peu connu par les auteurs Franciscains au XIIIe siècle.

374 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 374 08/06/2009 8:17:32 h 96 blissement, qui enseignent le Coran et les lois musulmanes aux missionnaires . Au XIIIe siècle, is g l

certains membres du clergé traduisent des œuvres concernant la vie de Mahomet et la vision du n

paradis musulman afin de mieux combattre la religion arabe97. E in

Dans ce contexte, le traducteur castillan se place quelque part au milieu. Sans rien enlever à n

l’importance de la grâce donnée par Dieu au prédicateur, mais au contraire, en rajoutant des élé- t t e i ments pour renforcer son importance comme nous l’avons vu ci-dessus, il fait malgré tout preuve r W

d’une meilleure connaissance du musulman que l’auteur qu’il traduit. Ainsi, il lève l’ambiguïté et t

la confusion entre Romains et sarrasins, en les appelant païens ; désireux d’illustrer les Evangiles no

encore plus que l’auteur français, il rajoute la précision sur les païens nommés par le Christ chiens, s allusion à la guérison de la fille d’une syrophénicienne Mc( , 7, 24-30). Cependant, ce rajout peut e x t T venir d’une mauvaise compréhension du mot « chier », pris comme « chiens » et non pas comme t h e

« cher ». Curieusement, le traducteur ne supprime pas les passages sur l’Immaculée Conception. f o

Nous avons du mal à imaginer qu’il n’était pas au courant de ce que les musulmans croyaient à ce s

sujet, étant donné la proximité très grande entre eux et les chrétiens. C’est pourquoi nous pensons a l in g qu’il a choisi de garder ces passages parce qu’ils concernent moins les musulmans que les juifs qui i r

étaient déjà perçus comme une menace et comme un peuple à convertir à tout prix déjà à la fin O du XIIIe siècle. D’ailleurs le XIVe siècle est une période particulièrement anti-judaïque, qui connaît une série de pogromes sans précédent comme l’a montré Martin Aurell98. Violence et discours. Sur l’ensemble, aussi bien l’Estoire que le Josep manifestent des traits profondément anti-judaïques et anti-islamiques. Les deux commencent par une tentative de dialogue et finissent par des formes de violence. Il en est ainsi du miracle de punition réservé au clerc païen qui tient tête à Josephé dans l’Estoire et qui explique les incohérences rationnelles de la Trinité99. Cependant, dans le Josep nous constatons que la place du miracle de punition est réduite. Dans l’Estoire, Evalac convoque tous ses sages afin qu’ils disputent avec Josephé pour défendre leur croyance. Un des clercs se lève pour montrer les problèmes logiques de la notion de Trinité et Josephé invoque un miracle de punition sur lui, en guise de réponse. Le traducteur espagnol a introduit quelques modifications importantes à cet épisode. Le passage est longuement décrit dans l’Estoire :

Si tost com Josephé ot ce dit, si perdi cil la parole. Et quant il vaut parler, si senti dedens sa bouche une main qui li tenoit la langue, mais il ne le pooit veoir ; et il se drecha por plus fort efforcier de paroler, mais si tost com il fu levés si ne vit goute des ex. Et quant il senti ce, si conmencha si durement a muire que on le pot oiir d’autre part plus loing qu’on ne pourroit traire d’un arc : et si estoit avis a tous ciaus qui l’ooient que ce fust une toriaus.100

96. Vones, Ludwig. « Missions… »: 217. 97. Cioba, Mianda. « El Libro de la Escala de Mahoma: Contextos del diálogo -contextos de la exclusión », Concepte trans- si interculturale, Ruxandra Visan, Camelia Geambasu, éds. Bucarest : Editura Universitatii din Bucuresti, 2006 : 312-332. L’auteur rappelle pourtant que la culture arabe n'était pas prise comme point de mire uniquement pour être combattue, et signale l’admiration réelle que certains penseurs comme Roger Bacon ont eu pour la science et la philosophie arabe. 98. Aurell, Martin. « Le pogrom ibérique de 1391 et l’eschatologie chrétienne », Tolérance et intolérance (XIIe-XIVe siècles), Mianda Cioba, dir. Bucarest : Editions de l’Université de Bucarest, à paraître. 99. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 85. Voir aussi Girbea, Catalina. « Discours… » : 166. 100. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 86.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931 375

Originals.indd 375 08/06/2009 8:17:33 h

is La scène est fortement dramatisée, et la souffrance du pauvre malheureux est décrite longue- g l

n ment, ainsi que les étapes de sa torture. Le miracle de punition vise à impressionner le lecteur en

E activant la corde de la peur et de l’horreur, comme prévention contre le blasphème. Cette scène, in

n qui réveille la colère des autres sarrasins contre Josephé et les incite à vouloir le lapider si Evalac

t t e ne le protégeait pas, nous rend le prêcheur assez peu sympathique, violent et dépourvu de charité. i r Par ailleurs, le miracle de punition intervient à un moment décisif : le nouvel évêque doit répondre W

t aux arguments du clerc contre la Trinité, et le texte dit très clairement qu’il invoque la punition

no divine sur la tête du savant parce qu’il était resté à court d’arguments :

e x t Et quant cil ot tant parlé encontre la Sainte Trinité, si fu Joseph mout esbahis des fauses prouvances T que cil li avoit traites, si ne sot mie de maintenant respondre a fauser ce que cil avoit maintenant dit, que a 101 t h e

Nostre Seigneur ne plaisoit mie. f o

a l Le même épisode est clairement radouci dans la version castillane. Ainsi, le traducteur suppri- in g i me la phrase sur le manque d’arguments de Josephé et laisse juste son ébahissement et la douleur r

O d’avoir entendu le clerc païen blasphémer contre la Trinité, si tant est qu’en contexte de dialogue argumentaire entre religions il peut y avoir question de blasphème :

Quando Josafas oyo aquel fablar tan fuertemente contra la Trinidat, fue mucho espantado de aquella falsa prueva que dixiera. Entonçe se levanto Josafas e començo de fablar alto que todos lo oyeron.102

De plus, la description imagée de la punition du clerc disparaît aussi dans la version castillane. Le traducteur garde le fait concret, mais en supprimant les détails déclencheurs de peur ou de pitié pour le sort de l’homme :

En esto perdio el clerigo del rrey la fabla e el veer en tal manera que los que alli estavan fueron muy maravillados e muy sannudos.103

Comme on peut le voir, le miracle de punition est réduit vraiment à l’économie élémentaire de la narration, et traité comme un épisode incommode, gardé probablement par souci de respect de la source initiale, mais expédié en deux lignes. Ensuite, le traducteur abrège aussi toute la partie qui concerne la réaction immédiate d’Evalac. Dans la version française, le roi, loin d’être intéressé par le sort de son clerc, se montre très curieux de savoir de quelle manière Josephé avait pu faire ce miracle, et lui demande s’il pourrait l’aider de la même façon contre son ennemi Tholomé, à la guerre. Enfin au bout de plusieurs répliques échangées entre le prédicateur et le roi, Evalac se décide enfin à demander si son savant allait retrouver ses sens104. Le monarque païen ne semble donc pas avoir plus de capacités de charité que Josephé et il traite le clerc, qui était là par loyauté pour lui et pour leur religion, comme un instrument dont il se soucie par pure curiosité. Rien de

101. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 83. C’est nous qui soulignons. 102. El libro de Josep Abarimatia… : 50. 103. El libro de Joseph Abarimatia… : 51. 104. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 87-88.

376 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 376 08/06/2009 8:17:34 h

tel dans la version castillane : le traducteur supprime complètement tout le passage dialogal entre is g l

Josephé et Evalac sur les modalités et l’efficacité du miracle, et après la tentative de lapidation la n

scène reprend directement sur les paroles du roi : E in

E fueron contra Josafas e quesieronlo despedaçar si non fuera por el rrey Evolat que se levanto con t t e i

una espada en la mano e juro por el poder de Jupiter que mataria a todos quantos en el metiesen r las manos ; ca seria grand trayçion mandarlo venir ante e matarlo. Entonces dixo el rrey a Josafas W

si podria el clerigo cobrar la fabla e el ver.105 t no

Le Josep se termine avec la victoire d’Evalac sur Tholomé, mais sans aucune description de la s bataille et sans aucune allusion à l’écu merveilleux que Joseph confie au roi avant le combat dans e x t T l’Estoire. Or, dans le roman français, c’est cet écu qui parachèvera la conversion d’Evalac, puisqu’en t h e

pleine bataille et ayant peur de mourir, le souverain païen demande l’aide du Dieu des chrétiens f o

et voit apparaître sur son bouclier un Christ crucifié et souffrant. Rien de tout cela dans la traduc- s

tion castillane. Le roi écoute un dernier sermon de Josephé avant la bataille, et lui promet qu’il se a l in

106 g convertira s’il en sort vivant, essentiellement par amitié pour l’évêque . Nous voyons donc que la i r

place du miracle est considérablement réduite par rapport à l’original français et que les paroles et O la personnalité du prédicateur acquièrent une place capitale. Dans la version française, il y a des conversions ultérieures faites par la force. Une fois Evalac baptisé, l’auteur s’attarde sur ceux de son royaume qui refusaient de croire, et qui sont soit tués sur place par la foudre divine, soit emportés par le diable. Le traducteur s’arrête avec la conversion d’Evalac. De toute manière, il semble éviter soigneusement toute forme de violence exagérée contre les mécréants, et lime considérablement les accents excessifs de la l’Estoire, en dépit du contexte plutôt tendu dans la Péninsule au début du XIVe siècle. Ceci est peut-être dû au fait que, en dépit de la reconquête, les trois religions peuvent y coexister pacifiquement et des recherches récentes soulignent qu’ils entretenaient des relations économiques et commerciales fructueuses qu’ils pouvaient donc travailler ensemble et se respecter mutuellement107. En dépit de l’apparente fidélité à la source française, nous constatons donc que le traducteur castillan apporte une série d’éléments intéressants qui nous permettent de mieux mesurer sa perception propre et d’avoir une appréhension, dans la mesure du possible, de la manière dont a été reçu le message de conversion arthurien en Espagne. L’on constate par moments une meilleure connaissance de la Bible, ou en tout cas un plus grand souci pour la conformité aux récits évangé- liques. Mais ce qui est essentiel, c’est l’amorce dialogique, moins contorsionnée que dans l’Estoire, plus directe et plus opérationnelle. Même s’il est certain que les miracles, ou les soucis concrets et pragmatiques de l’autre sont une base nécessaire, un déclencheur de l’acte communicationnel, tout comme dans le roman français, leur place est subtilement réduite par rapport à l’original. Le roi païen est présenté comme plus charitable, plus rationnel. Les formes de violence sont mini-

105. El libro de Josep Abarimatia… : 51. 106. El libro de Joseph Abarimatia… : 54 : « Josafas, ya te he dicho qu non puedo fazer las cosas que tu me has dicho. Pues que asy dizes que tanto cunplen a mi, yre este viage. E de venida que venga yo te prometo que creere en ese Dios que tu predicas. E tomare su crehençia e rrescibire el santo batismo porque anbos seamos hermanos en una fe ». 107. Voir les interventions du colloque Minorités et régulations sociales en Méditerranée occidentale, tenu à Fontevrault, les 7-9 juin 2007, Stéphane Boisselier, John Tolan, François Clément, dirs. à paraître chez Brepols, en particulier celle de Ana Echevaria sur les Musulmans en Castille. Dans les conclusions de ce colloque, Martin Aurell insiste à juste titre sur les efforts de conversion que font les chrétiens, même dans un contexte de co-habitation et de bonne entente.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931 377

Originals.indd 377 08/06/2009 8:17:35 h

is misées, de même que l’importance des miracles, au profit du dialogue, fût-il polémique. L’acte g l

n de prédication grandit en importance, présenté comme la première des activités du Christ ce qui

E fait du prédicateur son remplaçant direct sur terre, mais Josephé et les siens ne se fient pas juste in

n à l’inspiration du Saint-Esprit, mais aussi à leur capacité à expliquer et rendre acceptable le chris-

t t e tianisme. Enfin, aussi bien le prédicateur que l’infidèle manifestent une aptitude plus grande au i r dialogue. W t

no 2.2 La Demanda del Sancto Grial et l’idéal chevaleresque de la charité dans les

s traductions arthuriennes de la Péninsula e x t T La Demanda del sancto Grial fait partie d’un vaste ensemble romanesque contenant le Merlin, les t h e

f Prophécies de Merlin, la Demanda, et une partie de la Mort Artu, et qui ne s’est conservé intégralement o

s dans aucun manuscrit. L’auteur de cette traduction massive est probablement un moine, Juan Bi-

a l vas, qui a l’a entreprise en 1291 et la dédicace au roi Sanche IV108. Nous ne procèderons pas à une in g i comparaison systématique des versions françaises et des versions espagnoles afin de mesurer la r

O teneur de la réception du message religieux arthurien dans les Demandas, cette démarche ne nous amènerait pas à des résultats fiables, étant donné trois problèmes majeurs que nous ne saurions ignorer. En premier lieu, la Demanda castillane est considérée une traduction à partir du portugais et non pas directement du français109. De plus, la source française de base des deux Demandas, aussi bien castillane que portugaise, n’est pas constituée de la Queste del Saint Graal Vulgate (vers 1225), mais de la Queste Post-Vulgate (après 1230), que Fanni Bogdanow a tenté de reconstituer justement en partie à l’aide de ses traductions ibériques110, puisque cette version post-vulgate ne s’est conser- vée intégralement dans aucun manuscrit. Comme nous n’avons aucun original français complet, aucune comparaison des versions ne peut dire vraiment quelque chose sur l’apport du traducteur hispanique, puisque nous ne savons pas quel manuscrit il a utilisé. A la différence du Josep, la Demanda ne manifeste pas énormément de souci pour l’évangélisa- tion mais pour la charité qui doit mener à un engagement plus actif dans le monde. Tout comme le modèle primaire, qui est la Queste, ou comme sa source, la Queste Post-Vulgate, la Demanda s’intéresse surtout à la conversion individuelle de ses personnages et à leur devenir intérieur. Le roman n’est pas moins un miroir de la chevalerie, où l’anecdotique romanesque se mêle de merveilleux chrétien, et sert de véhicule pour la propagation d’idées chrétiennes. A la différence de la Queste Vulgate, et plus proche de l’esprit de la Post-Vulgate, surtout du Tristan en prose (vers 1230), la quête du Graal est légèrement désacralisée, et Galaad, le parangon de la chevalerie sainte, se voit progressivement entraîner dans des aventures souvent mondaines111. Cependant, dans la

108. Entwistle, William. Arthurian Legends… : 143, 181, 227. 109. Bogdanow, Fanni. La version post-vulgate de la Queste del saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. I, introduction. Paris : Société des anciens textes français, 1991: 24. Pour tous les passages de la Post-Vulgate nous citerons cette édition. 110. La Queste Post-Vulgate est reconstituée à travers ses témoins portugais et castillans, mais aussi à travers la partie Queste nommée « tristanienne », incorporée dans les manuscrits contenant le Tristan en prose. 111. Ménard, Philippe. « Introduction », Le roman de Tristan en prose. VIII, De la quête de Galaad à la destruction du château de la lépreuse, éds. Philippe Ménard, Bernard Guidot, Jean Subrenat. Genève : Droz, 1995 : 9 ; Zink, Michel. Poésie et conversion au Moyen Age. Paris : Presses Universitaires de France, 2003 : 252 ; Van Coolput, Colette. Aspects de la réception des premiers romans du Graal cycliques dans le Tristan en prose. Louvain : Leuven University Press, 1986 : 89.

378 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 378 08/06/2009 8:17:36 h

Post-Vulgate, et par dérivation dans la Demanda qui nous intéresse directement ici, on constate une is

112 g l

polarisation plus grande et plus tenue entre les bons et les mauvais chevaliers . n

La cour arthurienne apparaît comme un lieu de péchés, malgré la visite du saint Graal et les E in

bons chevaliers qui l’habitent. Ainsi, dès le début de la branche, un chevalier irlandais qui se trou- n

vait à la cour d’Arthur et qui était même un de ses membres renommés et appréciés, prend feu t t e i subitement, sans aucune raison explicite, et en tenant une lettre dans sa main113. Cette mort spec- r W

taculaire et incendiaire dans le vrai sens du terme rappelle la Vulgate avec le supplice de Moïse, fils t

de Symeu, enterré dans une tombe qui brûle pour l’éternité. A peine l’incident calmé, le roi et les no

chevaliers décident d’aller manger : il est intéressant d’observer en quelle mesure le texte passe vite s sur leur trouble et l’indifférence cruelle qui est attribuée à la mesnie arthurienne114. Alors que dans e x t T les romans français les chevaliers souffrent, pleurent et se lamentent lorsque l’un des leurs connaît t h e 115 la mort ou disparaît sans traces , dans la Demanda l’épisode a l’air d’un banal incident quelque f o

peu fâcheux, que l’on doit vite couvrir pour ne pas ternir le rayonnement de la fête royale. La s

Table Ronde sombre petit à petit dans le règne des apparences hypocrites et d’une sorte d’étiquette a l in g qui lui enlève toute profondeur. La solidarité de la confrérie d’armes et de religion que constitue i r

la Table Ronde semble révolue depuis longtemps. Plus aucun chevalier n’est irremplaçable, ils ont O tous l’air de pions interchangeables, c’est du moins l’impression qui se dégage après la mort de l’Irlandais, lorsque sur son siège resté vide à table apparaît tout de suite et par miracle un autre nom, celui d’Erec, destiné à le remplacer116. Au lieu d’en faire des élus, Dieu fait des chevaliers de la Table Ronde des personnages sériels, sans aucune substance propre. Charité et honneur chevaleresque. La mort de l’irlandais est suivie de près par un autre incident tout aussi lourd de conséquences pour une vision globale de la cour arthurienne : un chevalier étranger vient demander un don contraignant à Galaad. Une fois que ce dernier lui donne sa parole, l’inconnu lui dit qu’il souhaite que sa tête soit tranchée parce qu’il rêvait de mourir tué par un brave chevalier. De manière délirante il annonce que de toute façon il doit mourir le lendemain, et qu’il préfère choisir la façon. Galaad refuse, au risque de se voir déshonorer pour avoir manqué à sa parole, et désemparé le chevalier se suicide publiquement, geste suivi encore d’un nettoyage des lieux par les écuyers du roi, qui sortent, presque mécaniquement, le corps de la salle117 ! Ces deux séquences nous présentent une vision caricaturale de la cour d’Arthur, où les aventures se succèdent de manière assez « surréaliste », sans s’articuler sur un sens, en parodie évidente des romans antérieurs. La rencontre entre Galaad et le chevalier inconnu est d’une grande origi- nalité parce qu’elle rallie le prototype du don Quijotte avant la lettre et une figure arthurienne encore ancrée dans le monde de la vraie chevalerie. Si le suicidaire fonctionne dans le paradigme romanesque des moulins à vent, Galaad reste dans le paradigme du Graal. Ce ne sont pas deux per-

112. Voir aussi Stanesco, Michel. La légende… : 1135. 113. La Demanda… : fol. 98. 114. La Demanda… : fol. 98r : « Y quando el Rey vio que era ya muerto mando a que lo llevaste fuera del palacio que no quiso que su corte fuesse tornada por el : estoce lo llevaron fuera a muy gran trabajo (…) y pues fue fuera del palacio començaron la alegria como ante… ». Le texte dit que les chevaliers sont tout de même tristes pour la mort de leur compagnon, mais qu’ils tentent de garder les apparences pour continuer la fête. 115. Par exemple dans le Lancelot en prose l’amour des chevaliers les uns pour les autres est tellement intégré dans l’esprit des textes, qu’on organise souvent des quêtes pour la disparition de certains d’entre eux. 116. La Demanda… : fol. 99. 117. La Demanda… : fol. 104v.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931 379

Originals.indd 379 08/06/2009 8:17:37 h

is sonnages qui se placent face à face, mais deux mondes ou bien deux type d’économies narratives. g l

n Le chevalier élu se démarque cependant de son prototype français ; il ne représente plus un élu

E de Dieu pour les mystères du Graal, mais une figure plus responsabilisée et moins égoïste, moins in

118

n tournée justement vers le monde de l’aventure . La notion d’honneur perd la valeur absolue

t t e qu’elle avait dans la tradition arthurienne, et se moule sur les besoins de l’autrui. L’incident avec i r le chevalier est là justement pour prouver toute l’absurdité du don contraignant. Découvrant que W

t sa parole allait mener à mort un être humain, Galaad ne connaît aucun dilemme existentiel. Sa

no réponse est immédiate et elle se constitue en en refus catégorique et ferme :

e x t No vos ha pro cavallero, dixo Galaz, de tal ruego me rogar : ca no ha cosa en el mundo por que T vos mate119 t h e

f o

s Par ailleurs, cet incident se place juste au début de la carrière d’armes de Galaad, précisément

a l au moment de son adoubement. C’est en même temps révélateur pour le devenir du personnage, in g i qui n’est plus situé sous le signe de l’honneur chevaleresque, même pas sous le signe de la quête r

O du Graal, mais sous l’emprise de la raison et de la sagesse simple, tournée vers la charité. Ceci est d’autant plus visible que le chevalier inconnu menace clairement Galaad d’une mauvaise répu- tation dès son entrée en chevalerie, ce qui rendrait l’adoubement pratiquement nul. Par ailleurs, une réputation de « mauvais chevalier » est l’un des pires spectres du monde arthurien, et c’est exactement ce que présage le chevalier inconnu à Galaad :

Ay senor cavallero esto no hagades en comienço de vostra cavalleria que no me tengades lo que me prometistes, ca estonce seriades vos el peor cavallero y el mas mentiroso del mundo si assi co- mençastes a fazer de fallescer lo que prometedes120.

Nous pouvons donc observer que la pression que subit Galaad au début de ses aventures est extrêmement lourde et tend à ternir son devenir ultérieur dans un système de valeurs basé sur la logique de l’honneur et du respect mécanique et aveugle de la parole donnée. Il refuse cependant à accomplir le geste meurtrier, se plaçant de manière tranchée dans un système de valeurs pa- rallèle, fondé sur la logique de la charité. Dans les romans français ce genre de dilemme apparaît parfois et certains chevaliers choisissent le même parti que Galaad, mais après une série d’hési- tations. Déjà chez Chrétien le principe de deux mondes concurrentiels, l’honneur et l’amour se fait sentir lorsque le héros doit monter sur la charrette de l’infamie afin de retrouver Guenièvre. Il le fait, mais après avoir eu la célèbre seconde d’hésitation qui lui a valu la haine de la reine et qui a fait couler beaucoup d’encre. Dans un cas de figure quelque peu similaire, Lancelot se voit, dans le Lancelot en prose, mis devant un dilemme. Il est en train de se faire adouber par le roi Arthur lorsqu’un chevalier torturé par un fer de lance enfoncé en lui l’appelle et lui demande de le soulager et de le déferre. Lancelot laisse tomber la cérémonie en plein déroulement et ac-

118. Par ailleurs, dans le Tristan en prose Galaad fait aussi preuve de sagesse et préfère plusieurs fois rejeter le combat et se couvrir de honte plutôt que de nuire à un autre être humain. 119. La Demanda… : fol. 104v. 120. La Demanda… : fol. 104v.

380 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 380 08/06/2009 8:17:38 h 121 court aider le malade . Ces deux exemples rappellent que la matière arthurienne n’est pas du is g l

tout étrangère au conflit « charité / honneur », qui peut surgir sous diverses formes, mais de n

manière fragmentaire. Mais le cas de figure le plus frappant pour notre propos se trouve dans le E in

roman anglais du XIVe siècle Gauvain et le Chevalier Vert. Un chevalier inconnu arrive à la cour n

arthurienne et demande que quelqu’un lui tranche la tête, en abusant aussi du don contraignant. t t e i Gauvain accepte le défi et exécute le geste, cependant par malheur le chevalier est un être faé r W

capable de reprendre sa tête et de repartir tranquillement avec. Il demande à Gauvain la même t

chose en échange ; un an plus tard, le neveu d’Arthur est supposé retrouver le Chevalier Vert no

et accepter le supplice. Cet épisode prouve largement l’opposition des deux attitudes et le parti s pris par l’auteur de la Demanda de faire du protagoniste arthurien un personnage responsable et e x t T charitable avant d’être vaillant. t h e

Charité et chasteté. La Demanda met Galaad devant un dilemme que la Queste Vulgate n’aurait f o

jamais pu lui supposer ; arrivé avec Bohort, dans le château d’un roi qui les héberge pour la nuit, s

Galaad se voit convoiter par la fille de son hôte. Elle pénètre en pleine nuit dans la chambre des a l in g deux chevaliers et déclare sa flamme à Galaad, qui refuse son amour. Désemparée, la fille menace i r

de lui nuire, puis de se suicider. Le monologue de Galaad est particulièrement nuancé : il se rend O compte que ce suicide pourrait peser sur sa conscience, mais ne veut pas trahir sa promesse faite à Dieu de rester vierge jusqu’à la fin de ses jours. A la suite d’une série de répliques, la fille prend son épée et réitère sa menace. Epouvanté, Galaad saute de son lit pour l’en empêcher et lui promet sans aucune hésitation de faire tout ce qu’elle voudra. La fille ne semble pas dupe, et finit d’accomplir son geste, enrichissant le large panorama de suicidaires dans ce roman122. Le Galaad de la Queste Vulgate était une figure tellement épurée de toute faiblesse humaine que ce genre d’épisode était inconcevable. Quant aux autres chevaliers, ils sont tentés par des demoiselles envoyées par le diable, figures sans consistance, fonctionnant comme des signes et non pas comme des personnages. La suicidaire de la Demanda est d’ailleurs une image en miroir de la demoiselle envoyée par le diable dans la Queste Vulgate pour mettre à l’épreuve Bohort, et non pas Galaad, puisque ce dernier faisait fuir le diable par sa simple présence. Un bref examen parallèle des deux séquences prouve l’abîme qui se creuse entre les représentations de la chevalerie sainte. Dans la Queste Vulgate, la demoiselle monte sur une fenêtre avec douze de ses servantes, et elles menacent toutes Bohort de ce jeter de là. Dans la Demanda, la fille du roi se saisit de l’épée de Galaad. Les similitudes s’arrêtent là et les réactions déclenchées chez les deux chevaliers sont totalement opposées. Dans la Queste, nous avons le raisonnement suivant :

Et il (Bohort) les esgarde et cuide veraiment que ce soient gentilx fames et hautes dames ; si l’em prent grant pitié. Et neporquant il n’est pas conseillez qu’il ne vueille mielz qu’eles toutes perdent lor ames qu’ il seuls perdist la soe : si lor dit qu’il n’en fera riens, ne por lor mort ne por lor vie123.

121. Lancelot. Roman en prose du XIIIe siècle. VII, Du début du roman jusqu’à la capture de Lancelot par la dame de Malohaut, éd. Alexandre Micha. Genève : Droz, 1980 : 268. 122. La Demanda… : fol. 116. 123. Queste del Saint Graal : roman du XIIIe siècle, éd. Albert Pauphilet. Paris : Champion, 1923 :181. C’est nous qui soulignons.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931 381

Originals.indd 381 08/06/2009 8:17:39 h

is Rien de tel dans la Demanda : g l n

E Y quando Galaz vio alla donzella que tenia la espada en la mano que se queria matar con ella, salio in

del lecho todo espandado y dixo : Ay, buena donzella, sufrid vos un poco y no vos mateys assi que n yo fare todo vostro plazer.124 t t e i r Cette divergence en dit long sur le déplacement d’accents dans le système de valeurs de la W

t chevalerie celestielle à partir de la Post-Vulgate et de ses dérivatifs, en occurrence la Demanda. La

no réaction de Galaad ne veut nullement dire que l’auteur tente de faire de lui une figure plus fai-

s ble ou de le rendre « plus profane ». Le suicide de la fille du roi, en dépit de ses efforts pour l’en e x t empêcher, montre bien que c’est un faux piège et que de toute manière il n’était menacé à aucun T instant de perdre vraiment sa pureté. La question du salut de l’âme n’est d’ailleurs pas invoquée. t h e

f Galaad manifeste en occurrence, comme à d’autres moments de la Demanda, une vitesse de réac- o

s tion proportionnelle au contexte, et ne se perd pas dans des considérations abstraites. Il témoigne

a l d’une flexibilité absolue où la valeur suprême n’est plus la pureté, mais la charité. Le passage sur in g i la fille suicidaire n’est d’ailleurs pas un incident de parcours, mais il est hautement révélateur de ce r

O que Galaad doit devenir comme être, puisqu’il nomme l’aventure « la mayor maravilla que nunca oystes que esta donzella se mato con mi espada »125. Sous-entendu, merveille plus grande peut-être que le Graal lui-même. D’autre part, la fille du roi rappelle le tragique de la demoiselle d’Escalot qui met fin à ses jours par amour pour Lancelot. Elle n’acquiert aucune dimension démoniaque, au contraire, elle est elle-même victime du diable, comme le suggère Bohort126. Galaad, suit donc une fois de plus spontanément la charité et non pas l’honneur. Tout comme il avait trahi sa parole à l’égard du chevalier suicidaire, risquant le déshonneur comme chevalier, il se déclare prêt, du moins virtuellement, à trahir sa promesse envers Dieu Lui-même. Il est prêt à déchoir en tant que chevalier et même en tant que chrétien ou élu pour sauver la vie d’un être humain, valeur suprême, visiblement plus importante que le Graal. Charité et conversion. La Demanda se montre avare d’informations au sujet de l’évangélisa- tion. Il existe cependant un personnage intéressant, dont la route croise celle de Galaad et dont l’évolution nous livre la vision que l’auteur de la Demanda, certes influencé par la Post-Vulgate française, a de la conversion : il s’agit de Pallamède127, le chevalier païen amoureux d’Iseut, qui passe sa vie à traquer la Bête Glatissant ; fils d’un sarrasin converti au christianisme, Esclabor le Méconnu, il refuse le baptême tout le long du roman. Dans le Tristan en prose, son amitié avec Ga- laad devient proverbiale. Il l’accompagne dans une série de combats, et jamais, à aucun moment, le Bon chevalier ne l’agresse ni ne tente de le forcer à se convertir128. La conversion de ce chevalier varie selon les versions de la Post-Vulgate. Ainsi, dans la variante tristanienne nous le voyons devenir chrétien uniquement pour les prières du roi Arthur et pour

124. La Demanda… : fol. 116. 125. La Demanda… : fol. 116. 126. La Demanda… : fol. 116. 127. Pallamède est l’un des protagonistes du Tristan en prose et de la Compilation de Rusticien de Pise. 128. Nous avons discuté la vocation de Pallamède à la sainteté tel qu’elle est décrite dans le Tristan en prose dans : Girbea, Catalina. La couronne ou l’auréole. Royauté terrestre et chevalerie celestielle à travers la légende arthurienne (XIIe-XIIIe siècles), Turnhout : Brepols, 2007: 148

382 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 382 08/06/2009 8:17:40 h 129 intégrer la Table Ronde . L’affaire est expédiée en quelques lignes, et aucune stratégie persuasive, is g l

aucun échange dialogique ne sont amorcés. n

Dans une version de la Post-Vulgate, suivie de très près par la Demanda, l’épisode est radicale- E in

ment modifié. Pallamède accepte de se faire baptiser à la suite d’une série d’aventures complexes, n

que nous pouvons résumer ainsi : Gauvain défie Pallamède, ils se battent et le sarrasin le renverse t t e i de son cheval. Furieux, Gauvain se plaint à Galaad, accusant Pallamède du meurtre de Lyonnel130, r W

ce qui détermine l’élu du Graal à défier le coupable. La bataille est reportée à cause des blessures t

de ce dernier qui avait du mal à se défendre. Rentré chez son père, Pallamède est forcé de lui no

avouer qu’il allait affronte Galaad, le meilleur chevalier du monde, et qu’il risquait de se faire tuer. s Le dialogue entre le père et le fils constitue la première étape de la conversion du héros. Esclabor e x t T lui explique le sens de sa bataille, qu’il met sur le compte de son péché le plus grand, celui d’avoir t h e

constamment refusé la religion chrétienne : f o

Hijo, dixo el padre, Jesu Christo que es padre de piedad y de misericordia te fue fasta aqui amigo y a l in

tu le fueste siempre enemigo : y el te dio tan fermosa grande cavalleria y tan buena andança que se- g i

gun el pecado en que estavas nunca vi tal cavalleria que yo supiesse ; ca el te mostro atan hermoso r amor, atan buen talante como no mostro a otro pecador ; ca siempre te libro de todos los peligros y O a tu honra y el fizo a tanto que fue mucho : y tu nunca nada feziste por el.131

La stratégie de persuasion ne diffère guère de ce qu’on peut observer dans d’autres romans arthuriens, l’attention du récepteur est retenue par l’appel à un affect, en occurrence le père se sert de la peur de son fils et de son souci concret. La mécanique qui gère cette exhortation relève de l’échange do ut des : Pallamède ayant reçu de Dieu une protection constante et beaucoup de qualités, il est supposé Lui répondre par une foi puissante et par l’obéissance. Esclabor conseille à son fils de se faire baptiser d’urgence, afin d’être préservé de la mort sûre qu’allait lui apporter le combat contre Galaad. C’est plus ou moins la même demande que fait Joseph au roi Evalac dans le Josep. Mais tout comme Evalac refuse de se convertir avant la bataille contre Tholomé, de même Pallamède refuse de se faire baptiser avant d’affronter Galaad. Il promet en revanche de se faire chrétien s’il sort vivant de ce combat132. Les deux promesses, celle du jeune chevalier et celle du roi de Sarras, sont similaires.

129. Le Roman de Tristan en prose. IX, La fin des aventures de Tristan et de Galaad, Philippe Ménard, Laurence Harf-Lancner, eds. Genève : Droz, 1997 : 250. 130. Cousin de Lancelot et donc parent proche de Galaad. 131. La Demanda… : fol. 166r. Dans la Queste Post-Vulgate le passage était à peu près le même : « Fils dit li peres, sez tu conment il est ? Yhesu Crist, li debonaires Sires et li pitieux, t’a esté dusqu’a cest point pere et amis, et tu Li as toute voies esté ennemis. Il t’a doné plus belle grace de chevalerie et meilleur, selonc le pechié ou tu estoies, qu’a nul eutre chevalier que je sache. Que te diroie ? Il t’a mostré greignor amor et greignor bonaireté qu’a nul autre povre chevalier, car Il t’a délivré de touz perils a honor de ton cors et de chevalerie. Il a tant fait por toi, et tu, que as-tu fait por Lui ? Noient. » ; La version post-vulgate de la Queste del saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III, éd. Fanni Bogdanow. Paris : Société des anciens textes français, 2000: 273. 132. La Demanda… : fol. 166r : « E yo prometo agora, dixo Palomades, a Jesu Cristo que si de esta batalla me fera salir con honra y con bien, que luego reciba baptismo, y dende adelante que siempre sea leal cavallero dela Santa Yglesia. ». Voir aussi la version presqu’identique de la Post-Vulgate : « Et je fais orendroit, fait il, un veu a Nostre Seignor Yhesu Criz que se Il de ceste bataille me lesse partir a la sauveté de mon cors, que je maintenant recevrai crestienté et que je des lors en avant serai loiaux chevalier de Sainte Eglise », La version post-vulgate de la Queste del saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III… : 274. Pour le cas de figure d’Evalac, voir note 106.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931 383

Originals.indd 383 08/06/2009 8:17:41 h

is Lorsque le jour arrive, il est vaincu et renversé par Galaad, tellement blessé qu’il est incapable de

g l 133

n se défendre et, tout comme Evalac dans l’Estoire invoque l’aide de Dieu , il demande le secours du

E Christ134, indice qu’il avait déjà commencé à accepter la foi chrétienne à la suite du discours de son in

n père. Sans savoir le vœux fait par Pallamède, Galaad décide de lui demander un don contraignant

t t e lorsqu’il le voit tomber à terre. Plutôt que de le tuer, il décide de lui demander d’embrasser le i r christianisme et de lui promettre en échange son aide et son amitié éternelles135. Pallamède accepte W

t volontiers, aussi bien pour faire plaisir à son père que pour gagner l’amitié de Galaad, autre

no ressemblance avec la conversion d’Evalac dans le Josep, puisque le roi avait, entre autres, embrassé

s la foi chrétienne pour devenir frère de Josephé selon la même foi136. e x t Par trois fois donc, Galaad manque à sa parole pour sauver une vie et rendre un service à la T communauté chrétienne. Il renie sa parole de chevalier adoubé à la Table Ronde lorsqu’il refuse de t h e

f couper la tête à celui qui le lui demandait. Il renie sa parole de chrétien envers Dieu quand il tente de o

s sauver la demoiselle amoureuse de lui. Et enfin il se renie comme parant charnel de Lyonnel, lorsqu’il

a l renonce à venger la mort de ce dernier et de faire de Pallamède un chrétien au lieu de le tuer. in g i Charité, bonté, engagement envers les autres. C’est aussi dans le sens d’une responsabi- r

O lisation plus accrue que nous devrions comprendre l’intervention de Galaad pour aider Arthur contre les armées de Marc de Cornouailles, (épisode emprunté encore à la Queste tristanienne), et non pas comme une évolution du chevalier saint vers des aventures profanes. En dépit de son engagement plus grand dans le monde et dans la société, l’élu du Graal n’est pas moins perçu comme saint. Lorsqu’il entre dans le château du Graal, le magicien du roi perd ses pouvoirs. Il explique que ses pouvoirs viennent du diable et que Galaad, étant entouré d’anges, les fait disparaître par sa simple présence137. Il est vrai que lorsqu’il se trouve au château du Graal il combat le fils du roi Pellés, ce qui pourrait ternir son aura de sainteté. Cependant ce n’est pas lui qui cherche le combat, mais Eléazar. Galaad se contente de lui infliger une juste punition en le désarçonnant, puis il lui demande de le laisser tranquille continuer son chemin138. Enfin, à la fin de laDemanda , Galaad est couronné roi de Sarraz139, épisode qui existe aussi dans la Queste Vulgate mais qui est expédié par le narrateur en quelques lignes140. La différence essentielle par rapport à la Vulgate est que là où Galaad, dans la Queste, avait accepté la royauté à contrecœur, dans la Demanda il se console rapidement se disant qu’il pourra honorer mieux le Graal. Détail décisif, qui prouve que pour la version

133. Estoire del Saint Graal… : 121. 134. La version post-vulgate de la Queste del saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III… : 282 : « Ha ! Yhesu Crist, ne me lessez ci morir, me lessez m’en partir a honor » ; La Demanda... : fol. 167r : « Ay ! Jesu Cristo, padre de piedad, no me dexes aqui morir mas faze me de aqi salir con honra. » 135. La Demanda… : fol. 168 : « Yo os lo dire, dixo Galaz : que si vos quisierdes dechar vostra ley y recebir bautismo yo os perdonare u os terne lo que vos prometi : y tornar me he vostro vasallo quito assi que en todos lugares que de adelante me fallardes me podreys aver en toda cosa que menester me ayays para vos ayudar y para vostro servicio »; La version post-vulgate de la Queste saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III… : 285 : « Je vos di, fait Galahaz, se vos vostre loi volez lessier et recevoir baptoisme et venir a la loi crestiane, je vos clamerai quite de toutes les quereles qui entre moi et vos sunt et devendrai vostre chevalier lige en tel maniere que en toz les leux ou vos me troveroiz de ci en avant, vos me porroiz metre en touz perils pour vostre cors deffendre ». 136. La version post-vulgate de la Queste saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III… : 285. 137. La Demanda… : fol. 139. L’épisode est emprunté au Le roman de Tristan en prose. VIII, De la quête de Galaad à la destruction du château de la lépreuse, eds. Philippe Ménard, Bernard Guidot, Jean Subrenat. Genève : Droz, 1995 : 237. 138. La Demanda… : fol. 140. 139. La Demanda… : fol. 178v. 140. La version post-vulgate de la Queste saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III… : 277.

384 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 384 08/06/2009 8:17:42 h

castillane en tout cas, l’engagement dans le monde est une prémisse pour l’améliorer, et retrouver is g l

ensuite Dieu au bout du chemin. C’est d’ailleurs le projet en plusieurs étapes construit dans Evast n

et Blaquerna, et on ne s’étonnera pas que le traducteur castillan a préféré et gardé cette vision des E in

choses et non pas celle qui est livrée par la Vulgate. n

Somme toute, le saint Galaad, mis en évidence dans la Queste Vulgate pour ses capacités à com- t t e i muniquer avec Dieu, l’est ici par son ouverture envers les autres. Par ailleurs, la bonté semble être r W

la vertu essentielle pour les chevaliers arthuriens, avant la vaillance ou même la foi ou la grâce t

du Saint-Esprit. Ainsi, le terme revient plusieurs fois pour désigner une vertu supérieure. Lorsque no

Galaad prend pitié de Pallamède blessé et pratiquement vaincu, l’auteur dit : s e x t T Quando Galaz vio que Palomades no tenia poder por se defender, de el ovo piedad por la buena t h e cavalleria qu en el avia y por la gran bondad que en el vio141 f o

La version française sur ce point ne parle pas de bonté, mais de prouesse142. De même, dans la a l in g Demanda, Arthur s’adresse à Hélyan le Blanc de la manière suivante : « Hijo, soys muy fermoso, i r 143 mas de vostra bondad no se nada » . La bonté, probablement synonyme de charité en occurrence, O devient la vertu concurrentielle à la vaillance et fait tourner le monde arthurien. Elle caractérise deux des meilleurs chevaliers du monde, Pallamède et Galaad. La figure de Galaad acquiert dans la Demanda des dimensions non pas plus profanes, mais plus humaines. Dans la Queste Vulgate, il n’interactionnait qu’avec Dieu, par rapport à qui on pouvait mesurer son devenir. Son chemin était dès le début nettoyé d’obstacles. A partir du Tristan en prose et en culminant avec les remaniements ibériques, notre personnage commence à interactionner avec diverses autres figures, dans des contextes différents, amorçant des problématiques liées non pas à sa pureté mais à sa charité. A la place de la dialectique amour / honneur, ou bien honneur terrestre / honneur céleste, nous lisons en filigrane de laDemanda la dialectique honneur / charité. Ce binôme n’est pas nouveau dans la matière arthurienne. La toute première leçon arthurienne liée au Graal, chez Chrétien de Troyes, était la charité, comme nous invite à penser le prologue du Conte du Graal. Le cycle de la Vulgate met cet aspect de côté, il l’oublie en chemin, pour se concen- trer sur les révélations du Graal et sur l’élévation mystique, en renfermant l’idéal de la chevalerie celestielle dans un globe de cristal théologique et en la mettant hors du monde144. Dans la Demanda castillane la charité retrouve sa place d’honneur. L’une des originalités du roman consiste dans la forme d’écriture à travers laquelle est amorcée la problématique de la charité, précisément le dialogue. C’est dans les discussions, prises sur le vif, que s’actualisent les vertus de Galaad. Dans les trois épisodes représentatifs que nous avons analysés, les échanges verbaux s’avèrent décisifs aussi bien pour l’attitude ultérieure des personnages, que pour l’économie romanesque. Ils rendent percepti- bles une flexibilité sans précédent de l’élu du Graal. La parole à elle seule suffit pour faire entrer en scène diverses valeurs et pour opérer des changements d’attitude. Nos cas de figure montrent une séparation nette entre la norme et son actualisation, et annulent toute valeur à l’idée de norme

141. La Demanda… : fol. 167v. 142. La version post-vulgate de la Queste saint Graal et de la Mort Artu. III… : 283 « Quant Galahaz voit que ce stoit oltree chouse de lui et il conoist que il n’a mes pooir de lui deffendre, il li en prent pitié trop grant por la bone chevalerie qu’il savoit en lui et por la tres grant prouesce ». 143. La Demanda… : fol. 99. 144. Girbea, Catalina. La couronne… : 530.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931 385

Originals.indd 385 08/06/2009 8:17:43 h

is absolue, perçue sous un jour fossilisé. Le lecteur se souviendra que dans le Conte du Graal de Chré- g l

n tien, Perceval a perdu le Graal parce qu’au lieu de poser la bonne question, il avait gardé le silence

E en suivant aveuglement les conseils de Gornemant qui lui avait dit de parler peu. Visiblement les in

n auteurs de la Post-Vulgate et de la Demanda ont retenu cette leçon mieux que leurs devanciers :

t t e aucun conseil, aucun serment, aucune valeur n’existe en dehors de son contexte, et ce contexte i r est donné le plus souvent par l’échange dialogique. W

t La discussion s’avère donc centrale pour les remaniements arthuriens en milieu ibérique, et elle

no donne, à divers paliers, la mesure de la réception du message chrétien de conversion livré par les

s romans français. Les face à face, l’ouverture à l’autre, la charité et le discours actualisé sont autant e x t d’opérateurs persuasifs aussi bien dans le Josep que dans la Demanda. Les sermons sont contaminés T de passages dialogiques qui deviennent des stratégies persuasives privilégiées, phénomène qui peut t h e

f nous conduire vers une meilleure compréhension de l’univers d’attente ibérique. o

s a l in g i r O

386 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 362-386. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 386 08/06/2009 8:17:44 h

Un roi chroniqueur : réécriture de l’Histoire is g l

et quête de l’image politique dans la Chronique n

catalane de Pierre III (1319-1 336/ 1387) E in

n t t e i Fr é d é r i c Al c h a l a b i r W

Uni v e r si t é d e Na n t e s t no

s e x t T Ré s u m é t h e

f o

Nous revenons, dans cet article, sur le traitement et l’écriture de l’histoire dans la Chronique s

du roi Pierre III. A l’instar de Jacques Ier, le roi dit cérémonieux écrit ou fait écrire les faits les plus a l in g importants de son règne. De cette manière, le souverain — par le biais d’une rhétorique rigoureuse i r

et très élaborée — a l’occasion de présenter aux lecteurs une version revue et corrigée de ce qui lui O est arrivé. La possibilité lui est surtout offerte de construire une image qui passera à la postérité.

La Chronique de Pierre III est une œuvre médiévale peu ou très mal connue1. Pourtant, rien ne justifie cette injuste mise à l’écart. En effet, cette œuvre — rédigée aux environs de 1 386 et écrite en catalan — est d’une grande richesse et fait preuve d’originalité dans un genre — l’historiographie — qui, justement, ne cherche pas à être original. L’une de ses particularités est que l’auteur est le roi en personne, Pierre III dit le cérémonieux, souverain passionné d’Histoire et lecteur assidu de la Chronique de l’un de ses illustres prédecesseurs, Jacques Ier qui, au niveau littéraire et sur le plan personnel, constitue son modèle. Une analyse attentive de l’œuvre de Pierre III révèle que, pour le souverain catalan, écrire l’His- toire, c’est, avant tout, justifier une action personnelle au moyen d’une argumentation rigoureuse et de procédés rhétoriques visant à démontrer son bon droit. De fait, l’Histoire devient instrumen- talisée, de même que l’écriture, car toutes deux se mettent au service du roi2. Pierre III les consi- dère comme des outils lui permettant de rendre légitime une action politique parfois critiquable. C’est pour cette raison que, dans son œuvre, il s’impose comme un roi habile, voire subtil selon le sens péjoratif qu’on lui accordait au XIIIème siècle, sa prose étant nettement moins spontanée et beaucoup plus travaillée que ne l’était celle des chroniqueurs catalans précédents, donnant l’impression d’une Chronique davantage aboutie. L’on commence même à percevoir en lui l’image du prince de la Renaissance à la conscience politique développée, retors et volontiers calculateur3.

1. Notre édition de référence est la suivante : « Crònica de Pere el Cerimoniós », Les quatre grans Cròniques, éd. Ferran Soldevila. Barcelone : Editorial Selecta, 1983 : 1001-1225. Désormais nous nommerons l’oeuvre CPC. L’on pourra consulter avec profit sur Pierre III et saChronique le travail de Tasis i Marca, Rafael. Pere el Cerimoniós i els seus fills. Barcelone: Editorial Vicens Vives, 1994. 2. Le parallèle peut être fait- comme nous avions commencé à y réfléchir dans notre thèse de doctoratL’écriture de l’His- toire dans les Chroniques de Pierre Ier et de Pierre III- avec un autre grand chroniqueur du XIVème siècle qui a contribué à faire évoluer l’écriture du genre chronistique, Jean Froissart. Sur ses Chroniques, l’on se reportera à Zink, Michel. Frois- sart et le temps. Paris : Presses Universitaires de France, 1998 : 1-223 pages ; Ainsworth, Peter. Jean Froissart and the fabric of history : truth, myth and fiction in the Chroniques. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1990 : 1-329. 3. Sur l’historiographie, voir Guenée, Bernard. Histoire et culture historique dans l’Occident médiéval. Paris : Aubier Mon- taigne, 1980 : 1-439.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 387-395. ISSN 1888-3931 387

Originals.indd 387 08/06/2009 8:17:46 h

is Dans ce sens, son discours est bien celui d’un vainqueur ou, plus précisément d’un homme qui g l

n cherche à donner de lui l’image d’un vainqueur. L’effet principal sur la Chronique est que l’Histoire,

E dès lors, n’est pas exactement écrite, mais plutôt, réécrite puisque l’historien, à la fois juge et partie, in

n est, dans ce cas, impliqué personnellement dans le récit.

t t e Notre travail nous permettra d’aborder les questions de la réécriture de l’Histoire et de la quête i r de l’image, qui sont dans le cas présent intimement liées. Nous nous proposons de le faire en deux W

t parties. La première reviendra sur le regard que jette sur lui-même Pierre III et nous en étudierons

no les résonances bibliques. Enfin, la deuxième évoquera la place des vaincus à travers, notamment,

s le discours tenu à leur sujet. e x t T

t h e 1. L'image biblique d'un conquéreur: Pierre III un par lui-même

f o

s Dès le prologue de la Chronique, Pierre III révèle sa dévotion. Tout puissant qu’il est, il se montre

a l bon chrétien et se soumet à Dieu. De là, les références, notamment à la Genèse4. Mais, surtout, in g i le souverain s’identifie pleinement à des personnages bibliques emblématiques : ainsi, David (« E r

O açò, si guardam los grans fets qui són estats en lo regne d’Aragó en temps nostre, com així com altre David »5) et Lot : « E així com altre Lot, contra lo qual cinc reis eren convenguts, e ell fon delliurat per Abraham e la sua substància, « sicut habetur Genesi, XIV° cap° », així nós de la mà del rei de Castella. »6. Ces deux comparaisons explicites ne sont pas anodines : Lot, seul juste dans une ville de pécheurs, échappe à la destruction qui frappe Sodome, Gomorrhe et leurs environs7 et surtout David est le roi choisi de Dieu8, vainqueur du Géant Goliath9, courageux, magnanime et d’une grande piété. L’on perçoit donc parfaitement l’avantage que tire Pierre III de l’utilisation de ces images bibliques. D’emblée, le ton est donné. Puis, Pierre III consacre quelques lignes à l’objectif qu’il assigne lui-même à sa Chronique. Cet objectif — et, dans ce sens, il rejoint les travaux des chroniqueurs précédents, qu’ils proviennent ou non de la Couronne d’Aragon — est celui de s’ériger en modèle de roi. De cette manière, le souverain déclare ne pas chercher à se vanter de ses actes mais à édifier ses lecteurs, de préférence royaux, par sa conduite de roi chrétien irréprochable10.

4. « La raó de la veritat és com Déus és omnipotent, « unde Gen. XVII° : Ego », inquit, « Déus sum omnipotens », e, per tal com ha infinit poder ha Ell creat lo món, « unde Genesis I° : In principio creavit Deux coelum et terram » ; e no solament nos ha creats, mas conservats, car si no era la conservació sua, tots tornaríem en no ésser, com tot ço qui és creat ha dependència del Creador. » CPC : 1003-1004 (prologue, paragraphes 2,3,4 ). 5. CPC : 1003-1004 (prologue, paragraphes 2,3,4). C’est nous qui soulignons. 6. CPC : 1003-1004 (prologue, paragraphes 2,3,4 ). C’est nous qui soulignons. 7. Genèse, 19, 1-29. 8. Premier Livre de Samuel, 16, 11-13. 9. Premier Livre de Samuel, 17, 40-54. L’allusion implicite au Goliath-Pierre Ier de Castille semble claire. 10. « Nós, doncs, rei, per la sua gran e llarga pietat, regnant en lo regne d’Aragó, qui havem reebudes diverses gràcies, e multiplicades en nostra vida, de la bondat infinida del nostre Creador, havem pensat e proposat que aquelles hajam o dejam en escrit posar e fer-ne llibre, no pas a jactància nostra ne llaor, mas per tal que els reis, succeïdors nostres, lligent en lo dit llibre, oint que diverses perills e multiplicades guerres de poderosos enemics nostres, per ferma esperança e fe, ab paciència ensems, que havem haüda en la gran bondat e misericòrdia del nostre Creador, havem passats e som-ne estats delliurats ab gran honor e victòria, prenguen eiximpli, que, en llurs tribulacions, deuen esperar e confiar en lo llur Creador, de qui vénen tots béns, victòries e gràcies, e suportar e soferir les dites tribulacions ab gran paciència que fa, segons mossèn sent Jacme en la sua Canònica, la obra acabada e perfeta. » CPC : 1005 (prologue, paragraphe 5). C’est nous qui soulignons.

388 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 387-395. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 388 08/06/2009 8:17:47 h

Par conséquent, ses actes passés — qui sont, sans exception aucune, sous-entendus comme is g l

dignes de mémoire — ne doivent pas le servir mais être utiles aux autres, c’est-à-dire qu’ils sont n

appelés à remplir le rôle de modèles royaux. C’est bien là, la définition du miroir médiéval11. E in

A cette définition, ajoutons le thème de l’autoportrait puisqu’à l’instar d’un peintre réalisant n

son autoportrait, Pierre III cherche à se contempler, à admirer l’image qu’il se confère. Dans cette t t e i toile, la plume ferait office de pinceau12. L’on est même en droit de se demander si, à force de r W

s’écrire, l’auteur ne change pas d’identité, par un procédé inversé de transfert : se défaisant de son t

identité corporelle, le souverain en acquiert une d’encre et de papier. De ce fait, le chroniqueur no

dépasse son statut humain pour arriver à une dimension littéraire de sa personne, voire fictive, s même si, par essence, un récit historiographique ne peut être fictif. Par conséquent, l’écrivain tra- e x t T verse la page, qui devient, l’espace de quelques mots, miroir déformant. Pierre III se construit un t h e

personnage qui est plus qu’un alter ego : Pierre III donne naissance à Pierre III. f o

L’arrivée d’un être fictif au sein d’un récit historiographique ne va pas sans une certaine difi- s

culté puisque, c’est là que réside l’ambigüité, un tel type de récit ne peut être de fiction. Pourtant, a l in g par moments, l’on a l’impression que Pierre III ne s’écrit pas comme il était réellement ou n’écrit i r

pas ce qu’il a vraiment fait, mais comme il souhaiterait être ou comme il désirerait être représenté. Ne O voyons peut-être pas là, forcément, de visées politiques. Il est évident que se représenter le plus avantageusement possible place l’auteur dans une position plus confortable. Apprécions plutôt ici l’effort réalisé par le souverain pour revenir sur certains passages de sa vie et s’en amender. Ceci nous amène à distinguer un double processus d’écriture chez Pierre III qui, à nos yeux, est fonda- mental entre écriture et ré-écriture. Derrière l’écriture de la Chronique de Pierre III, se cache ainsi une véritable quête identitaire. Parler de crise identitaire serait peut-être exagéré : le souverain ne se cherche pas, n’a pas besoin de se trouver, il essaie plutôt de saisir au mieux son image afin de la livrer au lecteur. Pierre III part donc à la recherche de lui-même, l’écriture étant, pour lui, le moyen idéal afin d’effectuer cette introspection. Cependant, ce retour sur lui-même se révèle, rapidement, limité. En effet, ce procédé d’expia- tion par le verbe sous-entend, pour peu que l’auteur soit honnête avec lui-même, que ce dernier brosse un portrait objectif de sa personne. Or Pierre III se contente de faire ressurgir uniquement les aspects les plus flatteurs de sa personnalité. La raison de cette quête intérieure est facilement compréhensible : l’objectif de Pierre III n’est pas d’atteindre sa propre image, mais une image, celle d’un roi occupé à bien traiter les affaires de son royaume. Par conséquent, nous dirions que le pro-

11. Le Goff, Jacques. « Roi ». Dictionnaire raisonné de l’Occident médiéval, Jacques Le Goff, Jean-Claude Schmitt, dirs. Paris : Fayard, 1999 : 985- 1004, surtout la page 991. 12. Lors d’un travail précédent, nous avons tenté d’analyser les relations que l’œuvre entretient avec l’autoportrait. Nous avons fait le rapprochement avec le tableau d’Albrecht Dürer, première composition du genre. Le peintre y apparaît à l’âge de 22 ans. Son visage est grave et il tient dans sa main un chardon, ce qui constitue une allusion à la couronne d’épines que le Christ portait lors de la Passion. Sur le tableau, figure une inscription- « Les choses m’arrivent comme il est écrit là-haut »- qui annonce l’autoportrait de 1 500 où Dürer apparaît en Salvator Mundi, comme auréolé de la gloire de Dieu. Dans ce tableau, c’est bien là le point commun avec l’œuvre de Pierre III, deux je se côtoient. Le premier se met en scène avec la seule intention d’attirer le spectateur vers le Beau : les coups de pinceau sont précis et les couleurs sont bien choisies. Le deuxième est symbolique : rapidement, notre œil est attiré par le chardon, et nous devons interpréter l’intention du peintre. Il existe donc deux Dürer : le réel et le rêvé. Ce sont également les deux dimensions de Pierre III. Voir Alchalabi, Frédéric. « La plume et le pinceau : la technique de l’autoportrait dans la Chronique de Pierre III (représentation et mise en scène) », Colloque Ecrire sur soi en Catalogne au Moyen Age, organisé le 14 décembre 2000 au Centre d’Etudes Catalanes à Paris, Christian Camps, dir. Montpellier : R.E.C., Université de Montpellier III, sous presse.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 387-395. ISSN 1888-3931 389

Originals.indd 389 08/06/2009 8:17:48 h

is cédé d’écriture de la Chronique de Pierre III correspond à celui d’une introspection guidée : le roi g l

n n’est pas en quête de lui-même, mais de son image. C’est ce que nous allons, à l’instant, montrer.

E Deux formules qualifient le mieux le caractère du roi chrétien : rex imago dei et Christus rex. Le roi in

n est l’image de Dieu et tisse un lien particulier avec le Christ . Il nous faut apprécier dans quelle mesu-

t t e re ces traits se retrouvent chez Pierre III et, en ce sens, confirment, à leur façon, la légitimité du roi. i r Le roi médiéval développe des relations particulières avec le Christ. Ceci signifie que le souve- W

t rain partage ou, plus exactement, rêverait de partager et souhaiterait cultiver les principales vertus

no christiques. L’intention ainsi que l’ambition des rois sont bien claires : ceci leur permet de s’auto-

s adjuger un rôle messianique. Pierre III ne déroge pas à la règle et, lorsqu’il s’écrit, il ne se prive e x t pas de faire référence, implicitement, à divers passages du Nouveau Testament. Ainsi, son entrée T à Lleida n’est pas sans rappeler celle du Christ à Jérusalem14 : le Christ, monté sur un ânon, entre t h e

f dans la ville et reçoit, de la part de la population, un accueil triomphal. Cet épisode se retrouve, o

s sous une forme différente, dans la Chronique de Pierre III, plus précisément au chapitre II, lorsque

a l le souverain narre son entrée dans la ville de Lleida, premier lieu où il se rend juste après avoir été in g i couronné roi. Il écrit : « e com entram en la dita ciutat de Lleida, fom aquí reebuts ab gran alegria r

O e gran festa, e gran honor qui ens hi fo feta per tots aquells qui eren en la dita ciutat ». Le parallèle peut donc être fait entre la figure du Christ roi et celle de Pierre III. L’enthousiasme de la foule ne trompe pas le lecteur : le souverain est, à son tour, accueilli comme le messie. La comparaison, pour flatteuse qu’elle soit, traduit bien l’ambition de Pierre III. Il est une deuxième image du Christ que retient et s’adjuge Pierre III, celle du Christ qui accom- plit des miracles. De ce fait, le roi souhaite être vu comme un roi guérisseur, voire même, si nous reprenons le titre de la célèbre étude de Marc Bloch, un roi thaumaturge15. Les Evangiles relatent les nombreuses guérisons opérées par le Christ : celle de la belle-mère de Simon16, celles d’un lé- preux et d’un paralytique17, la guérison du serviteur d’un centurion18 et, surtout, la résurrection de Lazare19. Pierre III, lui, même s’il ne jouit pas de cette capacité curative, essaie de véhiculer cette image du roi guérisseur. Ainsi, se trouvant à Majorque, il déclare, ce que d’aucuns tiendraient pour une déclaration de principes : « no érem venguts per destrouir ne per fer-los messionejar, mas així

13. Le Goff, Jacques. « Roi »... : 986. 14. « E nós depuis, a cap d’alguns dies, partim de la dita ciutat de Saragossa, e venguem-nos-en a Lleida, e com entram en la dita ciutat de Lleida, fom aquí reebuts ab gran alegria e gran festa, e gran honor qui ens hi fo feta per tots aquells qui eren en la dita ciutat. », CPC : 1028 (chapitre II, paragraphe 23) ; L’Evangile selon saint Luc révèle : « Ayant dit cela (la pa- rabole des mines), il partait en tête, montant à Jérusalem. Et il advint qu’en approchant de Betphagé et de Béthanie, près du mont dit des Oliviers, il envoya deux des disciples, en disant : « Allez au village qui est en face et, en y pénétrant, vous trouverez à l’attache, un ânon que personne au monde n’a jamais monté ; détachez-le et amenez-le. Et si quelqu’un vous demande : « Pourquoi le détachez-vous ? » vous direz ceci : « C’est que le Seigneur en a besoin ». Etant donc partis, les envoyés trouvèrent les choses comme il leur avait dit. Et, tandis qu’ils détachaient l’ânon, ses maîtres leur dirent : « Pourquoi détachez-vous cet ânon ? » Ils dirent : « C’est que le Seigneur en a besoin. » / Ils l’amenèrent donc à Jésus et, jetant leurs manteaux sur l’ânon, ils firent monter Jésus. Et, tandis qu’il avançait, les gens étendaient leurs manteaux sur le chemin. Déjà il approchait de la descente du mont des Oliviers quand, dans sa joie, toute la multitude des disciples se mit à louer Dieu d’une voix forte pour tous les miracles qu’ils avaient vus. Ils disaient : / « Béni soit celui qui vient, / le Roi, au nom du Seigneur ! / Paix dans le ciel / et gloire au plus haut des cieux ! », Evangile selon saint Luc, 19, 28-38. 15. Bloch, Marc. Les rois thaumaturges. Etude sur le caractère surnaturel attribué à la puissance royale particulièrement en France et en Angleterre. Paris : Gallimard, 1983. L’on pourra aussi se reporter à Ullmann, Walter. Medieval Political Thought. Har- mondsworth-New York-Markham : Penguin Books, 1979; Kantorowicz, Ernst. Les deux corps du roi. Paris : Gallimard, 1989. 16. Luc, 3, 38-39. 17. Luc, 5, 12-26. 18. Luc, 7, 1-10. 19. Jean, 11, 1-44.

390 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 387-395. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 390 08/06/2009 8:17:49 h 20 com lo metge qui sana e guareix les nafres dels malalts nafrats e consumats » : il est là pour faire le bien, is g l

pour soulager le peuple de ses maux. La comparaison avec le médecin — lo metge — guérisseur n

par excellence, est donc explicite. Une nouvelle fois, cette citation évoque ce que nous pouvons E in

lire dans les Evangiles. Même si la Chronique de Pierre III n’est pas un recueil de miracles, dont, n

d’ailleurs, l’auteur ne revendique pas la paternité, cette conception du rôle du roi est à rapprocher t t e i des valeurs du Christ. r W t no 2. Le discours sur les vaincus s

Un discours de vainqueur se doit d’être rigoureusement construit. C’est pour cette raison que e x t T l’habile Pierre III met en évidence les moments qui lui semblent capitaux par une construction de t h e

phrases particulière : la syntaxe diffère donc selon l’intention de l’auteur. Comme ses contempo- f o 21 rains, Pierre III use de polysyndètes , ce qu’illustrent les nombreuses répétitions de e au sein de sa s

Chronique22. Mais, cet emploi va Au-delà de la simple convention, comme nous allons l’évoquer. a l in g Pierre III combine les polysyndètes avec les syntagmes binaires : l’originalité de cette combinai- i r

son réside dans le fait qu’elle s’associe à la description d’un moment précis, l’écriture devenant, dès O lors, prédéterminée. Ainsi, Pierre III, par exemple, souhaitant apporter une touche de solennité à sa Chronique, écrit : « Diem primerament que la divinal excel.lència per sa suficiència fa e manté tot creat. (…) La segona és : Gran és, doncs, congruència que a l’alta potència sia atribuït e dat. »23 Dieu est ici l’axe central du propos de l’auteur et, à ce titre, il mérite un traitement particulier puisque deux verbes puis deux participes passés sont employés côte à côte : il s’agit d’insister sur la grandeur du Créateur et, par là-même, de se soumettre pleinement à lui. Pierre III utilise également les syntagmes binaires afin de décrire une atmosphère festive, notamment son propre couronnement : « E com fom intrats dins l’Aljaferia, qui era encortinada e empaliada d’alt e de baix de molts rics draps d’aur e de seda (…), e les taules foren aparellades e meses, posam-nos a menjar… »24. Ici, l’on remarque bien à quel point tout fonctionne par paires : les étoffes, la description de l’édifice et des tables évoquent la richesse des célébrations qui suivent le couronnement du roi, événement majeur de sa vie. C’est par ce moyen que le souverain catalan cherche à faire partager l’allégresse de cette fête majeure. De la même façon, c’est grâce à ce procédé d’accumulation que Pierre III peut insister sur les injustices dont il se croit coupable et qui motivent ses réponses par la force. Ainsi, le roi de Major- que, Jacques, l’un de ses grands rivaux,semble s’obstiner à le mécontenter et, de cette manière,

20. CPC : 1055 (chapitre III, paragraphe 47). C’est nous qui soulignons. 21. Georges Molinié définit la polysyndète comme suit : « La polysyndète est une microstructural construct. Elle consiste en l’usage systématiquement abondant d’outils de liaison, explicitement marquée, entre les groupes, notamment en ce qui concerne les coordinations. » Molinié, Georges. « Polysyndète ». Dictionnaire de rhétorique. Paris : Le Livre de Poche, 1992 : 275. 22. Les exemples sont, bien évidemment, nombreux. Citons, quand même, Pierre III : « E puis començaren a segar la torre. E havia-hi vint-e-nou hòmens, los demés genovesos. E foren al combatre nafrats en les mans e en la cara, e veeren-se perduts, e feren senyal de retre. E puis encara foren combatuts una peça. » CPC : 1074 (chapitre III, paragraphe 139). C’est nous qui soulignons). 23. CPC : 1003-1004 (rologue, paragraphes 2 et 3). C’est nous qui soulignons. 24. CPC : 1026 (chapitre II, paragraphe 14). C’est nous qui soulignons. Plus tard, afin de décrire la joie des habitants de Lleida, au cours de son entrée dans leur ville, l’auteur rédige ces quelques lignes : « (…) fom aquí reebuts ab gran alegria e gran festa… » CPC : 1028 (chapitre II, paragraphe 23). C’est nous qui soulignons). Dans ce dernier exemple, la répétition de l’adjectif gran, ajoutée au syntagme binaire, souligne mieux encore leur bonheur.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 387-395. ISSN 1888-3931 391

Originals.indd 391 08/06/2009 8:17:50 h

is démontre sa malveillance : « En aquest terç capítol és declarat en qual manera lo rei de Mallorques, g l

n qui era vassall e hom nostre lige, tractà e s’esforçà en denegar la senyoria alodial e la feeltat de

E què ens era tengut… »25 Dans cet exemple, l’emploi des deux verbes tractar et esforçar-se n’est pas in

n anodin : il s’agit, pour Pierre III, de montrer l’application avec laquelle le roi de Majorque essaie de

t t e lui nuire. Il se défend d’ailleurs par un double syntagme binaire : i r W

t (…) nós, ab l’ajuda de nostre senyor Déus, qui és endreçador de tots aquells qui amen justícia e veritat e en Ell han ferma esperança, destruïm e anullam en tot, e corregim e castigam, per via ordinària e justa, molts no

26 s d’aquells qui les havien començades e tort hi tenien… e x t T Après avoir, en son temps, réglé ce différend par la force, Pierre III, à présent, répond au roi de t h e

f Majorque par les mots et, à un simple syntagme binaire, il oppose un double syntagme binaire, ce o

s qui, rhétoriquement, représente, à ses yeux, un argument de poids.

a l Sur un mode similaire, le souverain catalan s’attache à noircir l’image de Pierre Ier de Castille : in g i r

O En aquest sisè capítol és contengut e declarat lo fet de la guerra, la qual lo rei de Castella iniquament e maliciosa s’esforçà de fer contra nós (…). Lo dit rei, mogut de gran malícia e supèrbia, ab totes les sues gents, venc en les partides de Tarassona en lo mes d’abril següent e assejà la ciutat de Tarassona.27

Par ce syntagme binaire, Pierre III dénonce avec plus de vigueur encore l’attaque injuste dont il est la cible en mettant en avant l’hypocrisie et l’orgueil de son homologue castillan. C’est donc par un nouvel effet d’accumulation dû à la forme même du syntagme binaire que l’auteur peut critiquer l’attitude de Pierre Ier à son égard. En plus de cette aide syntaxique, Pierre III se sert du rire comme outil rhétorique. C’est par ce biais qu’il impose aussi son point de vue. D’emblée, il convient de souligner que le rire est lexica- lement présent dans la Chronique de Pierre III. Après s’être emparé du royaume de Majorque afin de punir Jacques, le roi inclut ce titre parmi ceux précédemment obtenus. Cependant, des sujets du royaume de Majorque s’émeuvent de figurer après ceux de celui de Valence, ce à quoi Pierre III, amusé,rétorque que cela améliorera peut-être le sort du royaume, puisque, placé, par le passé, en deuxième position, la chance ne lui avait pas souri :

E puis diguem-los, rient, que en aquell lloc segon del títol no havia haüda ventura Mallorques de romanir a la Corona d’Aragó, ans era estada donada e retuda dues vegades, e així ara volíem assajar si melloraria la ventura en lo tercer lloc del títol. E ells així mateix rigueren-se’n, e no ens parlaren pus enant28.

L’anecdote divertit beaucoup le roi : celui-ci rit, selon ses termes (E puis diguem-los, rient), de son propre trait d’esprit. Il va même jusqu’à l’expliquer au lecteur — (…) que en aquell lloc segon del títol no havia haüda ventura Mallorques de romanir a la Corona d’Aragó, ans era estada donada e retuda dues vegades, e així ara volíem assajar si melloraria la ventura en lo tercer lloc del títol — afin de le lui faire par-

25. CPC : 1037 (chapitre III, paragraphe 1). C’est nous qui soulignons. 26. CPC : 1091 (chapitre IV, paragraphe 1). C’est nous qui soulignons. 27. CPC : 1123-1131 (chapitre VI, paragraphes 1 et 10). C’est nous qui soulignons. 28. CPC : 1053 (chapitre III, paragraphe 36). Nous soulignons les deux occurrences.

392 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 387-395. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 392 08/06/2009 8:17:51 h

tager et de prolonger le plaisir d’un bon mot dont il se montre fier. Cette anecdote est révélatrice is g l

pour deux raisons. D’une part, cette réflexion n’est pas gratuite puisqu’elle permet au souverain n

de démontrer sa toute-puissance : il vient de vaincre le roi Jacques de Majorque et il s’empare ainsi E in

de son titre — il insiste d’ailleurs assez, un peu avant, sur le fait que celui-ci ne sera plus appelé n

roi, ce qui est pour le moins humiliant : E d’aquí avant lo rei qui fo de Mallorques no fo apellat ne inti- t t e i tulat rei — et il prend possession de ses terres. D’ailleurs, il n’est pas sûr que les sujets du royaume r W

de Majorque présents au cours de cette scène rient de bon cœur au propos tenu par Pierre III : t

au contraire, il doit plutôt s’agir d’un rire forcé. D’autre part, le trait d’humour se transforme en no

moyen rhétorique puisqu’il permet à l’auteur de clore le sujet, dans une apparente bonne humeur s mais non sans fermeté. e x t T Chez Pierre III, l’humour est souvent teinté de cruauté et de moquerie car il s’agit, selon l’auteur, t h e

d’un moyen supplémentaire d’affirmer sa raison et son pouvoir, le vainqueur écrasant le vaincu et f o

non lui laissant une place même étroite. Le narrateur essaie donc de ridiculiser la personne qui est s

livrée à l’examen critique de sa plume, comme il le fait, une nouvelle fois, avec Jacques de Major- a l in g que, vaincu pathétique, lequel, devant quitter ses anciennes terres, pleure, demande de la nourri- i r

ture qu’on lui refuse, tente de se tuer et est contraint de quémander l’aide du comte de Foix : O

E en Jacme de Mallorques tornava de Vilafranca de Conflent, e, com fo en la plaça de Puigcerdà, en Llívia, oí lo repicar e lo tabustol, e pres-li mal senyal, e aturà’s una peça. E après venc avant vers la vila, e com fo a un git de ballesta, los del mur començaren a tirar, cridants altes veus- Aragó !-. E ell encara volc forçar d’acostar-se, e los del mur trameteren-li a dir, per frare Ramon de Canet, preïcador, que es llunyàs e se’n anàs, e ell encara repremia, dient moltes paraules. Finalment, lo preïcador hi tornà bé tres vegades, e dix-li que, si no se n’anava, que ell era mort ab tots quants hi eren ab ell. E, llavors, ell començà de plorar e fer gran dol, e dix que ell e la companya eren dejuns e havien passat lo port. E demanà que li fos donada la vianda que li havien aparellada en sa posada, e fon-li respost que no n’hauria gens. E, puis pregà e suplicà que li fossen donades ses robes e son saumatge. E fo-li respost que no se’n menaria res sens llicència del senyor rei d’Aragó. Ab tant ell e los altres seus se’n partiren d’aquí dolents e ab gran tristor e ab malediccions que es gitaven, e anaren-se’n. E, aquell dia mateix, pasaren lo port de Primorent dejuns, e cuidaren tots morir de fred e de mal, e cuidaren ésser contrets, majorment los hòmens delicats. Així que oïm dir que En Jacme de Mallorques se baté molt la cara e lo cap de dol, e es volia ferir en si mateix ab brotxa e d’altres armes, mas que les li tolien. Puis fo a Acs, e aquí manllevaren què despendre, que no havien vestidures. E, puis, anaren a Foix e el comte donà’ls diners e els acollí bé. E feren la via de Montpesller contínuament.29

Placée sous la plume de Pierre III, la description de cette déroute n’est en rien pathétique. Au contraire, l’auteur se complaît à décrire, de manière féroce, le malheur qui frappe son adversaire : les demandes d’aide de celui-ci- toujours refusées : E demanà que li fos donada la vianda que li havien aparellada en sa posada, e fon-li respost que no n’hauria gens. E, puis pregà e suplicà que li fossen donades ses robes e son saumatge. E fo-li respost que no se’n menaria res sens llicència del senyor rei d’Aragó. Ab tant ell e los altres seus se’n partiren d’aquí dolents e ab gran tristor e ab malediccions que es gitaven, e anaren-se’n-, et ses pleurs sont autant d’occasions de le ridiculiser puisque sa réaction n’est en rien compatible avec sa condition de roi. Déchu de son titre, Jacques subit donc la pire humiliation qui soit, une déchéance physique progressive qui s’achève en tentative de suicide. Non sans un certain cynisme, l’auteur tire un précieux avantage de cette moquerie puisqu’il fait ainsi une nouvelle démonstra- tion de sa force, dans la mesure où il décide à loisir de la vie d’un être humain, fût-il roi.

29. CPC : 1087-1088 (chapitre III, paragraphe 195).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 387-395. ISSN 1888-3931 393

Originals.indd 393 08/06/2009 8:17:52 h

is A l’image de cet exemple, l’humour tel qu’il est pratiqué dans la Chronique de Pierre III est fé- g l

n roce et cruel mais il répond à une nécessité rhétorique puisqu’il n’est jamais gratuit : c’est par ce

E moyen que le souverain affirme son autorité, au détriment de ceux sur qui s’exerce cet humour in

n car l’on rit à leurs dépens.

t t e Enfin, dans laChronique de Pierre III, il est intéressant d’étudier la place du corps du vaincu car i r le corps aide à établir une relation de force entre les divers acteurs. L’exemple le plus révélateur W

t nous est fourni par l’entrevue que le souverain de la Couronne d’Aragon accorde à Jacques de

no Majorque. Celui-ci se rend près d’Elne, au campement du roi qui l’a vaincu :

e x t Dijous, a quinze de juliol, estant nós en les tendes prop d’Euna, per lo matí, don Pedro d’Eixèrica tornà a En T Jacme de Mallorques, per amenar-lo’ns. E nós esperam la venguda del dit En Jacme de Mallorques, e no venc. t h e

Puis oïm missa e esperam-lo una peça, e encara no venc. Puis asseguem-nos a taula a dinar, car diguem que, f

o si venia, bé ens en llevaríem. Finalment, tro après dormir de sesta, En Jacme de Mallorques no venc. E llavors

s nós estiguem asseguts en un banc, al cap del nostre llit, en la tenda, ab l’infant En Jacme e ab tots los barons e

a l cavallers e molta altra gent, que no n’hi podien més cabre. E En Jacme de Mallorques venc tot armat, salvant

in lo cap. E, com nos fo après, nós nos llevam de peus, e ell, tantost, al venir, que ens fo prés, ficà lo genoll en g i

r terra, e nós prenguem-lo per la mà per llevar-lo. E ell, sens volentat nostra, quaix forçant, besà’ns la mà ; e nós

O aixecam-lo alt e besam-lo en la boca. E fet açò, ell nos dix estes paraules en suma… (…) E, mantinent, dites aquestes paraules, ell se n’anà ensems ab don Pedro d’Eixèrca a Euna, e nós romanguérem així com nós érem en la tenda ab l’infant En Jacme e los barons, cavallers e altres gents.30

Trois moments de longueur variable composent ce passage et chacun fait preuve d’une réelle richesse gestuelle. Tout d’abord, le roi attend, seul, dans sa tente, l’arrivée de son adversaire ré- cemment défait. Il ne peut cacher son désir de le voir s’agenouiller devant lui et lui demander pardon pour le crime qu’il vient de commettre à l’égard de son seigneur. Pierre III perd patience et souhaite ardemment humilier, une nouvelle fois, l’insoumis. Il fait, littéralement, les cent pas, ne sachant plus comment tempérer son impatience : il l’attend une première fois en vain, puis il assiste à la messe. Son hôte n’est toujours pas arrivé. Il déjeune alors assis, prêt à se lever pour accueillir le roi déchu, il dort, se réveille puis s’assied sur un banc et Jacques arrive enfin31. Au cours de cette première phase, Pierre III cherche à tromper son ennui par des activités anodines, pratiquées quotidiennement. Pourtant, ses gestes — se lever, s’asseoir, se coucher, porter les ali- ments à sa bouche —, ne parviennent guère à calmer ses ardeurs : seul le goût de la victoire et de l’humiliation pourrait le satisfaire. La présence tant attendue de son adversaire lui permet enfin d’obtenir ce qu’il désire. Jacques de Majorque arrive armé, la tête nue. Comme les conditions le requièrent, Pierre III se lève : E, com nos fo après, nós nos llevam de peus. La formulation est assez ambiguë pour que l’on s’y arrête car il ne faut pas y voir que de la politesse. En effet, il s’agit plutôt du refus de se sentir rabaissé par rapport à son ennemi, ce dernier se tenant debout et, lui-même, étant assis. Cet aspect est confirmé par ce qui suit. Les deux hommes se livrent à une bien curieuse danse : le roi d’Aragon est debout et Jacques de Majorque, en guise de respect et de soumission, s’agenouille ; Pierre III le prend par

30. CPC : 1079 (chapitre III, paragraphe 163). 31. « E nós esperam la venguda del dit En Jacme de Mallorques, e no venc. Puis oïm missa e esperam-lo una peça, e encara no venc. Puis asseguem-nos a taula a dinar, car diguem que, si venia, bé ens en llevaríem. Finalment, tro après dormir de sesta, En Jacme de Mallorques no venc. E llavors nós estiguem asseguts en un banc, al cap del nostre llit, en la tenda, ab l’infant En Jacme e ab tots los barons e cavallers e molta altra gent, que no n’hi podien més cabre. » CPC : 1079 (chapitre III, paragraphe 163).

394 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 387-395. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 394 08/06/2009 8:17:53 h

la main et le relève. Ici, le souverain catalan a besoin de se sentir, physiquement, supérieur à son is g l

interlocuteur. Ce rituel le lui permet mais l’on ne peut s’empêcher de faire un rapprochement avec n

le cérémonial ordinairement appliqué au roi et qui lui a valu son surnom. Puis, un événement E in

inattendu intervient : Jacques baise la main de Pierre III. Les circonstances entourant ce geste n

méritent notre attention. En effet, le roi catalan retire sa main mais, vaincu par la poigne de son t t e i adversaire, il ne parvient pas à s’en dégager : E ell, sens volentat nostra, quaix forçant, besà’ns la mà32. r W

La dernière partie de l’énoncé est riche de sens : sans que l’on puisse y lire de description évidente t

à ce sujet — peut-être l’auteur souhaite-t-il taire ce qui pourrait être perçu comme une faiblesse no

—, l’on imagine que Pierre III tente de se défaire de cette étreinte qu’il ne souhaite guère. Forcé s d’accepter cette marque de respect, il relève son hôte et il l’embrasse, conformément aux codes. e x t T Il y a donc, dans ce passage, une succession de gestes qui nous renseignent sur les attitudes et les t h e

intentions des personnages. Pierre III confirme sa volonté de se montrer supérieur à son ennemi f o

physiquement, c’est-à-dire au moyen de son corps. Jacques de Majorque, quant à lui, recherche, s

au contraire, la clémence du roi et c’est ce qui peut expliquer son désir de ne pas lâcher sa main et, a l in g à l’inverse, le souhait de Pierre III de la lui retirer. i r

Enfin, la troisième phase, très courte celle-là, correspond à la séparation des deux rois. Déchu O de ses terres, Jacques s’en va à Elne et, vainqueur, Pierre III reste dans son campement. L’échec et la victoire s’expriment dans ces deux attitudes : le premier parce que le corps se lève et s’éloigne et la deuxième car le corps reste, conforté dans sa position dominante. A ce titre, le langage du corps est plus explicite que celui des paroles, les gestes en disant plus long que les mots. Il y a donc bien une langue de l’indicible pour le vainqueur et c’est le corps qui se charge de l’exprimer.

3. Conclusion

A n’en pas douter, le discours de Pierre III est un discours de vainqueur. D’une part, il ponc- tue son œuvre de références bibliques. Il est ainsi, tour à tour, David, Lot et même Jésus Christ. L’image ainsi offerte est bien celle d’un souverain parfait. Evidemment, loin de le dépeindre, ces icônes l’idéalisent et, de ce fait, il devient un individu au carré, c’est-à-dire qu’il nous livre une image non réelle mais rêvée, voire, dans une certaine mesure, fantasmée. Le discours de Pierre III devient ainsi tendu car les enjeux sont de taille pour le souverain puisqu’il doit laisser à la postérité une image destinée à durer. D’autre part, l’auteur, en habile homme de lettres qu’il était — n’oublions pas l’importance que les lettres avaient pour les rois car rex illiteratus quasi asinus coronatus — sait composer ses discours de manière à démontrer sa toute puissance. Il achève donc ses vaincus sur le papier après les avoir terrassés sur le champ de bataille. Deux moyens s’offrent à lui : soit il use d’une syntaxe appropriée — en se servant, notamment de syntagmes binaires — soit il utilise d’autres biais plus originaux tels que le rire ou l’affirmation par le corps. Dès lors, la place des autres — qu’ils soient vaincus ou soumis — est mineure. C’est bien là le tribut à payer par ces personnages secondaires, à la tache ingrate, véritables ombres de l’Histoire qui ne peuvent éclipser Pierre III et qui ne sont utiles que parce qu’il servent le propos du roi et qu’ils façonnent son image.

32. C’est nous qui soulignons.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 387-395. ISSN 1888-3931 395

Originals.indd 395 08/06/2009 8:17:54 h

is Quonstituido en estrema vejez. Ancianidad

g l 1

n y esperanza de vida en la Navarra bajomedieval E in

t t e Ju l i a Ba l d ó i r Uni v e r si d a d d e Na v a r r a W t no

s e x t Re s u m e n T t h e

f En este artículo se ha presentado y analizado la profunda transformación que el concepto de o

s vejez sufrió durante el medievo. Así, durante las primeras centurias se reflejó una aversión genera-

a l lizada hacia este ciclo de la existencia humana, si bien se transformó durante los siglos siguientes, in g i gracias a una serie de cambios mentales y sociales, en un respeto y una valoración patentes que r

O tuvieron su reflejo en la confirmación de una serie de derechos que garantizaban y reconocían a los ancianos como ente colectivo protegido y necesitado de socorro y asistencia. De ahí que fueran surgiendo distintos modos de atención y protección —que se examinan detenidamente—, con el objeto de garantizarles una subsistencia de calidad y que terminaron generando una mayor esperanza de vida que benefició colectivamente a la sociedad bajomedieval.

Si un hombre medieval lograba superar enfermedades, guerras, accidentes y todas las dificultades que se le habían planteado a lo largo de su existencia, tenía muchas posibilidades de ingresar en la etapa de la ancianidad, última de las edades en que se dividía la vida humana y antesala, por tanto, de la muerte. Esta vejez podía llegar a disfrutarse con salud, aunque era más frecuente que llevase asociada diferentes dolencias y enfermedades que complicaban los últimos años, especialmente si no se le ofrecían al anciano los cuidados específicos que necesitaba. El estudio de la vejez durante el medievo cuenta con un aliciente que hace este tema especialmente atractivo, pues permite establecer un equivalente entre los problemas con que los más longevos se enfrentaban tanto en la Edad Media como en la actualidad y que son fiel reflejo de las contradicciones internas de ambas sociedades: contraposición por un lado de juventud-belleza frente a envejecimiento-fealdad y por otro de abandono-pobreza contrastados como final de una vida marcada por diferentes “trabajos”. Por ello, cabe señalar que los tópicos que circulaban en la etapa medieval sobre la vejez —ancianidad amable como símbolo de sabiduría o familia que se encargaba del cuidado de sus mayores— no son generalizables porque existían otras realidades

1. Este texto desarrolla uno de los capítulos de la tesis doctoral: Requiem aeternam. Ritos, actitudes y espacios en torno a la muerte en la Navarra bajomedieval, Universidad de Navarra, Pamplona, 2005 financiada por la Fundación Caja Madrid (año 2000) y el Gobierno de Navarra (2001-2004). Este estudio estuvo integrado en el Proyecto de Investigación Interdisci- plinar “La muerte en la Navarra medieval” (1998-2003) dirigido por la doctora Julia Pavón Benito. Este proyecto recibió el respaldo económico de la Universidad de Navarra, el Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología (PB 1998-0220), el Gobierno de Navarra (Resolución 96/2000, de 15 de Diciembre) y la fundación privada The Friendly Hand. Deseo aprovechar estas líneas para mostrar mi agradecimiento a los profesores Javier Martínez de Aguirre y Flocel Sabaté por haber hecho posible la publicación de este artículo. E igualmente doy las gracias a Íñigo Arzoz por haber corregido pacientemente este escrito que se ha visto mejorado por sus valiosas e ingeniosas aportaciones. La investigación se basa en documentación inédita conservada en los siguientes archivos: Archivo de la Catedral de Pamplona (ACP); Archivos Eclesiásticos de Tudela (AET); Archivo General de Navarra (AGN); Archivo Histórico Nacional (AHN); Archivo Municipal de Tudela (AMT).

396 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 396 08/06/2009 8:17:55 h

—algunas de ellas brutales— que se analizarán en este artículo y que recuerdan a otras semejantes is g l

que están sucediendo actualmente en nuestra época. n

Volviendo a la Edad Media, debe matizarse que la condición de los ancianos durante todo este E in

período no fue la misma, sino que estuvo sujeta a una serie de transformaciones mentales que se n

fueron produciendo a lo largo del tiempo y que llevaron consigo una modificación de la considera- t t e i ción social hacia este grupo. No será, pues, hasta los siglos XIV y XV cuando al fin lograrán adquirir r W

un estatus reconocido jurídica y socialmente como ente protegido, que les permitirá gozar de una t

serie de beneficios asistenciales. no

De tal modo, en una primera etapa este sistema de asistencia recayó en las instituciones mo- s násticas y en sus familias y quienes no gozaban de recursos económicos para ingresar bajo la tutela e x t T de una orden religiosa o de parientes que los acogiesen, caían en la total indigencia. Pero hacia t h e

el siglo XIII se establecieron otros instrumentos que ampliaban las posibilidades de auxilio de un f o

mayor número de sujetos. Así, la creación y expansión de una red de asistencia hospitalaria con s

un carácter más profesionalizado y la fundación de hospitales-asilos —en unos casos regidos por a l in g cofradías religiosas o gremiales y en otras ocasiones por el propio municipio— procurarían ayuda i r

a todos aquellos que no tuviesen quien se hiciera cargo de ellos, así como de los que contaran O con recursos limitados y de los indigentes que no disfrutasen de ningún auxilio. Precisamente, el gran logro de la Baja Edad Media fue la recuperación, a nivel familiar y social, de un colectivo que había sido marginado durante los siglos anteriores, al cual se dotó de un poder y un grado de responsabilidad dentro de la comunidad, siendo estas medidas el remedio más efectivo para luchar contra situaciones de abandono e indigencia. De manera que, la presencia en los acontecimientos señalados dentro del marco social, y el papel como transmisores de la memoria colectiva serán los cometidos principales de los mayores. Dos han sido los objetivos de este artículo. Por un lado, conocer las formas de vida de los más ancianos en la sociedad navarra bajomedieval y, por otro, averiguar cuál era su grado de inserción en la vida diaria de la comunidad. Para lo cual se ha procedido al examen de diferentes tipos de fuentes documentales que han sido comparadas con otros textos hispánicos y europeos, así como con una abundante bibliografía. Todo ello ha permitido llegar a conclusiones certeras que han po- sibilitado reconstruir cómo era la existencia de los ancianos en la Navarra de finales del medievo, tal y como ha sido desglosado en los diferentes epígrafes que se presentan a continuación. Así pues, el primer apartado ha versado sobre el concepto de ancianidad que se difundió durante las centurias medievales. Para conocer estas ideas se comenzó por averiguar cuáles eran las edades de la vida y los límites biológicos en que se desenvolvía la vejez como tal, según las visiones de las autoridades religiosas y de diferentes escritores coetáneos. En segundo lugar, se ha procedido al análisis del concepto de vejez, que sufrió una evolución marcada por una serie de acontecimientos históricos, sociales, y mentales que condicionaron la percepción de los mayores a partir de ángulos diferentes. Y para ello se han analizado algunas de las causas que influyeron en esta evolución mental. En tercer lugar, se han estudiado las características específicas de la ancianidad percibidas a través de los ojos de los propios ancianos y de otros individuos y la función que desempeñaron en las diferentes etapas del medievo. El siguiente apartado se ha centrado en la cuestión de la esperanza de vida y de la proporción de ancianos existente con respecto al total de la población. Otro punto que se ha examinado ha sido el de los cuidados de los mayores durante el período bajomedieval, llevado a cabo mediante diferentes instrumentos como asistencia familiar y hospitalaria, auxilio de cofradías, limosnas a viejos indigentes o pensiones de ancianidad. Y final-

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 397

Originals.indd 397 08/06/2009 8:17:56 h

is mente, el último apartado ha sido dedicado a estudiar la consideración del anciano en su entorno g l

n próximo; los resultados obtenidos han permitido corroborar una especial veneración y respeto por

E parte de sus respectivas comunidades. in

n t t e

i 1. Incidencia del tema en la historiografía r W

t El primer autor que se encargó de elaborar una historia sobre la vejez fue George Minois con su 2 no ya famosa Histoire de la vieillesse en Occident, de l’Antiquité à la Reinassance, publicada en 1987 . Esta

s investigación, basada a su vez en otros estudios anteriores de carácter básicamente demográfico, e x t supuso una novedad en el tratamiento de este tema, desde un punto de vista histórico y sociológi- T co. La aparición de esta citada monografía sirvió de base a otras investigaciones posteriores que se t h e

f han llevado a cabo. De tal modo, Jean Pierre Bois, escribió una Histoire de la vieillesse siguiendo este o

s modelo, aunque no sólo se centró en el período medieval, sino que abarcó diferentes etapas, desde

a l la Antigüedad, hasta el mundo contemporáneo completando el panorama histórico respecto a este in

g 3 4 i tema . Destaca asimismo, el magnífico estudio realizado por Shulamit Shahar , sobre la Inglaterra r

O medieval —si bien extiende sus pesquisas a todo el continente europeo, incluída la Península Ibé- rica— que constituye un análisis diferente y original al resto de obras aquí mencionadas, tanto por la novedad de algunas fuentes utilizadas como por el tratamiento de las mismas. En cuanto a los trabajos realizados para los territorios hispánicos, cabe señalar la obra de Raquel Homet, Los viejos y la vejez en la Edad Media. Sociedad e imaginario5, como la más completa y brillante de las realizadas hasta el momento. La abundancia de fuentes que maneja la autora junto con la investigación exhaustiva de las mismas componen una espléndida síntesis de la ancianidad y sus vivencias en el marco peninsular que nada tiene que envidiar a las investigaciones realizadas en Francia. En España también destacan otros autores con estudios parciales sobre este tema, como Susana Royer de Cardinal6, José Ángel García de Cortázar7 o Julio Valdeón8. Asimismo debe desta-

2. Minois, George. Histoire de la vieillesse en Occident, de l’Antiquité à la Reinassance. París: Fayard, 1987 ; Edición española: Minois, George. Historia de la vejez de la Antigüedad al Renacimiento. Madrid: Nerea, 1987. 3. Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse. París: Presses Universitaires de France, 1994. Desde un punto de vista totalmente diferente se compone la siguiente obra: Cochelin, Isabelle. “In senectute bona: pour une typologie de la vieillesse dans l’hagiographie des XIIe et XIIIe siècles”, Les Ages de La Vie au Moyen Âge. Actes du colloque du Départament d’Études Médiévales de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne et de l’Université Friedrich-Wilhelm de Bonn. Provins, 16-17 mars 1990. París: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 1992: 119-138. 4. Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old in the Middle Ages. Londres: Routledege, 1997. 5. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez en la Edad Media. Sociedad e imaginario. Rosario (Argentina): Pontificia Universidad Católica, 1997. 6. Royer de Cardinal, Susana. Morir en España. (Castilla Baja Edad Media). Buenos Aires: Universidad Católica Argentina, 1992. 7. García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo: del nacimiento a la muerte”, Historia de España Menéndez Pidal. XVI. La época del gótico en la cultura española (c. 1220-c.1480), Ramón Menéndez Pidal, José M. Jover Zamora, dirs. Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994: cap. V, 301-320. 8. Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo: en las puertas de la pobreza, de la enfermedad, de la vejez, de la muerte”, La vida cotidiana en la Edad Media: VIII Semana de Estudios Medievales, Nájera, del 4 al 8 de agosto de 1997, José-Ignacio de la Iglesia Duarte, coord. Logroño: Ediciones Instituto de Estudios Riojanos-Asociación “Amigos de la Historia Najerillense”, 1998: 275-288. Igualmente, Andrade de Cornadas, José Miguel. "Una aproximación a la historia de la vejez en la Galicia medieval: algunas fuentes y sus posibilidades de información". Serrata, Ciencias Sociais e Humanidades. Vejez y envejecimiento en Europa Occidental, 18 (2007): 229-246.

398 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 398 08/06/2009 8:17:57 h 9 carse, por su originalidad, el artículo de Isabel Pérez de Tudela , gracias al cual se descubre la vejez is g l

a través de un enfoque alternativo y complementario de gran interés y valor: las fuentes literarias n

y cronísticas, configurando así un complemento ideológico a todo lo anteriormente visto para el E in

caso hispánico. n

Finalmente, y dentro del marco navarro, es imprescindible mencionar el estudio de Santos Gar- t t e i cía Larragueta sobre los documentos de donación personal a la Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén r W

que este autor denominó como “cartas de paniaguados” y que han tenido su reflejo e influencia t

en el apartado dedicado a la oblación, habiéndose incluido también donaciones personales que se no

dirigieron hacia otras entidades monásticas, como Leire o Roncesvalles10. s e x t T

2. Incidencia en la documentación, tipología documental t h e

f o

Los testimonios que hacen referencia a la ancianidad en Navarra durante la Edad Media, si s

bien no son todo lo abundantes y detallados que cabría esperar, son suficientes como para per- a l in g mitir configurar el marco de vida de estos individuos así como de la percepción que de ellos se i r

tenía. La mayor parte de las fuentes que arrojan datos al respecto pertenecen a los siglos XIV y O XV, aunque algunas otras como los contratos de oblación ya se encuentran desde el siglo XIII —momento culmen de este fenómeno— como se verá en breve. Las noticias se han hallado preferentemente en los siguientes tipos de fuentes documentales. En documentos de Comptos, cédulas que recogen las cuentas de gastos y pagos de la Corona, principalmente localizados en el apartado dedicado a limosnas. En Protocolos Notariales, preferentemente en testamentos, aunque también en contratos matrimoniales y en procesos judiciales. En colecciones documentales eclesiásticas: fondos de clero regular del Archivo General de Navarra, documentos varios del Archivo Municipal de Tudela, del Archivo de la Catedral de Pamplona y de los Archivos Eclesiásticos de Tudela y en la sección de clero navarro y de la Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén del Archivo Histórico Nacional. En catálogos, inventarios y colecciones diplomáticas publicados, así como en crónicas históricas que tratan sobre el reino navarro y sus monarcas. Y finalmente en textos normativos, como el Fuero General de Navarra, ordenanzas municipales y estatutos de cofradías tanto religiosas como profesionales. Sin embargo, es de destacar que las fuentes con que se ha contado, si se comparan con las utilizadas por otros investigadores son escasas, pues autores como Raquel Homet, Georges Minois o Jean-Pierre Bois indican una mayor riqueza tan- to tipológica como de contenido11.

9. Pérez de Tudela, María Isabel. “Ancianidad, viudedad. El hombre medieval en su edad postrera”, La familia en la Edad Media: XI Semana de Estudios Medievales, Nájera, del 31 de julio al 4 de agosto de 2000, José-Ignacio de la Iglesia Duarte, coord. Logroño: Ediciones Instituto de Estudios Riojanos-Asociación “Amigos de la Historia Najerillense”, 2001: 285-315. 10. García Larragueta, Santos. “Cartas de paniaguados”. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, LIII (1983): 205-236. 11. Así Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse…: 39, ha trabajado con registros italianos de matrimonios y de nacimientos (siglo XV), registros de sepulturas franceses y alemanes (siglo XV) y documentos franceses, catalanes e ingleses de carácter fiscal pertenecientes a los siglos XIII y XIV, entre otras fuentes documentales. Russell estudia excavaciones de cementerios y pesquisas post mortem (Russell, Josiah Cox. “La población en Europa del año 500 al 1500”, Historia econó- mica de Europa 1. La Edad Media, Carlo M. Cipolla, ed. Barcelona: Ariel, 1979: 46-47). Y George Minois recoge investigaciones propias o realizadas por otros autores basadas en testimonios arqueológicos, análisis de inscripciones funerarias, relatos literarios o cartularios monásticos, entre otras noticias (Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 196-197, 200). Por su parte, Shulamit Shahar es quien utiliza una mayor diversidad de fuentes documentales, desde manuales de confeso- res, legislación profana, crónicas, relatos literarios, fuentes canónicas, consiguiendo dar una imagen de la ancianidad a lo largo y ancho de todos los territorios europeos, incluídos los reinos hispánicos (Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old...: 1-11). En cuanto a Raquel Homet (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 12-14), también destaca por la variedad y calidad

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 399

Originals.indd 399 08/06/2009 8:17:58 h

is Sería interesante, de cara a investigaciones futuras más profundas respecto a este tema, el aná- g l

n lisis exhaustivo de la documentación de carácter fiscal como censos contributivos o fuentes jurí-

E dicas como procesos judiciales que, sin duda alguna, aportarán datos más numerosos y detallados in

n respecto a los ancianos y su longevidad. Asimismo, si se llevan a cabo estudios de los restos óseos

t t e encontrados en las excavaciones arqueológicas realizadas en la Comunidad Foral en los últimos i r años, pueden completar este panorama, arrojando noticias extremadamente interesantes sobre W

t las condiciones de vida y edad de defunción en diferentes períodos de la Edad Media navarra que 12 no pueden completar los datos obtenidos de las pesquisas documentales .

s e x t

T 3. Concepto y características de la ancianidad t h e

f Tal y como se ha señalado en el párrafo inicial de este artículo, si un hombre o mujer logra supe- o

s rar las diferentes amenazas contra su vida que se irán presentado a lo largo de su existencia, puede

a l llegar a ingresar en la etapa de la vejez. Pero esto no es fácil en la Baja Edad Media. Las epidemias in g i de peste, las hambrunas y la pobreza, junto con las más diversas enfermedades y causas (guerra, r

O homicidios, suicidio, accidentes), podían truncar la vida de cualquier persona, especialmente de quienes tenían menos recursos. Por ello, sólo una mínima parte de los individuos que conformaban una comunidad llegaban a la ancianidad. Pero la primera dificultad con que el historiador se encuentra es la de reconstruir el concepto que sobre la vejez se tenía en la Edad Media, ya que no es el mismo en la etapa altomedieval que en la epóca bajomedieval. Uno de los primeros autores que plasmó por escrito la configuración de la ancianidad fue San Agustín a comienzos del siglo V. En su obra Génesis contra los maniqueos estableció las bases de la misma dividiendo la vida humana en diferentes períodos a ejemplo de las edades del mundo que indicaban las Sagradas Escrituras, combinándolas a un mismo tiempo, con el número de días de la creación y con el número de generaciones en cada edad del hombre; de todas ellas, la última sería la vejez, símbolo de una profunda renovación de la vida espiritual. Pero en Las 83 Cuestiones diversas, redujo la vida humana a seis edades y la vejez abarcaría desde los 60 años hasta los 12013. Autores posteriores adoptaron igualmente esta división de la vida en edades, como San Jerónimo, que consideró como tal la etapa que comenzaba a los 70 años, edad excepcional y valorada como una bendición particular14. Sin embargo, son las teorías que

de las fuentes documentales manejadas. Así, esta autora ha utilizado noticias literarias, historiográficas, hagiográficas, epistolares, legislativas (laicas y eclesiásticas), filosóficas, médicas, religiosas, notariales (pesquisas, pactos, testamentos) y judiciales relativas a todo el marco peninsular que hacen de esta obra una guía básica a la hora de estudiar el tema de la ancianidad ya no sólo en el ámbito hispánico, sino también europeo. 12. En los últimos años se han llevado a cabo campañas de excavación en las catedrales de Pamplona y Tudela, de las que, hasta el momento, apenas se han publicado análisis de los restos encontrados. Igualmente, se ha hallado una necrópolis musulmana en la Plaza del Castillo de Pamplona y anexo a ella el cementerio del convento de Santiago, ambos en extraordinario estado de conservación. De la misma manera, también se han realizado prospecciones menores en las calles aledañas de las parroquias de San Saturnino y San Nicolás de Pamplona y en la plaza de San José (inmediata a la catedral de Pamplona) así como en el despoblado de Rada, y en antiguas ermitas o iglesias de pueblos como Noáin, Gorráiz o Azuelo. Del mismo modo, en la ciudad de Estella también se hicieron excavaciones en las plazas de los templos de San Miguel y San Juan, dando como resultado la aparición de abundantes restos óseos. (Agradezco esta noticia a Íñigo Arzoz, testigo directo de la misma). El examen de los restos óseos encontrados aportaría, sin ninguna duda, un testimonio único de los hábitos de estos individuos como alimentación, enfermedades, edades y causas de las muertes, que completarían el panorama aportado por la documentación investigada en el curso de este proyecto de investigación. 13. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 37 y tabla en la página 38; Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 159-160. 14. Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse…: 29.

400 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 400 08/06/2009 8:17:59 h

San Isidoro de Sevilla plasmó en sus Etimologías —para lo cual utilizó las mismas fuentes que San is g l

Agustín llegando a conclusiones muy similares— las que tuvieron mayor predicamento durante n

los siglos pleno-medievales y el Renacimiento. Dividió igualmente la vida en 7 períodos de los E in

cuales la madurez o gravitas comenzaba a los 50 años; seguiría a continuación la vejez o senectus n

hacia los 70 y finalmente la senilidad o senium duraría hasta la muerte, sin ningún límite de t t e i edad15. r W

Las características de la vejez fueron también definidas a partir del discurso de las autoridades t

religiosas, que inscribieron la vida dentro de un concepto de tiempo marcado por la eternidad. no

Dentro de ella, la vejez era tan sólo un momento en el cual no tenía lugar la edad, como lo indica- s ban las reglas monásticas por las que los integrantes de la comunidad de frailes no morían, sino que e x t T tan sólo traspasan un umbral para ingresar en otra etapa; eran, pues, “hombres intemporales”16. t h e

En el mundo laico, los ancianos existían como individuos, pero no eran reconocidos como colecti- f o

vidad, lo que podía estar determinado, en gran medida, por la inexactitud que dominaba a la hora s

de conocer las edades y con ello una indefinición de la etapa de la ancianidad17. a l in g Durante el período altomedieval el pensamiento de los padres de la Iglesia no aportó nada es- i r

pecífico a la condición de los ancianos puesto que tomaron la visión pesimista que prevalecía en O el Antiguo Testamento y la cultura griega y romana18. Sin embargo, debe señalarse que, al mismo tiempo, la vejez fue considerada como un doble símbolo, como se verá a continuación, que se desenvolvía entre dos paradojas. Por una parte, el anciano era reverenciado como prototipo de sabiduría, dada la experiencia que había adquirido a lo largo de una vida de afanes19. Pese a ello, San Agustín indicaba que sabiduría y vejez no estaban necesariamente unidas, ya que la vejez no aportaría de forma intrínseca la sabiduría. Más bien, el conocimiento derivaría de la práctica de la virtud, lo cual no sería inherente a una edad determinada, sino a la manera de vivir. Por otra parte, el viejo era despreciado como pecador, por sus vicios, decrepitud y proximidad a la muerte20; por todo ello debía esforzarse buscando su regeneración y perdón a través de la penitencia y de la práctica de la virtud21. Esta imagen de la ancianidad como etapa de vicios y tentaciones —que a los ojos de los más jóvenes estaba sujeta al más humillante ridículo— no gozaba de la comprensión de la mayor parte de la sociedad ni de las autoridades religiosas22. Por lo que no debe sorprender que no se les proporcionara seguridad más allá de sus parientes, ni existiera ninguna clase de derechos jurídicos que pudiesen ejercer para ser socorridos. Así, quienes no conseguían las garantías de pro-

15. Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 159-161; Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo…”: 283; Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse… : 28-29. 16. Expresión tomada de Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse… : 30. 17. Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse…: 31 donde se indica que la mayor parte de las personas que atestiguan en procesos canónicos y civiles no son totalmente consicientes de la edad que tienen, y se limitan a mostrar una aproxima- ción a partir de múltiplos de cinco o de diez. También en Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 48-51. 18. Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse… : 31; Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 166-167. 19. Pérez de Tudela, María Isabel. “Ancianidad, viudedad”…: 307-312; Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo…”: 284. 20. Muy gráfico es el ejemplo literario que incluye Shulamit Shahar por el cual Guillaume de Deguileville’s enPèlegrina- ge de la vie humaine, establece la oposición de los vicios de la vejez en la mujer (glotonería, lascivia, indolencia, hipocresía, envidia, herejía, tribulaciones, enfermedad, envejecimiento y muerte) frente a las virtudes de la juventud (caridad, misericordia, sabiduría, moderación, diligencia y gracia de Dios) en Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old...: 48. 21. Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 167-175; Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 134-138. 22. Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 166-175. Sin embargo, Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 54 asegura que son numerosos los textos que indican una actitud diferente, por la cual se busca confortar al anciano que sufre. Destacan, así pues, las obras de Bernardo de Claraval, Petrarca o Dante, entre otros autores. Shahar, Shulamit Growing Old…: 54-59.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 401

Originals.indd 401 08/06/2009 8:18:00 h

is tección de su familia o de un monasterio acababan formando parte de una masa marginal ligada a

g l 23

n la mendicidad . Este conjunto de pensamientos y actuaciones tienen su origen en la configuración

E y funcionamiento de la sociedad de la temprana Edad Media. En ella, los ancianos no disponían in

n de un papel específico, pues la comunidad necesitaba de personas jóvenes y fuertes bellatores( y la-

t t e boratores) que se encargasen de defender y cultivar las tierras recién conquistadas para el beneficio i r de todo el pueblo; personas jóvenes que morían a una edad temprana. Por todo ello, los escasos W

t ancianos laicos que vivían con sus familias eran a menudo considerados como una carga. Es entre

no los oratores donde se encuentran los más abundantes ejemplos de ancianos que llevaban una vida

s activa dentro de la comunidad religiosa —los monjes y eclesiásticos realizaban un trabajo físico más e x t moderado y tenían unos mejores hábitos alimenticios que les permitían llegar en mayor propor- T ción a la vejez—. Sin embargo, a partir de los siglos XI y XII —paralelamente a la aparición de los t h e

f apellidos de familia— se produjo un afianzamiento de los lazos intergeneracionales y los ancianos o

s comenzaron a ser considerados como depositarios de la experiencia y de la memoria de la comu-

a l nidad. Ya desde el siglo XIII surgieron asilos especializados en la asistencia de los más viejos, lo que in g i contribuyó a crear un ambiente más favorable hacia ellos y a considerarlos como una colectividad r 24 O que necesitaba de cuidados específicos . Pero un acontecimiento crucial invirtió definitivamente la actitud hacia los ancianos, la epide- mia de peste negra que arrasó Europa periódicamente desde 1348, y que tuvo graves consecuencias demográficas. La pestilencia afectó especialmente a niños y jóvenes, mientras que adultos y viejos resistieron mejor su azote25. Esto provocó un aumento de la proporción de ancianos en todo el continente26. De tal manera, las estructuras familiares cambiaron completamente y con ellas las del Estado, concentrándose la autoridad y los poderes en los ancianos. La desintegración parcial de la comunidad provocó una reconstitución de los lazos afectivos y los matrimonios con diferencias de veinte o treinta años llegaron a ser habituales, al igual que disparidades de cincuenta o sesenta años entre padres e hijos27. Por todo ello, cabe decir que, aunque las singularidades de la vejez siguieron siendo las mismas que durante la Alta Edad Media, la actitud de la sociedad hacia ella fue

23. Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 186-194. 24. Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse... : 32-36. 25. Las fuentes navarras indican una especial incidencia entre las mujeres y niños menores de 14 años, que componen los dos tercios de las víctimas mortales. Monteano, Peio. Los navarros ante el hambre, la peste, la guerra y la fiscalidad. Siglos XV y XVI. Pamplona: Universidad Pública de Navarra, 1999: 200, tabla de estructura de población entre los años 1433 a 1437 y gráfico en las páginas 92 y 94. Ver igualmente Homet, Raquel.Los viejos y la vejez…: 47-48; Ariès, Philippe; Duby, George. Historia de la vida privada. 2. De la Europa feudal al Renacimiento. Madrid: Taurus, 1988 : 224 ; Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse… : 39. 26. Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse… : 38-40; Ariès, Philippe; Duby, G. Historia de la vida privada 2.…: 231, indican que el número de ancianos en las ciudades y territorios italianos no es muy elevado (un 3,8% de la población en Prato, para el año 1371, un 4,8% de la Florencia de 1480 o un 10% de los campesinos toscanos en 1427). De ellos la mayoría se concentran en las capas populares y burguesas donde existen los porcentajes más altos, con más de un 11%. Frente a ellos, y contrariamente a lo que pudiera parecer, las clases más altas sólo reúnen un 3-4% de los ancianos de la sociedad italiana. 27. Monteano, Peio. Los navarros ante el hambre…: 93. “Esta distribución nos confirma, pues, la imagen de una población con fuertes tasas de natalidad. Como ya dijimos al tratar de este tema, ésta era la única forma de garantizar el relevo generacional en una época plagada de epidemias y con una elevada mortalidad infantil. Y por ello la etapa de fertilidad femenina era aprovechada hasta los límites biológicos. De hecho, en la misma encuesta encontramos casos como el de Sancho García, labrador de Sesma, que a sus 75 años tenía un hijo de 8; Johan Grueso, octogenario de San Adrián que tenía un fijo chico; o de Miguel Martiniz, de 70 años, que tenía un hijo de 18 años y otros dos pequeños”.

402 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 402 08/06/2009 8:18:01 h

marcadamente diferente, ya que los ancianos se configuraron definitivamente como grupo dentro is

28 g l

de la sociedad con una función y unas necesidades específicas . n

En otro plano de cosas, cabría decir que entre las características intrínsecas atribuidas a los más E in

decanos, destacaron la debilidad fìsica y el desamor, que aducía San Isidoro . A esto se añadían las n 30

enfermedades, como cantaba Virgilio en un verso de las Geórgicas . Guillermo el Mariscal, tras una t t e i intensa vida de hazañas militares, decía de sí: “estoy demasiado viejo, débil y completamente des- r

31 W

vencijado “. Asimismo, Jean Regnier, en 1460, se quejaba de sus propios sufrimientos: moquillo t

de nariz, carencia de dientes que le llevaba a comer únicamente sopas y leche, temblor de manos, no

decrepitud y perenne frío que le hacía vestirse con abundantes ropajes y a sentarse junto al fuego s la mayor parte del día. El anciano Molinet agregaba, en el año 1500, el encanecimiento de los cabe- e x t T llos, la senilidad, la pérdida de voz y de vista y la impotencia sexual. Todo ello convertía al proceso t h e

de envejecimiento en una maldición y un castigo que transformaba al anciano en un ser grotesco, f o

supeditado a sus propias miserias fìsicas y morales, y, por tanto, en objeto de pecado, como ya se s

ha señalado. Pero la vejez también traía consigo bondades como una honda experiencia vital, la a l in g madurez intelectual y una aguda sabiduría. Son estas últimas singularidades las que triunfaron en i r

la mayor parte de los casos y gracias a ellas, los ancianos llegaron a convertirse en consejeros de su O comunidad y en modelos a seguir por los más jóvenes, ya que tras haber recorrido un camino en la vida, los viejos sólo podían esperar el tránsito al más allá tras la muerte, liberación de todos los trabajos que habían marcado su existencia terrenal32.

4. Esperanza de vida

Este tema no es una cuestión baladí, pues son muchos los autores que han tratado de encontrar una respuesta a nivel general, debido a las dificultades que se tienen que afrontar a la hora de obtener datos generales, y que se resumen principalmente en la escasez de fuentes documentales que aporten testimonios locales muy concretos y que, a un mismo tiempo, permitan obtener conclusiones aplicables a ámbitos geográficos más extensos. Además, debe agregarse que el proceso de envejecimiento forma parte de una evolución vital que se desarrolla de forma gradual, diferente en cada individuo, y que implica tanto el deterioro físico como el psíquico33. Por lo tanto, el establecimiento de una determinada edad como límite de la ancianidad dependerá en la práctica de las características internas de las distintas sociedades medievales34. Las abundantes y frecuentes epidemias, enfermedades comunes, accidentes y dificultades de la vida diaria, originaban una tasa de mortalidad muy elevada, principalmente entre los niños e

28. Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo…”: 285. 29. Pérez de Tudela, María Isabel. “Ancianidad, viudedad”…: 299-307; Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 283- 284; Ariès, Philippe; Duby, George. Historia de la vida privada 2…: 231-232 y 589. A esto se puede agregar la soledad y los abusos, de los cuales se habla en Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 129-133. 30. “Se acercan las enfermedades y la triste vejez”. Citado por Pérez de Tudela, María Isabel. “Ancianidad, viudedad”…: 299. 31. Duby, Georges. Guillermo el Mariscal. Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1997: 7. 32. Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 283-284; Pérez de Tudela, María Isabel. “Ancianidad, viudedad”…: 299, 307-315. 33. Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 12. 34. Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 25 indica ciertas normativas donde se limita el reclutamiento de soldados menores de 60 ó 70 años. Otros ejemplos se pueden encontrar en Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 25-31.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 403

Originals.indd 403 08/06/2009 8:18:02 h

is individuos jóvenes, lo cual tuvo como consecuencia una esperanza de vida generalmente reduci-

g l 35

n da . Pero el problema para conocer la edad de fallecimiento viene marcado por las propias fuentes

E documentales, ya que, salvo escasas excepciones, los textos no mencionan los datos que realmente in

n interesan. Así ocurre, por ejemplo, con los obituarios, que indican las fechas de defunción de una 36

t t e serie de personajes, pero no muestran su edad . Ni siquiera los testamentos, que son los documen- i r tos más completos —ya que aportan muchas noticias sobre el entorno familiar del disponente— W

t revelan pormenores de interés; en ocasiones excepcionales mencionan la vejez, pero en ninguno

no de los casos estudiados para Navarra se ha encontrado la edad de los testadores.

s Por todo ello, deben tenerse en cuenta otras fuentes alternativas que pueden ayudar al escla- e x t recimiento de este asunto. Así, a veces se mencionan edades aproximadas en procesos judiciales, T donde testifican las personas más ancianas de la comunidad. En otras ocasiones, algunas crónicas t h e

f arrojan fechas sobre determinados acontecimientos que permiten reconstruir la vida de una per- o

s sona. E, incluso, por medio de censos de población se puede rastrear a un individuo concreto o

a l a algunos miembros de una misma familia37. La arqueología también proporciona detalles sobre in g i restos óseos que indican la edad de fallecimiento y las enfermedades que sufrió el individuo al que r

O corresponden. Sin embargo, todos estos datos de carácter antropológico no pueden ser extrapo- lados más allá del ámbito local de donde han sido obtenidos, pues circunstancias diversas hacen variar estas edades38. Algunos investigadores se han atrevido a proyectar cifras concretas al respecto. Un gran número restringe la edad media a treinta años39, pero estas cifras deben ser sometidas a una profunda revi- sión debido a dos cuestiones que ya han sido mencionadas anteriormente.

35. Russell, Josiah Cox. “La población en Europa del año 500 al 1500”…: 49. 36. Esto sucede con el obituario de la catedral de Pamplona transcrito por Ubieto en el que se dice que anales y croni- cones con frecuencia se limitan a mencionar el año del fallecimiento de reyes y obispos sin llegar a precisar ni el mes ni el día. (Ubieto Arteta, Antonio. Obituario de la catedral de Pamplona. Pamplona: Institución Príncipe de Viana, 1954: 5). Otras publicaciones que recogen obituarios procedentes de centros religiosos son: Le Houx, Françoise. “Deux obituaires de Saint-Germain-des Prés, retrouves aux Archives Nationales”. Bibliothèque de l’Ècole des Chartes, 97 (1936): 257-304; Castro, Manuel de. “Necrologio del Monasterio de Santa Mª de Pedralbes (s. XIV)”. Hispania Sacra, XXI (1968): 391-427; Ubieto Arteta, Agustín. Un obituario calahorrano del siglo XV. Logroño: Editorial Gonzalo de Berceo. Servicio de Cultura de la Excma. Diputación Provincial, 1976; Trenchs Odena, José. “El necrologio-obituario de la catedral de Cuenca: noticias históricas y crónicas de la vida ciudadana”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 12 (1982): 341-379; Portillo Capilla, Teófilo; Rubio Semper, Agustín. “El obituario del cabildo de curas de la villa de Soria”.Revista de investigación, 3/9 (1985): 89-119; Fábrega Grau, Ángel. “El obituario de la catedral de Barcelona en el siglo XIII”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 18 (1988): 193-215. 37. Otros autores sí cuentan con documentación que indica edades. Así Jean Pierre Bois menciona registros de matrimonios, de nacimientos (en villas de Italia, siglo XV), registros de sepulturas (Francia y Alemania, siglo XV), fuegos catalanes de 1359, Poll Tax en Inglaterra en 1377, entre otros (Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse...:36). Josiah C. Russel y George Minois recogen a otros autores que se han basado en excavaciones arqueológicas, análisis de inscripciones funerarias, relatos literarios o cartularios monásticos (Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 196-197, 200; Russell, Josiah Cox. “La población en Europa del año 500 al 1500”…: 47). En Navarra, principalmente en los procesos judiciales y en los censos fiscales. 38. Royer de Cardinal, Susana. Morir en España…: 41-47; Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 238-242. 39. Debe señalarse que los investigadores diferencian dos conceptos. Por una parte, “esperanza de vida al nacer” y por otro “esperanza de vida una vez llegado a adulto”. Sin embargo, los datos que arrojan son bien diferentes unos de otros, aunque estarían de acuerdo en la existencia habitual de personas consideradas ancianas que alcanzarían los sesenta años. Siguiendo las teorías de Josiah C. Russell, Shulamit Shahar asegura que una persona de 20-25 años rebasaría los treinta; cuando un sujeto alcanzaba los 50-55 podía aspirar a vivir unos 70 años y, en casos excepcionales, incluso 80 ó 90. (Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 32 y Russell, Josiah Cox. “La población en Europa del año 500 al 1500”…: 44, 47, 49). Jean Pierre Bois sin embargo, estima para el s. XV una esperanza de vida más baja que la del siglo XIII (Bois, Jean Pierre. Histoire de la vieillesse…: 39-40). José Ángel García de Cortázar, indica para el territorio hispánico de los siglos XIV y XV, una esperanza de vida al nacer, de 30 años; si se lograba superar esta edad, las perspectivas vitales se ampliarían

404 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 404 08/06/2009 8:18:04 h

Por un lado, durante toda la Edad Media se producen una serie de cambios que hacen evolucio- is g l

nar los pilares demográficos del continente europeo. Así, la escasez de datos, especialmente duran- n

te la Alta Edad Media, impide hacer suposiciones sobre la incidencia de la vejez en la demografía. E in

No parece ser frecuente que se superasen los sesenta años, según las noticias que ofrece George n

Minois y, por lo tanto, quienes llegasen a la ancianidad constituirían un porcentaje muy bajo de la t t e i población, conformado en su mayor parte por religiosos40. r W

Un ejemplo de ello es el estudio llevado a cabo por Susana Royer de Cardinal, que, analizando t

las vidas de algunos personajes de la nobleza castellana a través de diferentes crónicas, derrumba la no

hipótesis de ancianidad prematura que tanto se ha difundido, y que, sin embargo, a la luz de estas s noticias, no tiene fundamento científico. Así, esta autora promedia la vida de los hombres de la e x t T familia Mendoza en 64,3 años, mientras que los personajes a los que Fernán Pérez de Guzmán bio- t h e

grafía en Generaciones y Semblanzas alcanzarían los 66 años aproximadamente. Y los que aparecen f o 41 en Claros Varones de Castilla de Hernando del Pulgar, en unos 62 . De tal modo el promedio de vida s

de todos ellos sería de 64 años, con picos de 75, 80 ó, incluso, 85 años, lo cual permite comprobar a l in g que, aunque no era lo habitual entre la mayoría de la población, algunos individuos podían llegar i r 42 a alcanzar una dilatada longevidad . En cuanto a la realeza, es de destacar que la mayor parte de O los reyes cristianos peninsulares fallecen antes de alcanzar los 50 años, siendo muy pocos los que cumplen los 60 y, aún más escasos, quienes llegan a traspasar la barrera de los 7043. Sobre los reyes navarros de la etapa bajomedieval debe decirse que la media de vida es significativamente más baja, con 42 años44, siendo excepcionales las personas que sobrepasan la barrera de los 60 —como Carlos III el Noble, que falleció con 64 años— y aún más escasos los que superan los 70, contando

hasta los sesenta. (García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 304). Como también lo afirma Valdeón siguiendo a Minois. (Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 283). 40. George Minois cita las investigaciones de otros autores como Pierre Riché, que estudia inscripciones en dos necrópo- lis francesas del siglo VII y verifica la existencia de ancianos mayores de sesenta años, una minoría dentro del total de la población (Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 196-197; Riché, Pierre. “Problèmes de démographie historique du haut Moyen Âge. Ve-VIIIe siècles”. Annales de démographie historique, (1966): 45). A su vez menciona a B. Guérard cuyo aná- lisis de otra necrópolis coetánea, ratifica la presencia abundante de septuagenarios. Y el cartulario de la abadía de Saint Victor de Marsella indica que más del 11% de sus siervos campesinos supera los sesenta años de edad. (Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 200, nota 35). En cuanto a la realeza merovingia sólo dos de los veintiocho reyes sobrepasan los 60 años; sin embargo, son más abundantes las noticias de religiosos que alcanzan edades muy avanzadas. (Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 198, 201-206, 242-250). 41. Ver también Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez en la Edad Media…: 51-53. 42. Como lo indica Raquel Homet en la encuesta de San Zoilo de Carrión (datada en 1220) que incluye en su estudio, en la que se manejan cifras que la autora considera desproporcionadas tanto por las excesivas longevidades declaradas como por la escasez de mujeres que son llamadas para atestiguar en el proceso (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 48-51). 43. Indica Raquel Homet que, de un total de 79 reyes cristianos, sólo uno rebasó los ochenta años y dos los setenta y cinco. Otros cinco alcanzaron la cincuentena y siete la sesentena. Los restantes (63 que suponen el 80%) no traspasaron la barrera de los cincuenta (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 59-60). 44. Se ha realizado el muestreo sobre un total de 24 reyes y reinas. Sancho VII “el Fuerte”: 79 años; Teobaldo I: 52 años; Teobaldo II: 31 años; Enrique I: 25 años; Juana I: 33 años; su esposo Felipe I “el Hermoso”: 46 años; Luis I “el Hutín”: 27 años; Juan I “el Póstumo”: 0 años (4-6 días); Felipe II “el Largo”, 30 años; Carlos I “el Calvo”, 33 años; Felipe III de Evreux, casado con Juana II: 42 años; reina Juana II: 37 años; Carlos II “el Malo”: 54 años; Doña Leonor de Trastámara, esposa de Carlos III: 55 años; Carlos III “el Noble”: 64 años; reina Blanca de Navarra: 55 años; Juan II de Aragón, esposo de Blanca de Navarra: 80 años; Carlos, Príncipe de Viana, 40 años; su hermana Blanca, heredera de Navarra: 40 años; su hermana Leonor, reina de Navarra: 53 años; su esposo Gastón IV de Foix: 49 años; Francisco Febo: 16 años; su hermana Catalina de Foix, reina de Navarra: 48 años; Juan III de Albret, casado con Catalina: 39 años (Gran Enciclopedia Navarra. Pamplona: Caja de Ahorros de Navarra, 1990; Jaurrieta, Segundo Otazu, ed. Reyes de Navarra. Pamplona: Mintzoa, 1986-1994; Moret, José de. Anales del Reino de Navarra, ed. Francisco de Alesón. Tolosa: Establecimiento tipográfico y Casa editorial de Eusebio López, 1890, 12 vols.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 405

Originals.indd 405 08/06/2009 8:18:05 h 45 is únicamente con dos ejemplos, Sancho VII el Fuerte, que murió con 79 años aproximadamente y g l

n Juan II de Aragón, con ochenta. La mayor parte de los mismos fallece en torno a los 40 ó 50 años

E —como Teobaldo I, Felipe I, Felipe III, Juana II, Carlos II, doña Leonor de Trastámara, Blanca de in

n Navarra, sus hijos Carlos, Blanca y Leonor, su yerno Gastón IV de Foix o la reina Catalina—. Esta

t t e escasa supervivencia puede estar influenciada, sin duda alguna, por algunos rasgos de la vida en i r la corte —extensibles a todas las cortes europeas del momento— como la abundancia de comida W

t y bebida, el uso abusivo de especias para condimentar los alimentos o la vida sedentaria, especial-

no mente en el caso de las mujeres, que pueden ocasionar diferentes enfermedades y dolencias cróni-

s cas como problemas coronarios, gota o trastornos gastrointestinales que mermarían drásticamente e x t su esperanza de vida y ser causa directa, en otros casos, de estas muertes tempranas. Estas causas T se acentúan en las mujeres, debido, sin ningún género de dudas, a las complicaciones derivadas t h e 46 f del parto . Hasta tal punto es peligroso el momento del alumbramiento para la madre y el recién o

s nacido que Didier Lett, basándose en textos hagiográficos que lo califican como “puerta dela

a l muerte”, lo define como un reencuentro paradójico entre la vida y la muerte47. La mejora de los in g i conocimientos sobre obstetricia que se produjo en las siguientes centurias influyó decisivamente r 48 O en la reducción de la mortalidad tanto de parturientas como de neonatos . Para los siglos bajomedievales, sin embargo, son habituales los testimonios de fallecimientos de parturientas y bebés —tanto en el ámbito cortesano como entre las clases populares— durante el alumbramiento o en las horas posteriores. Algunos casos conocidos para Navarra son el de Juan I “el Póstumo”, hijo de Luis I “el Hutín” y Clemencia de Hungría, que sólo sobrevivió unos 4-8 días tras su nacimiento49 y el de María de Luxemburgo, esposa de Carlos I “el Calvo”, que murió de sobreparto junto con el recién nacido en 132450. Todo esto queda perfectamente contrastado si se toman en consideración las edades de algunas gentes pertenecientes al pueblo llano, que revelan una supervivencia más dilatada, especialmente en algunas zonas septentrionales del reino. Así, pueden mostrarse tres testimonios correspondientes a diferentes valles (Malerreka —también conocido como Santesteban de Lerín—, Baztán y Bertiz-Arana —colindantes con el anterior— y Val de Goñi, situado geográficamente más al Sur) que mencionan algunos datos sobre hombres y mujeres. Estas personas son citadas a testificar en una serie de procesos y, como tales, expresan los años que poseen en el momento de realizar su declaración. Lo más interesante de estos testimonios es que no sólo indican su edad aproximada,

45. Sobre esta cuestión, son varios los problemas que se plantean. Y, aunque no se conoce con exactitud la fecha del nacimiento de este monarca, Luis Javier Fortún, tras analizar los datos históricos conocidos, señala que tuvo lugar en Julio de 1154 —en lugar de 1153, fecha que el propio rey indica en el año 1231 a Jaime I de Aragón y que, sin duda, fue fruto de un error de memoria—. Por el contrario, sí se sabe, la fecha exacta de su muerte que tuvo lugar en el castillo de Tudela el viernes 7 de Abril de 1234. Por lo tanto, concluye que murió poco antes de cumplir 80 años. Fortún Pérez de Ciriza, Luis Javier. Reyes de Navarra, IX. Sancho VII “el Fuerte” (1194-1234). Pamplona: Mintzoa, 1987: 35, 342. 46. Pérez de Tudela, María Isabel. “Ancianidad, viudedad”…: 288. 47. Lett, Didier. L’enfant des miracles. Enfance et société au Moyen Age (XIIe-XIIIe siècle). París: Aubier, 1997: 194. 48. Cressy, David. Birth, Marriage and Death. Ritual, Religion and the life-cycle in Tudor and Stuart England. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997: 28, 30-31. Sobre el parto y la formación de las parturientas. García Herrero, Mª del Carmen. “Administrar del parto y recibir la criatura. Aportación al estudio de Obstetricia bajomedieval”. Aragón en la Edad Media. Homenaje al Profesor Emérito Antonio Ubieto Arteta, VIII (1989): 283-292. 49. Gallego Gallego, Javier. Reyes de Navarra. XII. Enrique I. Juana I y Felipe I “el Hermoso”. Luis I “el Hutín”. Juan I “el Pós- tumo”. Felipe II “el Largo”. Carlos I “el Calvo” (1270-1328). Pamplona: Mintzoa, 1986: 266; Moret. José de. Anales del Reino de Navarra...: vol. V, lib. XXVII, cap. I. I: 192. 50. Gallego Gallego, Javier. Reyes de Navarra, XII…: 323.

406 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 406 08/06/2009 8:18:06 h

sino que también precisan los años que disfrutan de memoria, lo que los convierte en fuentes con is g l

un grado muy alto de fiabilidad. n

De tal modo, en un pleito que se entabla en el pueblo de Santesteban, localizado en el valle de E in

Malerreka, en el año 1486, algunos de sus moradores exponen sus edades: n t t e i Maria de Tuida, viuda de Lope Capaton, de 75 annyos poco más o menos (y de memoria de 60 años). r W

Johana, madre de Johan de R[...]de [roto] vecina de Santesteban, de 70 annyos aproximadamente (y de t memoria) [roto]. no

s Teresa, mujer de Martín Martíniz de Rethea, de 75 annyos aproximadamente (de memoria de 60 años). María de Atea, hija de Legasa y vecina de Santesteban, de 65 annyos (de memoria de 50 años). e x t T Dominga, viuda de Pedro Sabat de Aribas, de 70 annyos (de 55 años de memoria). t h e

Gemma de Agerroeta, viuda de Apayoa, de 70 annyos (de 55 años de memoria). f o

Martino de Amunabidea, de 70 annyos (de memoria de 60 años). s

Sancha de Aussaquo, viuda de [...]dar de 80 annyos (de 65 años de memoria). a l in g Mallea de Oteyza, de 70 annyos (de memoria de 55 años). i r 51 Johanigo dicho Quixon, vecino de Santesteban, de 70 annyos (de memoria de 55 años) . O

Como se ha visto, todos estos vecinos gozan de una prolongada longevidad, con una media de 71,5 años. Sin duda, las condiciones geográficas y climáticas de la zona en que este pueblo está enclavado, las suaves temperaturas a lo largo de todo el año, la alimentación, el trabajo (fundamentalmente agricultura y pastoreo) y la predisposición genética contribuyen a que esta localidad disfrute de individuos con edades extraordinarias. Además, es significativo también que las edades más avanzadas sean declaradas por mujeres, cuatro de ellas viudas (de ocho totales) que han so- brevivido a sus maridos hasta llegar a esta venerable edad. Otro pleito del año 1507 se celebra en esta misma localidad, pero sus protagonistas no son vecinos propiamente de Santesteban, sino de otros pueblos circundantes localizados tanto en el mismo valle de Malerreka (Gaztelu y Elgorriaga), como en los cercanos Baztán (Legasa) y Bertiz-Arana (Oronoz).

Martine, vezino de Gaztelu, de hedat de LXXX aynos poco mas o menos de [roto] [memoria] de LXVº aynos. Johanico Echeberri, vezino de Legassa, de hedat de LXXª aynos poco mas o menos. Peroane Gaztelu, vezino de Legassa, de hedat de LX aynos poco mas o menos e memoria de XLVº aynos. Marthin de Gaztelu, vezino de Oronoz, de hedat de LX aynos poco mas o menos y de memoria de XLVº aynos Nicolau de Gaztelu, habitant en el logar dElgorriaga, y de hedat de LX aynos poco mas o menos y de memoria de XLVº aynos52.

Las edades que se expresan son ligeramente más bajas que las vistas anteriormente, con una media de 66 años. Quizá pueda ser debido a algunas de las circunstancias que se han mencionado para el caso anterior y que juegan ligeramente en contra de estos otros pueblos, o el hecho de que todos estos testigos sean de condición masculina, lo que puede indicar que las mujeres fuesen las

51. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Santesteban, c. 1, n. 56, año 1486. 52. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Santesteban, c. 1, año 1507. (La fecha aparece parcialmente mutilada, pero se conserva “VII” con lo que se ha interpretado 1507 como año de datación. Además, un documento que aparece tras éste en el mismo folio está fechado en el año 1507).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 407

Originals.indd 407 08/06/2009 8:18:07 h

is que gozasen de mayor longevidad en estas comunidades. Todo ello, condiciona de alguna manera, g l

n muertes más tempranas con respecto a los habitantes de Santesteban.

E En el caso de los vecinos de Azanza (Val de Goñi) las edades de los testigos del proceso son las in

n que siguen: t t e i r Miguel Sanz de hedat de L.ta. annios e de memoria de XXXVº annios fue interrogado dixo que el dia de... W

t Martin de Larragate, vezino de Açança, de hedat de XXIIIIº annios e de memoria de XII annios interrogado...

no Garcia Lucea, vezino de Açança, de XL annios e de memoria de XXVº annios...

s Miguel Andia de Açança, vezino del dicho lugar, de hedat de LXX.ta. annios e de memoria de LX.ta. annios... e x t Martinico Galant de hedat de LX annios poco mas o menos e de memoria de XLVº annios... T Sancho Martiniz de Açança de hedat de LXª annios e de memoria de XLVº annios. t h e

f Martin de Açança, estudiant, de hedat de XXX annios poco mas o menos e de memoria de XV annios... o

s Gracia de Berraga, muger del fustero, de hedat de XL annios e de memoria de XXV annios...

a l Don Johan de Açança de hedat de L.ta. annios e de memoria de XXXV annios...53 in g i r

O Cabe preguntarse si se corresponden con las de las personas de mayor edad en el pueblo, o si tan sólo conforman una selección representativa de los miembros de la comunidad. Si realmente se identifican con los más ancianos del lugar, destaca muy llamativamente que la media desciende drásticamente a 47,11 años de vida. Sin embargo, dadas las notables diferencias entre las edades citadas, es más razonable pensar que se trate simplemente de una serie de vecinos de la localidad, que no son en su totalidad los mayores, sino un muestreo de la misma. De todas maneras, los datos, permiten comprobar vértices de 60 y 70 años, edades que si bien son suficientemente avanzadas, contrastan con las de Santesteban, cuyos habitantes pueden presumir de poseer todo un récord de longevidad para la época54. Igualmente, destacan otros testimonios en los que aparecen personas muy ancianas, como ocurre en el testamento de Graciana, serora55 de Iturgoyen, viuda de Juan de Peru y vecina de Maya (valle de Baztán). Esta señora menciona no sólo a sus nietos, sino también a algunos biznietos (llamados Catalinqua, Maruxco y Gracia). Todo ello puede indicar matrimonios tempranos, con una edad de fertilidad igualmente prematura, por lo que esta señora podría tener aproximadamente 40 ó 50 años. Pero lo más probable es que su prolongada edad le permita convivir con tres generaciones de descendientes de su familia, como asegura en el documento:...maguera constituyda en bejez e ocupada grandemente en la disposicion de mi persona56.

53. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Salinas de Oro (Estella), Juan Miguel de Salinas, c. 2, 25 de Junio de 1503.-Azanza. 54. Es de destacar que las condiciones geográficas y climáticas del Valle de Goñi son más extremas que las de los valles de Malerreka y Baztán. La mayor altitud (835 metros frente a los 123 m. de Santesteban o los 144 m. de Elgorriaga) y el clima más riguroso puede influir en unas condiciones de vida menos favorables. 55. Beata, diaconesa, sacristana. Mujer que ha ingresado en la vida religiosa o monja cuyas labores consisten en cuidar y mantener en condiciones la iglesia y su entorno y encargarse de algunas tareas propias del culto, como tocar la campa- nas, encender las velas y luces, limpiar el suelo y las tumbas, etc. Más información sobre sus funciones en Iribarren, José Ma. “Serora”. Vocabulario navarro: seguido de una colección de refranes, adagios, dichos y frases proverbiales. Pamplona: Diario de Navarra, 1997: 467. 56. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Santesteban, c. 1, 15 de Diciembre de 1505.-Maya. Lo que puede ser cierto si tenemos en cuenta otro caso similar recogido por Monteano (Monteano, Peio. Los navarros ante el hambre, la peste, la guerra y la fiscalidad…: 203). En esta ocasión doña Urraca de Ubani incluso, sobrevive a su hija y a su nieto (transcripción de este autor):...eilla, por quoanto es biuda de grandes tiempos aqua, mantenia su casa et su laurança con el trabaillo et esfuerç de su nieto Martin Ferrandiz, qui fue fijo de su hija que fue, el quoal dexo quoatro creaturas et una de aqueillas en la tota et las otras de menor

408 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 408 08/06/2009 8:18:08 h

Son muy escasas, por el momento, las noticias que hacen observaciones sobre las edades, y que is g l

permitirían conocer las diferentes situaciones que se dan a lo largo y ancho de la geografía navarra n

y comprobar las diferencias entre valles, entre zonas urbanas y rurales, así como entre Norte-Sur, y E in

que seguramente aportarían unos comportamientos demográficos sumamente interesantes, com- n

poniendo un panorama muy enriquecedor del comportamiento mental y social de los navarros t t e i durante la Baja Edad Media57. r W t no

4.1 Disposiciones ante la vejez: el cuidado de los mayores s

A pesar de todas las teorizaciones, la realidad se impone. Y como tal, la mayoría de la pobla- e x t T ción —campesinos y artesanos— se vería en su vejez amenazada por la pobreza, más aguda si no t h e 58 se tienen parientes que se ocupen de sus personas, pero más aliviada si tienen quién les cuide . f o

Estos individuos no siempre pueden costearse un retiro en un monasterio, por lo que deben con- s

tinuar trabajando para mantenerse hasta que las fuerzas se lo permitan y, si nadie se hace cargo a l in g de ellos, acaban sus días mendigando y al amparo de una limosna que los socorra por un tiempo. i r

Los ancianos de la nobleza y el clero, también siguen afanosos desarrollando las actividades pro- O pias de su estado. La realeza ejerce su poder hasta la muerte, lo que puede incluir además de las labores propias del gobierno del reino, campañas militares. Muchos nobles asumen papeles de consejeros de estado y de tutores de reyes y príncipes, mientras que otros continúan participando en expediciones guerreras. Los religosos prosiguen su tarea como sacerdotes o párrocos hasta su muerte en el caso de clero secular y, para el clero regular, se les relega de las tareas físicas de la comunidad para centrarse en labores puramente intelectuales o que exijan un menor esfuerzo fí- sico. En estos ámbitos, los ancianos son especialmente venerados por su sabiduría y su experiencia adquirida durante la vida que han llevado y que les permite ser un ejemplo para sus respectivos entornos59.

hedat de cada siete aynos poco mas o menos, las quoales cria la dicha doyna Hurraqua. Et que maguer eilla sea bieia quesi ciega que no puede beer ni andar... (Documento localizado en AGN, Papeles Sueltos, 2ª Serie, leg. 9, carp. 89, fechado en 1415.) 57. Monteano, Peio. Los navarros ante el hambre, la peste…: 93. Este autor aporta otras noticias, extraídas de los Libros de Fuegos y censos demográficos, y referentes a otras zonas de Navarra que datan de mitades del siglo XV: Sancho García, labrador de Sesma, que contaba con 75 años, Juan Grueso, de San Adrián, que rondaba los ochenta o Miguel Martíniz, de 70. Los numerosos estudios demográficos realizados para el reino a partir de libros de censo, cómputos de fuegos y registros de población, apenas indican pormenores de las edades de las personas anotadas en ellos. Algunos de los que se han visto han sido: Zabalo Zabalegui, Javier. “Algunos datos sobre la regresión demográfica causada por la peste en la Navarra del siglo XIV”, Miscelánea a José María Lacarra. Estudios de Historia Medieval. Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza, 1968: 81-87. Y del mismo autor, Zabalo Zabalegui, Javier. La administración del Reino de Navarra en el siglo XIV. Pamplona: Universidad de Navarra, 1973; Carrasco Pérez, Juan. La población navarra en el siglo XIV. Pamplona: Universidad de Nava- rra, 1973; López Elum, Pedro. “La depresión navarra del siglo XV”. Príncipe de Viana, 33 (1972): 151-168; García Arancón, Ma Raquel. “La población de Navarra en la segunda mitad del siglo XIII”. Cuadernos de Etnología y Etnografía de Navarra, 17/46 (1985): 87-101; Monteano Sorbet, Peio. “Navarra de 1366 a 1428: población y poblamiento”. Príncipe de Viana, 57/208 (1996): 307-343. Del mismo autor, Monteano Sorbet, Peio. Los navarros ante el hambre, la peste...; Monteano, Peio. “La Peste Negra en Navarra. La catástrofe demográfica de 1347-1349”.Príncipe de Viana, 62/ 222 (2001): 87-120. 58. Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 284-285; García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 304-305. 59. Valdeón, Julio. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 284-285; Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 56-80.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 409

Originals.indd 409 08/06/2009 8:18:09 h 60 is Los testimonios de una ancianidad sumida en la pobreza y necesidades son abundantes . En g l

n algunas circunstancias, además de las penurias ecónomicas, se ve asociada también a determinados

E padecimientos y enfermedades como la ceguera61: in

t t e Carlos III comunica a García Lópiz de Roncesvalles, tesorero del reino, que, considerando la vejez i

r y pobreza de Romeo Gento de Falces, el cual había perdido la vista, le concede gracia y remisión, así como a sus nietos, Romeo y García, que son huérfanos y pobres, de 9 cahices y un robo de pan W

t meitadenco y 52 sueldos carlines, o sea la mitad de la pecha ordinaria que estaban obligados a 62 no pagar, durante la vida del antedicho Romeo .

e x t Lo más habitual es que los ancianos hagan referencia concreta a la vejez que sufren, entendida T como una larga y penosa dolencia. Como Pedro de Épila, viudo, habitante de Tudela, que dice t h e

f así: o

a l Estando quonstituido en estrema vejez et en alguna dolencia de su persona pero en su buen seso sana e firme in

g memoria e palabra maniffiesta, temiendo morir pero no sopiendo quando para cada que Dios ordenare de su i

r anima63. O

o Miguel Caritat, chantre de la catedral de Tudela que explica:

4.2 Acogimiento familiar

Por ello, algunas personas, una vez llegadas a la madurez o a la ancianidad, formalizan contratos con sus hijos u otros parientes, como sobrinos, para que se hagan cargo de ellos hasta su

60. Uno de ellos es el siguiente: “Los oidores de comptos comunican a Miguel Lópiz de Aoiz, colector de la merindad de Sangüesa, que han hecho composición con García Garceiz, labrador de Eizco, en Val de Aibar, en forma que pagando dicho García 3 cahices de pan meitadenco de pecha anual por los tributos de las heredades de María Lópiz, de Semén Périz y de Semén de Arzánegui no esté obligado a pagar más, porque en ese caso, por su vejez y pobreza, dejaría la tierra al rey y abandonaría dicha villa”. (AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 82, n. 1, XXXVI, 24 de Noviembre de 1406.-Pamplo- na). Extracto del contenido del documento realizado por Castro, José Ramón. Archivo General de Navarra. Catálogo de la Sección de Comptos. Documentos. Pamplona: Aramburu, 1960: XXVI, n. 1465. 61. También se identifica vejez con ceguera en Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez… donde cita algunos ejemplos. Asi- mismo, agrega que otros males propios de la ancianidad son la sordera, la cojera o la gota, (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 54-55); Monteano Sorbet, Peio. Los navarros ante el hambre, la peste…: 203, aporta otro documento en el que Urraca de Ubani expone los males que padece debido a su ancianidad (AGN, Papeles Sueltos, 2ª Serie, leg. 9, carp. 89. Documento fechado en 1415):...Et que maguer eilla sea bieia quesi ciega que no puede beer ni andar... 62. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 116, n. 42, VII, 20 de Enero de 1417.-Olite. Extracto de Castro, José Ramón. Catá- logo de la Sección de Comptos Documentos. Pamplona: Aramburu, 1962 : XXXII, n. 315. 63. AMT, Protocolos Notariales, Tudela, Juan Martínez Cavero, c. 4, faj. 1494-1500, f. 1v.-3r., Enero de 1500. 64. AET, c. 8, let. T, n. 12, Juan Martínez Cavero, 30 de Noviembre de 1503.-Tudela. Otro ejemplo es el que sigue:... maguera constituyda en bejez e ocupada grandemente en la disposicion de mi persona empero seyendo por gracia de Dios en mi buena memoria e sano entendimiento temiendo las orribles penas infernales e deseando ser colocada con los amados de nostro sennior Dios en la su santa Gloria e Paradisso... (AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Santesteban, c. 1, 15 de Diciembre de 1505.-Maya. Testamento de Graciana, serora de Iturgoyen, viuda de Juan de Peru, vecina de Maya).

410 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 410 08/06/2009 8:18:10 h 65 muerte . Es el caso de Toda Martínez de Asso, viuda y vecina de Tudela, que dona sus bienes a su is g l

hijo Pedro Marques, a cambio de que éste la mantenga en vida, dándole de comer y beber, vestir n

y calzar honestamente según a ella pertenece66. Esta medida es muy usual e, incluso, aparece E in

regulada en la normativa foral navarra, concretamente en el Fuero General, por la cual los ascen- n

dientes, y, más concretamente, los padres gozan del derecho de ser asistidos y alimentados por t t e i sus hijos —en función de las posibilidades económicas de estos— durante la ancianidad, pobreza r W

o debilidad. La obligación jurídica de los hijos a alimentar y atender a sus padres se basará en t 67 el deber de carácter moral que se establece en las Sagradas Escrituras que exige para con ellos no

respeto y asistencia68. s Así lo determinan García Martínez de Vidaurreta y Gracia Ibáñez de Larramendi su mujer, veci- e x t T nos de Vidaurreta, que establecen un contrato por el cual ceden a sus hijos sus bienes y derechos a t h e

cambio de que estos los mantengan durante su vejez dándoles de comer, beber, vestir y calzar de los f o 69 que a nos sera necessario . Además de la manutención, los hijos se comprometen a celebrar por ellos s

sus entierros con 2 antorchas, novenas, cabo de año anual y una capellanía de 24 florines por sus a l in g almas y las de sus encomendados y repartirán limosna entre diferentes iglesias —5 sueldos febles i r

a Santa María de Pamplona, Roncesvalles, Ujué y San Miguel Excelsis, 2 florines de moneda a San O Julián de Vidaurreta y sendas libras de óleo a San Juan y San Miguel— por cada uno de ellos.

Garcia Martinez de Vidaurreta dicho Burgayz y Gracia Ybaynez de Larramendi, su mujer, vecinos y moradores de Vidaurreta, veyendo e conssiderando que buenament nos non podriamos sostener ni soportar nostra vida e mantenimiento segunt debriamos como ataqui en los tiempos a venir ni goardar nostra honor e provecho sino que oviesse a ser grant de honor nuesstro e perdona e destrucion de nuestros bienes (...) e ayamos algun ayutorio e socorro de alguna perssona o perssonas qui nos quisiesse socorrer, sostener e ayudar en nuestra vegez e antiguidat atendiendo e considerando assi bien los muchos buenos e agradables servicios, socorros, adjutorias, sostenimientos e plazeres que vosotros Gonzalvo, Johanato e Theresa nos fijos habitantes en el dicho lugar de Vidaurreta (...) nos avedes fecho ataqui e nos fazedes de cada dia continuadament e in-

65. Este tipo de contratos no es exclusivo de Navarra, sino que también se puede registrar en otros reinos peninsulares desde el siglo XI. Una variada selección que abarca la zona castellano-leonesa, y catalano-aragonesa es recogida por Homet (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 91-97). En el pueblo de Paredes de Nava una anciana dona sus bienes a sus hijos para que estos la mantengan (año 1428) (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 91-97; Martín Cea, Juan Carlos. El mundo rural castellano a fines de la Edad Media. El ejemplo de Paredes de Nava en el siglo XV. Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 1991: 351). 66. AMT, Protocolos Notariales, Tudela, Martín Don Costal, cuaderno 1381-1383, f. 284, 30 de Diciembre de 1383. 67. Éxodo 20, 12; Deuteronomio 5, 16; Epístola a los Efesos 6, 1-3; Shahar, Shulamit. Growing Old…: 88-89. Estos preceptos cristianos formarán parte de la educación familiar en la Edad Media ya que el honor de la familia se basará en el honor de los padres como cabezas de la misma. Aparte del compromiso adquirido por los hijos de cuidar de sus progenitores y de otros miembros ancianos de su familia, cabe señalar que la celebración de sufragios por las almas de otros parientes ya fallecidos era una práctica común que se documenta en la gran mayoría de los testamentos bajomedievales. 68. Igualmente, este supuesto se plantea en diversas normativas como los Fueros de Daroca, Viguera, Val de Funes, de la No- venera: Martínez Gijón, José. “Alimentos en favor de los ascendientes en el Derecho medieval de Navarra”. Anuario de Histo- ria del Derecho Español, 50 (1980): 207-209 y 218. Otro estudio similar del mismo autor es Martínez Gijón, José. “Alimentos en favor de los ascendientes en el Derecho de Castilla y León”. Historia. Instituciones. Documentos, 8 (1975): 171-194. 69. Fuero General de Navarra, Lib. III, Tit. XII. De conpras et vendidas. Cap. XIX. Cómo non deve vender ni empeynar padre et madre heredades los fijos conpliéndole. Fuero General de Navarra. Amejoramiento del Rey don Phelipe. Amejoramiento de Carlos III, eds. Pablo Ilarregui, Segundo Lapuerta. Pamplona: Diputación Foral de Navarra-Institución Príncipe de Viana, 1964: 114 donde se indica que la ayuda de un hijo a padre consiste en vida e vestidos. En el Fuero de la Novenera, se refiere a comida y bebida, vestido y calzado. Martínez Gijón, José. “Alimentos en favor de los ascendientes en el Derecho medieval de Navarra”…: 218-219.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 411

Originals.indd 411 08/06/2009 8:18:11 h

is tenssament quanto mas e mejor podeys esperando e creyendo que mucho mejor e mas nos fazedes en adelant 70

g l Dios mediant . n E in

n Otro ejemplo es el de Gracia Miguel de Garísoain quien, debido a su incapacidad para seguir

t t e viviendo sola como consecuencia de su ancianidad, otorga unos bienes a su nieta y a su marido i r (todos e quoalesquiere otras casas, casales, huertos, hortales, heras, faxinales, vinas, piezas de tierra labradas W

t e por labrar, arbores fructifferos e non fructifferos, vezindades, prerrogativas, derechos e preheminencias de

no iglesias e cimiterios e de todos e quoalesquiere otros derechos e prehemiencias que yo he e me pertenescen (…) en

s el dicho lugar, iglesia, cimiterio e terminos del dicho lugar de Garissoayn) para que la mantengan en vida e x t dándole de comer, vestir y calzar y para que celebren por su alma, a su muerte, sus correspondien- T tes entierro, novena y cabo de año. t h e

f o

s Seppan quantos esta present carta veran et oyran. Que yo Gracia Miguel de Garissoayn, viuda vezina e

a l moradera en el dicho lugar de Garissoain, non forçada, premiada ni ffalagada ni por otra arte algunna a

in lo infradicho fazer induzido ni por induzicion alguna non devida, detovida, seduzida ni engaynada mas g i

r de mi pura libera e agradable voluntat, cierta sciencia e saber, principio, momiento e querer, veyendo e

O conssiderando que buenament yo non puedo ni podria sostener ni soportar mi vida e mantenimiento segun debria como ataqui en los tiempos a venir ni goardar mi honrra e provecho sino que obiesse a ser a grant desonor mia e podria e deste nocion de mis bienes assi muebles como terribles tanto por la antiquidat e vegez de mi perssona como por otras inpotencias que me son sobrevenidas menos que yo hubiesse e aya algun jutorio e socorro de alguna perssona o perssonas qui me quisiesse socorrer, sostener e ayudar en mi vejez e antiguidat atendiendo e considerando assi bien los muchos buenos e agradables servicios, socorros, aiutorios, sostenimientos e plazeres que vos Maria Miguel de Garissoain, muger de Johanot de Vidaurreta, fferrero, qui esta present e por delant, mi nieta fija de Miguel Lopiz de Garissoayn, mi fijo, qui estades present e por delant, a una con vuestro dicho marido me avedes fecho ataqui e me ffazedes de cada dia continuadament e incessamment quanto mas e mejor podeys esperando e creyendo que mucho mejor e mas me faredes en adelant Dios mediant71.

Asimismo es habitual que, en los contratos matrimoniales, se regule el modo en que los cónyu- ges deben hacerse cargo de sus ascendientes, con un sentido preventivo evidente72.

70. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Salinas de Oro (Estella), Juan Miguel de Salinas, c. 2, faj. 1502, 15 de Diciembre de 1502.-Vidaurreta. Raquel Homet incorpora algunos ejemplos similares: algunas personas encargan a familiares que no sólo los mantengan durante su vejez con vestidos y alimentos, sino que también celebren sus entierros y las misas que determinan. Estos individuos no sólo demuestran interés por su cuidado físico en los años que les quedan por vivir, sino también una deliberada previsión por el cuidado de su alma, que les reportará beneficios imperecederos (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 96-97, 99-100). 71. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Salinas de Oro, Juan Miguel de Salinas, c. 4, 12 de Septiembre de 1510. Garísoain. 72. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 96, donde se citan dos ejemplos similares fechados en Zaragoza en 1401 y 1475. 73. AGN, Protocolos Notariales, Salinas de Oro, Juan Miguel de Salinas, c. 2, n. 142c, 4 de Septiembre de 1499. Iglesia de Novar. Contrato matrimonial en el cual Catalina, sobrina de Carlos de Azcona, rector de la iglesia parroquial de Azcona, se compromete a celebrar los oficios religiosos encargados por su tío.

412 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 412 08/06/2009 8:18:12 h

4.3 Prohijamiento y limosnas vecinales is g l n

Pero existen situaciones más dramáticas, ya que hay quien sufre el abandono de sus parientes, E in

que no se quieren hacer cargo de sus necesidades , y por ello deben acudir a otras fórmulas como n

la adopción de vecinos que se ocuparán de asisitirlos, mediante acto de prohijamiento: t t e i r W

Johan de Monieras, vecino de Tudela et habitant que solia ser de la villa de Arguedas de su cierta sciencia, no t forzado o falagado de... ni enganyado... ni considerant que no tiene fijo ni fija que sus bienes de derecho here- no

dar deva ni otro tal pariente et que aquellos que son fuera deste regno a los quales junta o divissament por el s ayan seydo rogados et requeridos que con sus bienes lo tomase et inherent... non podia regir sus dichos bienes lo qual fazer no han querido... por ello andava aun al cabo et se estranya lo suyo en tanto gradio que pora venir e x t T mayor danyo de persona et sostenimiento de su vida et visto que Miguel de Sant Cristobal et Johana su muger t h e

apiedandose del lo han recollido et tomado en su casa et quieren mantener, vestir et calçar justa su poder razo- f

nadamente durante su vida et lo fazer de que finado sepelir et fer por su anima con los bienes del dicho Johan o 75 de Monieras... los ha tomado como fijos y los hace sus herederos . s a l in g Otros ancianos, frecuentemente labradores que no disfrutan de ninguna fortuna y viven en la i r

indigencia más absoluta, son mantenidos gracias a la caridad de sus vecinos, que les ofrecen peque- O ñas limosnas; como ocurre en el caso de Martín de Pero Juan, ciego, y Dominga, su mujer, vecinos de San Martín de Unx, que no han criazón ni parientes que los siervan et viven esperando la merced de Dios et las almosnas de la buena gent. Sin embargo, este matrimonio, a pesar de que no dispone de recursos económicos ni de parientes que se hagan cargo de su cuidado, se ve obligado a pagar la pecha76 ordinaria por los jurados de la villa donde habitan. Nicolau Blanc, abogado de la corte, enterado de la noticia, informa al monarca, ante lo cual Carlos III les hace gracia y remisión de los 7 robos, un cuartal, un almud y una octava de trigo e igual cantidad de cebada, más 9 sueldos y 2 dineros fuertes, que les eran necesarios para pagar la pecha que debían77.

4.4 Oblación

Otra vía alternativa es la oblación, que Orlandis denominó como familiaritas78 y consiste en el ingreso de un individuo —soltero, viudo, casado o, incluso, matrimonios tanto con hijos como

74. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 91-92, menciona un caso de abandono familiar por el cual algunos de los hijos de Albito (año 1163) no desean hacerse cargo de su cuidado. Ante tal situación, una de sus hijas la socorre, por lo cual decide donarle a ella sus pertenencias y desheredar al resto. Otro similar se produce en 1079 cuando Habdella (bautiza- do como Rodrigo) sufre una enfermedad y es abandonado por todos sus amigos; los únicos que se ofrecen a auxiliarlo son dos primos suyos que lo acogen en su monasterio familiar, suministrándole alimento y vestido. 75. AMT, Protocolos Notariales, Tudela, Juan Pérez de Calvo, c. 9, n. 1, f. 168, 15 de Septiembre de 1477. 76. Tributo o contribución tanto de carácter individual como comunitario. “Pecha”, Diccionario de la lengua Española – Vigésima segunda edición. Real Academia Española de la lengua. 27 de agosto de 2006. < http://buscon.rae.es>. 77. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 93, n. 72, 30 de Noviembre de 1406.-Olite; Orlandis José. “‘Traditio Corporis et Animae’. La ‘Familiaritas’ en la Iglesias y Monasterios españoles en la alta Edad Media”. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, XXIV (1954): 212-213, recoge otra posiblidad, la acogida en las enfermerías y hospederías de los monasterios de pobres, enfermos y ancianos que no tenían familia o que habían sido abandonados por sus parientes. 78. Orlandis José. “Traditio Corporis et Animae. La Familiaritas en la Iglesias y Monasterios españoles en la alta Edad Me- dia”. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, XXIV (1954): 95-279.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 413

Originals.indd 413 08/06/2009 8:18:13 h 79 is sin ellos — en una orden religiosa y la entrega de su cuerpo y de su alma, de forma literal, a un

g l 80

n determinado monasterio o establecimiento religioso . E in

n Seppan quantos esta present carta veran et oyran. Como yo dona Tharessa, fija de don Miguel de Lerat qui fue por la gracia de Dios, seyendo en mi salut e en mi buena memoria e en mi acordamiento. Con buen coraçon e t t e i con buena volundat. Offrezquo mi anima e mi cuerpo a Dios e a Sancta Maria de Irach e ffago donadio desde r hoy adelant al monasterio de Sancta Maria de Irach de lo que yo he en Lerat y en sus terminos e devo haver

W 81

t yermo e poblado . no

s Existen ocasiones en las que se pueden ofrecer varios miembros de una misma familia, como e x t este caso en el que se entregan tres hermanos. T t h e

f De Vynnaga. o

s In Dei nomine. Sabuda cosa sia a totz omnes, als qui son et qui son por venir, que yo don Arnalt Bos, chantre

a l de Pomplona et abbat de San Miguel de Celsi, recibo a ti Sancho Pascoal con ambas las tuas hermanas Maria

in et Domeca por coylliaço de seynnor Sanct Miguel de Çelsi con la heredat de Vynnaga, qui fo de don Yenego de g i

r Ilardia en defensision e en adiuda per secula cuncta, tu dando a nos et a Sant Miguel de Celsi I kafiz de avena,

O tu o tu natura o aqueyll qui tenent sia d’aquela heredat sobre nomnada. Et don Yenego de Ylardia desso estos collaços a Sant Miguel dando cada anno esta peyta sobreescripta al abbat de San Miguel de Celsi82.

79. Raquel Homet, secundando a José Orlandis, asegura que los profesos no siempre se correspondían con personas maduras o ancianas, sino que también pueden aparecen jóvenes que contemplaban la posibilidad de tener hijos (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 90, 103; Orlandis, José. “Traditio corporis et animae”…: 132-135). Todo lo cual vendría a ser confirmado por el siguiente caso: “María, señora de la sala de Eguirior, hija de Juan de Errazu y mujer de Juan de Lacarra, ambos escuderos, vecinos de la tierra de Cisa, hace donación al hospital de Apat de la mitad de dicha sala, con la condición de que, si tuviera hijos, esta donación sería nula; ella y su marido entran como donados en dicho hospital, donde tendrán que decir misa por ellos”. (Fortún Pérez de Ciriza, Luis Javier. “Documentación medieval de Leire: Catá- logo (ss. XIII-XV)”. Príncipe de Viana, 53/195 (1992): 57-167, n. 1382, 15 de Junio de 1381). 80. Raquel Homet hace derivar la palabra oblación de oblatos, “entrega del cuerpo y del alma”, tal y como lo indican los textos analizados (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 103). Al acto en sí José Orlandis lo define como una traditio o entrega personal por consistir en una vinculación a una iglesia (Orlandis, José.“‘Traditio corporis et animae’…: 127, nota 63). George Minois indica que el ingreso de ancianos de las clases poderosas en monasterios ya se comenzó a practicar en el siglo VI (Minois, George. Historia de la vejez…: 186-187). El monasterio se convierte, así pues, en refugio o asilo vo- luntario de los propios ancianos que deciden asegurar su salvación de forma individualizada, ingresando en una orden religiosa para apartarse del mundo y comenzar la preparación para el tránsito a la vida eterna. Sobre las donaciones de cuerpo y alma y de bienes: García Larragueta, Santos. “Cartas de paniaguados”…: 210-214, 217-222. 81. AGN, Clero, Irache, n. 219, 10 de Julio de 1291. Igualmente don Fortún de Arce dona en 1234 sus heredades en Cizur para entregarse al Hospital de San Juan Bautista de la localidad: In Dei nomine. Sciant presentes et futuri presentem paginam inspecturi quod ego dompnus Fortunius d’Arci dono Deo et Hospitali santi Iohanis Babtiste corpus et animam et omnem hereditatem quam habeo in Ciçur, peças, vineas et domus, ab herbis usque ad aquas, in remissionem peccatorum meorum necnon et aliorum parentum. (García Larragueta, Santos. El Gran Priorado de Navarra de la Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén. Pamplona: Institución Príncipe de Viana, 1957: II, n. 255; Gutiérrez del Arroyo, Consuelo. Catálogo de la documentación navarra de la Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén en el Archivo Histórico Nacional. Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, Departamento de Educa- ción y Cultura, 1992: n. 2514). 82. “Arnaldo de Bosón, chantre de Pamplona y abad de San Miguel de Excelsis, recibe por collazos de San Miguel a Sancho Pascual de Viñaga y a sus hermanas María y Domenca”. Año 1238. (Goñi Gaztambide, José. Colección Diplomática de la Catedral de Pamplona (829-1243). Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, Departamento de Educación y Cultura, 1997: I, n. 597). Raquel Homet, siguiendo las teorías de José Orlandis indica que también se pueden hallar ejemplos de padres que se ofrecen como donados junto con sus hijos o varios miembros de una misma familia (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 103, 104-108; Orlandis, José. “‘Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 132-135). Todo lo cual vendría a ser confirmado por el ejemplo destacado y por el que sigue a continuación: “Urraca de Garisoain, con su hija Gracia, se entregan como donadas a la Orden de San Juan, con la condición de ser enterradas en la casa de Bargota, a la que entregan todos los collazos que tenían en Garisoain, con todas las pechas que señalan, además de unas heredades que delimitan”. 13 de Abril de 1273-1274. (Gutiérrez del Arroyo, Consuelo. Catálogo de la documentación navarra de la Orden de San Juan…: n. 1499).

414 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 414 08/06/2009 8:18:14 h 83 84 Los textos navarros denominan a estas personas como paniaguados , donados y familiares ; to- is g l

dos ellos, aunque laicos, gozan de un estatus muy similar a los miembros de pleno derecho de la n

orden85. Para ello, donaban a una entidad religiosa una serie de bienes o propiedades, a modo de E in

dote, con la obligación de que ésta los mantuviese durante su vida, en muchos casos ya vejez, como n

parte integrante de su comunidad disfrutando de sus mismos beneficios espirituales y compartien- t t e i do la vida diaria de la casa en la que han profesado86. r W

Como lo acuerdan Juan Sánchiz de Ororbia y su mujer Sancha García de Ubani, vecinos de t

Ororbia, con la comunidad benedictina de Leire, a la que dotaban con sus bienes a cambio de que la no

comunidad los recibiera como paniaguados y donados en su casa de Lizaberría —de cuya adminsitra- s ción se harán cargo— y los atendiera hasta el fin de sus días, proveyéndoles de alimento y vestido: e x t T t h e

...et considerada la buena e grant devocion, affeccion e voluntat que vos Johan Sanchiz de Hororbia e Sancha f o Garcia de Hubani, su muger, vezinos e moradores en el dicho logar de Hororbia, todos tiempos avedes mostrado s e uy en dia mostrades en servir al dicho monesterio et a nos et a nuestros predecessores. Et queriendo continuar a l

en la dicha vuestra buena devocion, afeccion et voluntat ayades suplicado a nos que en el dicho nuestro mones- in g terio vos queramos recebir paneagodos et donados et dar vos la pan et agoa del dicho monesterio en todos los i dias de la vuestra vida e de cada uno de nos asi como a quoallesquiere otros paneaguados, donados e familliares r O que son et por tiempos han seydo en el dicho monesterio et a seydo usado e acostumbrado et recebiendo vos en la dicha paneagoa vos nos ayades prometido dar et dedes por tenor deste publico instrument pora huevos et proveyto del dicho monesterio todos vuestros bienes muebles e terribles que a present avedes et daqui adelant avredes bien et lealment pora enpues los dias de la vuestra vida et de cadauno de vos. Por esto nos los dichos abbat, prior, monges et conviento del dicho monesterio, (…) recebimos a vos los dichos Johan Sanchiz e Sancha Garcia su muger pora en todos los dias de la vuestra vida et de cada uno de vos por paneagoados e donados del dicho monesterio la quoal dicha paneagoa vos asignamos en la casa o pallacio de Liçaberria que el dicho nuestro monesterio et nos avemos cerca Saillinas cabo Mont Real. Et queremos et nos plaze que vos los dichos Johan Sanchiz et Sancha Garcia su muger e cada uno de vos en todos los dias de la vuestra vida mientre b… [raspado] …des vivades et moredes et siades desta in abitacion et morada et que ayades la ministracion et cla-

83. “El abad fray Pedro de la Ciudad y el convento de Leire reciben como paniaguado y familiar del monasterio a San- cho Martínez de Tiermas, comprometiéndose a mantenerlo como a tal durante toda su vida”. (Fortún Pérez de Ciriza, Luis Javier. “Documentación medieval de Leire”…: n. 634, 5 de Abril de 1377.-Leire). Así los denomina también García Larragueta, Santos. “Cartas de paniaguados”…: 205-207. 84. En su magnífico estudio, José Orlandis manifiesta que las denominaciones que la documentación da a quien se entrega como donado son frater, confrater, familiar, traditu, oblatus, dato o donatus (Orlandis, José. “‘Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 127). Además, recoge la opinión de otros investigadores sobre estas designaciones y sus obligaciones con respecto a la comunidad monástica en la que ingresaban. El Padre Berganza define a los donados como laicos “que se entregaban con derecho a ser alimentados por los monjes”. La familiaridad, consistiría en que los monjes beneficiarían espiritualmente a estos oblatos a través de sus oraciones, sufragios y mortificaciones. Pero, sin duda, la definición más completa es la de fray Romualdo de Escalona, que diferenciaría tres tipos de oblaciones: las donaciones puras, las que se fundamentan en la contraprestación a través de las buenas obras de la comunidad y unas terceras basadas en compen- saciones materiales (alimentos y cuidados). Orlandis, José. “‘Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 99-100, notas 6, 7. 85. Orlandis, José. “‘Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 141-142, ver especialmente nota 92. Según Raquel Homet, “los socios que ingresaban al monasterio constituían una categoría distinta de la de los monjes aunque también pudieron ser llamados con ese nombre”. (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 103). Santos García Larragueta distingue dos tipos de postulantes, los que ingresarían como frailes (frayres) y los cofrades (confrayre), sujetos a distintos tipos de votos: mientras que los frailes realizan votos de obediencia, castidad, pobreza y dedicación a la Orden, los cofrades prometen servir y defender a la Orden y sus tareas, ejerciendo, de este modo, una existencia secular volcada en labores asistenciales, fundamentalmente (García Larrageta, Santos. “Cartas de paniaguados”…: 207-211). 86. Sobre este respecto, recoge José Orlandis la opinión de Julio Puyol y Alonso, que denomina este acto como “contrato de seguro de enfermedad, pobreza y vejez”, “en el cual se persigue que si el donante llegara por alguna de esas causas a no poderse valer, el monasterio se haga cargo de su cuidado y sustento durante el resto de sus días”. Aunque José Orlan- dis matiza que los ideales espirituales eran inherentes al acto de la oblación. (Orlandis, José. “Traditio corporis et animae”… : 102 [nota 13], 145). El Fuero General obliga a toda persona que ingrese en religión a saldar sus deudas antes de profesar. Fuero General de Navarra, Lib. III, Tit. Cap. XXII. De las hórdenes. Cap. I. Cómo deve pagar sus deudas et qui entra en órden, et si depues que entra faz deudas, enpues su muert á qué es tenida la órden. (Fuero General de Navarra...: 151).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 415

Originals.indd 415 08/06/2009 8:18:16 h veria en la dicha casa o pallacio de Liçaberria con sus pertenencias et ailli prometemos et nos obligamos nos los is dichos abbat, prior, monges et conviento por nos et por todos nuestros susscessores, abades, monjes et conviento g l que por tiempo seran del dicho monesterio tener, sostener et mantener vos de comer, beber, mientre que vos et n cada uno de nos vivredes seyendo sanos o enfermos segunt a otros semblantes paneagoados del dicho monesterio E 87

in es usado et acostumbrado fazer ataqui .

n t t e i r Otro ejemplo es el documento por el que Toda Pérez, viuda de don Lope López de Antoñana, W

t entrega su cuerpo y su alma a Santa María de Nájera y a la casa de San Jorge, en remisión de sus

no pecados y de los de su marido don Lope López, así como de sus padres, parientes, amigos y de todos

s los fieles difuntos. Para ello dona su casa en San Jorge a cambio de que le den de comer, de vestir e x t y calzar todos los días de su vida: T t h e

f In Dei nomine. Conoçuda cosa sea a quantos esta carta vieren. Como yo dona Toda Perez, mugier que fui de o don Lop Lopez de Antoniania, sana seyendo e en mio seso e en mi memoria de buen coraçon e de buena volun- s tad, riendo, e do mi cuerpo e mi alma a Dios e a Santa Maria e a la casa Sant George e a vos maestro Vivian, a l

in arcidiagno de Guadalfaiara, cappellan del apostoligo e sennor de la casa de Sant George. E en remission de g i mios pecados e de mio marido don Lop Lopez e de nuestros padres e de nuestras madres e de nuestros parientes r e nuestros amigos e de todos fideles defunctos, yo dona Toda Perez do e otorgo e confirmo con esta carta a la casa O de Sant George las heredades que mio marido don Lopz e yo hy aviamos dadas e atorgadas ante que el finasse. (...) e en voz del prior e del convento de Naiara, recibo a vos dona Toda Perez por familiar e por compannera e por freyra de la casa de Sant George. E prometo vos e do vos en la casa de Sant George que ayades comer e beber e vestir e calçar ondradamientre en todos los dias de vuestra vida88.

Es muy habitual que los donantes demanden, además, que se les dé entierro en el establecimiento en el que ingresan89. Como lo solicita Rodrigo López, hijo de don Lope Garcés de Oriz,... esleio mia sepultura en el çimiterio del devandito Hospital o quiere que avienga mio fin, e nomnadament en el çimiterio del devandito Hospital que es en Çiçurr Menor...90 o doña Elvira Íñiguez de Sada...et esleio mia sepultura en el çimiterio de la casa de Bargota...91 Así lo requiere igualmente García Miguel de Guizaru- diaga que se ofrece como donado a la casa de Cizur, eligiendo sepultura en el cementerio de este lugar y jurando ante el gran prior, fray Montoliu de Laya, cumplir con las obligaciones que éste le encarga92. Otras personas, en cambio, establecen contratos de diferentes tipos, que atañen a asuntos espirituales, pero que no requieren necesariamente del ingreso del donante en el ámbito monástico.

87. AGN, Clero, Leire, n. 357, 21 de Septiembre de 1310. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 107 donde indica que, en el caso de oblaciones de matrimonios, el pacto preveía asimismo la asistencia al superviviente de la pareja, una vez que falleciese uno de los dos, lo cual era indicado para evitar el desamparo de la viuda, principalmente. 88. AGN, Clero, Benedictinos de Nájera, n. 56, 15 de Octubre de 1253.-San Jorge. 89. La entrega del alma es completa si también se produce la donación del cuerpo, con sus correspondientes derechos de sepultura, que supondrían la total participación del donado en la actividad espiritual de la comunidad en vida y tras la muerte (Orlandis, José. “‘Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 174-175). Lo afirma también Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 102. Ver también García Larragueta, Santos. “Cartas de paniaguados”…: 215-217. 90. 5 de Diciembre de 1262. García Larragueta, Santos. El Gran Priorado de Navarra de la Orden de San Juan...: II, n. 396. 91. 5 de Mayo de 1290, viernes.-Echávarri. García Larragueta, Santos. El Gran Priorado de Navarra de la Orden de San Juan...: II, n. 515. 92. Gutiérrez del Arroyo, Consuelo. Catálogo de la documentación navarra de la Orden de San Juan, n. 2696, datado el 17 de Noviembre de 1370.

416 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 416 08/06/2009 8:18:17 h 93 94 Únicamente encargan misas o aniversarios por sus almas o la celebración de su entierro , pero no is g l

profesan en una orden religiosa, sino que establecen una donación con la única contraprestación n

de recibir los auxilios espirituales de la comunidad de monjes95. E in

Dan fe de ello las numerosas oblaciones diseminadas en las colecciones documentales de las n

diferentes instituciones religiosas navarras, destacando especialmente la Orden de San Juan de Je- t t e i rusalén, con 38 documentos, seguida por los monasterios de Irache y de Leire, con 13 y 6 noticias r

96 W

respectivamente . El éxito de la Orden de San Juan como receptora de oblatos es sorprendente t

si se tiene en cuenta que en sus estatutos se indica la necesidad de poseer un origen noble para no

ingresar en ella, pues esta condición restringiría el acceso a un número limitado de personas. Así, s se disponía que individuos particulares que entregaban su cuerpo, su alma y sus bienes a la Orden, e x t T se comprometían a abonar anualmente una cantidad de dinero y se vinculaban a ella mediante t h e

una promesa, pese a lo cual no eran considerados miembros de pleno derecho (freires). Como con- f o

traprestación, disponían de una renta vitalicia, disfrutaban de una serie de privilegios (beneficios s

espirituales y enterramiento en sus cementerios) —al igual que los cofrades— y tomaban parte en a l in g las oraciones y limosnas del Hospital quedando así vinculados de por vida a la casa que los había i r 97 admitido . O El estudio de los documentos señala —como también lo indica Raquel Homet— que la mayor parte de las personas que otorgan contrato de oblación pertenecen a zonas rurales. Y que la mayo- ría de ellos lo realiza con una entidad religiosa —tanto monasterio como orden militar— próxima a su lugar de residencia. Otros casos —una mínima cuantía— apuntan que la elección se basaría en la devoción a la advocación del establecimiento elegido, como afirma don Íñigo, capellán de la iglesia de Cizur Menor de la Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén98.

93. Sancho de Güesa, racionero de la iglesia de Santa María de Sangüesa, que hace donación al monasterio de Leire de sus bienes e inmuebles situados en Sangüesa, reservándose para él su usufructo vitalicio y pide ser sustentado mientras viva. Establece asimismo que se celebre, tras su muerte, un aniversario anual por su alma. 15 de Agosto de 1436. (For- tún Pérez de Ciriza, Luis Javier. “Documentación medieval de Leire”...: n. 722). 94. “Gracia López de Navascués, viuda del escudero Juan de Pomar, entrega al monasterio de Leire una casa, varias viñas y otros bienes situados en Undués, a cambio de que el monasterio le proporcione anualmente 14 robos de trigo, 3 cargas de uva, 3 manos de lino y suficiente companaje, provenientes de las rentas de la parroquia de Navascués. Asimismo, lega al monasterio sus bienes muebles (salvo joyas y vestidos) tras su muerte, con la condición de que Leire pague los gastos de su entierro y aniversario”. 5 de Julio de 1490. (Fortún Pérez de Ciriza, Luis Javier. “Documentación medieval de Leire”...: 821). 95. Orlandis, José. “‘Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 218-227, y especialmente la página 218, donde indica que se po- dían establecer contratos entre individuos y una comunidad fundamentados en asistencia individualizada en casos de enfermedad, vejez o pobreza, sin incluir ninguna otra obligación entre ambas partes. En las páginas 222-223 explica que otros acuerdos podían incluir únicamente la elección de sepultura en dicha institución que podían o no llevar adjunta la obligación de celebrar sufragios espirituales por el alma del contratante. 96. San Juan de Jerusalén acumula un 56% del total de las oblaciones, frente a un 19% de Irache y un 8,9% de Leire. En Santa Clara de Estella se recogen tres documentos de oblación. En la catedral de Pamplona y Roncesvalles, dos cada uno y en San Pedro de Ribas y Santa Engracia —ambos monasterios situados en Pamplona— uno, al igual que el convento benedictino de Santa María de Nájera. Algunas de las referentes a San Juan de Jerusalén han sido analizadas y publicadas, desde un punto de vista textual y documental, por García Larragueta, Santos. “Cartas de paniaguados”…: 222-236. 97. Ciérbide Martinena, Ricardo. Estatutos antiguos de la Orden de San Juan de Jerusalén. Versión original occitana y su tra- ducción al español, según el códice navarro del AHN de Madrid (1314). Pamplona: Departamento de Educación y Cultura del Gobierno de Navarrra, Institución Príncipe de Viana-Instituto Complutense de la Orden de Malta, 1999: 31-32, notas 35, 36; García Larragueta, Santos. El Gran Priorado de Navarra de la Orden de San Juan...: I, 242. 98. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 108. Así lo expresa don Íñigo: que io don Ienego capelano de la glesia del Hospital de san Johan de Çiçur Menor, stando sano e alegre esleio sepultura pora mio cuerpo en poder del Hospital de san Johan; encara io devantdito don Ienego prometo e fago voto primerament a Dius e a vos don Guarcia de Artiga comendador de Çiçur que io non pueda

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 417

Originals.indd 417 08/06/2009 8:18:18 h

is El fenómeno de la oblación tiene su punto álgido durante el siglo XIII, al cual pertenecen la ma- g l

n yor parte de los textos, mientras que en los siglos posteriores desciende notablemente hasta quedar

E prácticamente eclipsado en el XV99. Esto puede ser debido a un conjunto de causas que coinciden in

n a lo largo del tiempo, constituyendo así un proceso de decadencia de la asistencia hospitalaria por 100

t t e las órdenes monásticas y militares —localizadas principalmente en el ámbito rural— a favor de i r una cada vez mejor organizada red local y municipal de asistencia hospitalaria —localizada pre- W

t ferentemente en el ámbito urbano— que desbancaría a estos establecimientos en la acogida de 101 no enfermos y ancianos . Así lo indican los protocolos navarros, especialmente los encuadrados en

s la notaría de Salinas de Oro. Estos fondos, que datan de finales del siglo XV y principios del XVI, e x t permiten reconstruir una tupida red de centros hospitalarios a lo largo del valle de Guesálaz —al T cual pertenecen localidades como Salinas de Oro, Izurzu, Arguiñano, Guembe, Vidaurre o Guir- t h e

f guillano— y de los cercanos Val de Echauri —Echauri, Ciriza, Belascoáin o Vidaurreta—, situado al o

s NE, y Val de Goñi, sito al Norte —Goñi, Urdánoz, Munárriz o Azanza—. Si bien no indican qué tipo

a l de asistencia ofrecían a sus pacientes, parece que su función se correspondía con la de albergue de in g i r O

entrar en otra orden si non ena del Hospital de san Johan, nin recebir sepultura si no es con poder del Hospital, e de mas io sobre dicto don Ienego, por la gran devocion e voluntad que he con el devantdicto Hospital, do las mias casas de la Navarreria de Pamplona, con todas lures estagarias e con el uerto e con todas lures pertinençias e con todos aqueilos dreitos... (García Larragueta, Santos. El Gran Priorado de Navarra de la Orden de San Juan…: II, n. 282; Gutiérrez del Arroyo, Consuelo. Catálogo de la documentación navarra de la Orden de San Juan…: n. 2526. Agosto de 1239). 99. De un total de 67 oblaciones, al siglo XIII se corresponden 47 (70%), mientras que en los siglos XIV y XV se registran 17 (25%) y 2 (2,9%) respectivamente. Esto coincide con lo que concluye Raquel Homet (Homet,Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez...: 102) donde esta investigadora indica que el apogeo de la oblación se produce en la segunda mitad del XII y primera del XIII, manteniéndose hasta el siglo XV. Ver, Orlandis, José. “‘Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 187, donde afirma que las oblaciones de matrimonios son más abundantes durante el último cuarto del s. XII y la primera mitad del XIII. Así pues, las últimas oblaciones que la Orden de San Juan registra en Navarra datan de 1377 y 1381 mientras que los benedictinos de Leire, por ejemplo, asientan dos en el siglo XV (años 1436 y 1490). (Gutiérrez del Arroyo, Consuelo. Catálogo de la documentación navarra de la Orden de San Juan…: nos. 1108, 1382; Fortún Pérez de Ciriza, Luís Javier. “Do- cumentación medieval de Leire”...: n. 722 y 821). Roncesvalles, siguiendo la estela de Leire, cuenta con una oblación fechada en 1484. (AGN, Clero, Roncesvalles, n. 1623). 100. La primera disolución del Temple en Navarra fue efectuada el 23 de Octubre de 1307, cuando fueron encarcelados los templarios navarros en Pamplona por orden del rey Luis “el Hutín”. La Orden del Hospital de San Juan de Jerusalén tenía una doble finalidad (vocación hospitalaria y defensa armada de Tierra Santa) que la llevó a transformarse en una orden militar. Tras la derogación de la Orden del Temple, Clemente V decretó mediante bula (1312) la entrega de sus bienes a manos de la Orden de San Juan, que debería mantener sus dos funciones originales, orden que se cumplió en Navarra estrictamente. (Martín Rodríguez, José-Luis. “El reino de Navarra”, Historia de España Menéndez Pidal. XII. La Baja Edad Media peninsular. Siglos XIII al XV. La población, la economía, la sociedad, Ramón Menéndez Pidal, José María Jover Zamora, dirs. Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1998: 534; Martínez Díez, Gonzalo. Los templarios en los reinos de España. Barcelona: Planeta, 2001: 49-50, 249, 361, 364). 101. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez...: 115-118, asegura que el proceso de secularización de la asistencia social tuvo pleno desarrollo a partir del siglo XIV en Barcelona. Sin embargo, ya durante este período son numerosos los hospitales urbanos dirigidos por hermandades religiosas, cofradías o por los propios municipios que se dedican a la atención de ancianos. Este desarrollo de los hospitales puede estar relacionado con el aumento de la proporción de ancianos en la sociedad bajomedieval así como del consecuente cambio de mentalidad que se produce con este fenómeno demográfico. Para Logroño y Zaragoza existen dos investigaciones que, sin embargo, no aportan datos decisivos sobre la acogida y asistencia de ancianos en los hospitales. De tal modo, en Logroño los hospitales de San Gil y de San Juan ultra Ebro acogen enfermos; el de Santa María del Rocamador pudo ser un asilo (Cantera Montenegro, Margarita. “Asistencia a los pobres y enfermos en el Logroño medieval (siglos XIII-XV)”. Brocar: cuadernos de investigación histórica, 12 (1986): 209-210). Para el caso de Zaragoza, el entramado hospitalario urbano está desarrollado desde mitades del siglo XII, si bien alcanzó su cénit en el siglo XV. Existían hospitales de carácter parroquial —San Pablo o la Magdalena— y otros fueron instituidos por particulares, como el de Santa Marta —erigido en 1315 por el médico zaragozano maestre Guillermo Fuert—. La constitución del Hospital de Santa María de Gracia en 1425, supuso la puesta en marcha de un centro de atención y acogida de todo tipo de enfermos y desamparados (Falcón Pérez, MaríaIsabel. “Sanidad y Beneficencia en Zaragoza en el siglo XV”. Aragón en la Edad Media. III. Estudios de Economía y Sociedad (siglos XII al XV), III (1980): 189-193).

418 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 418 08/06/2009 8:18:19 h 102 indigentes, ancianos y peregrinos . En las ciudades, las diferentes cofradías mantenían hospitales is g l

mejor organizados y con una multiplicidad de funciones. En Pamplona sobresale, por ejemplo, el n

Hospital de Santa Catalina, en el Burgo de San Cernin, en Estella el de la Cofradía de San Pedro de E in

la Rúa y en Tudela el de la Cofradía de los Ballesteros, entre otros muchos distribuidos a lo largo n 103

de la geografía navarra . t t e i r W

4.5 Pensiones reales t no

Otra modalidad de auxilio se puede recibir a través del propio rey, que, en ocasiones excep- s cionales y atendiendo una súplica directa, puede conceder diferentes tipos de gracias y ayudas a e x t T determinados vasallos104. Es el caso de García Amigo, vecino de Falces, a quien Carlos III perdona t h e 105 los 4 cahíces de trigo y de cebada y 16 sueldos en dinero, que debía por su pecha ordinaria del f o 106 año 1392, por consideración a su vejez . A Sancho Miguel Cavalarte, vecino de Loizu (Val de s

Imoz) se le hace gracia de los 7 sueldos y 11 dineros por cuartel que le correspondía pagar como a l in g impuestos de la ayuda de los 40.000 florines así como de cargas futuras, en atención a su decrepi- i r 107 tud y pobreza . O Para otras personas se distribuyen limosnas puntuales, como las 20 libras fuertes anuales que recibirá Juan Allen, apodado Bretón, por haber caído en indigencia y vejez108. Y en otras ocasiones, es el propio monarca el que se implica directamente en la atención a sus servidores, asignándoles una pensión alimenticia, monetaria o mixta para que puedan llevar una vida digna, sin sufrir penalidades ni privaciones109. Como Lorencet de Pamplona, que fue mensajero de Carlos II, al que habían sido concedidos 6 cahíces de trigo anuales para mantenimiento durante su ancianidad110. A Juan Tumberel, conserje del palacio real de Puente la Reina, en atención a los servicios que prestó en su juventud a Carlos II, y posteriormente a la reina doña Leonor, se le otorgan 10 libras anuales sobre la pecha del lugar de Aniz, y 9 cahíces de trigo, sobre la pecha

102. Iria Gonçalves realiza una completa investigación sobre la asistencia hospitalaria en el territorio de Portugal, aplicada tanto al espacio urbano como al rural; este último ámbito destaca por la falta de medios materiales (Gonçalves, Iria. “Formas medievais de assitência num meio rural estremenho”, Imagens do mundo medieval. Lisboa: Livros Horizonte, 1988: 53-68). 103. García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 305, indica que los hospitales son un fenómeno neta- mente urbano, bastante escasos en el mundo rural. Se caracterizaban por ser pequeños y con unas dotaciones sanitarias deficientes. Más que a la cura de la enfermedad, se dedicarían a los cuidados paliativos y a la asistencia de ancianos e indigentes; Claramunt, Salvador. “La muerte en la Edad Media. El mundo urbano”. Acta Historica et Archaeologica Mediae- valia, 7-8 (1986-1987): 210, también apunta que los hospitales urbanos reservaban algunas plazas para ancianos pobres —no necesariamente enfermos— que eran atendidos allí hasta su muerte. 104. La entrega de dádivas y caridades de monarcas a súbditos no es exclusiva de los reyes navarros. R. Homet recoge diversos ejemplos de limosnas y ayudas —circunstanciales o permanentes— que los Reyes Católicos otorgaron a determinados vasallos (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 123). 105. “Medida de capacidad para áridos, de distinta cabida según las regiones. El de Castilla tiene 12 fanegas y equivale a 666 litros aproximadamente”. ( “Cahíces”. Diccionario de la lengua Española – Vigésima segunda edición. Real Academia Española de la lengua. 27 de agosto de 2006. < http://buscon.rae.es>). 106. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 69, n. 23, V, 6 de Junio de 1393.-Estella. 107. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 86, n. 7, 31 de Enero de 1401.-Monreal. 108. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 94, n. 59, I, 1 de Septiembre de 1407.-Pamplona. 109. Sobre estas cuestiones puede verse igualmente Narbona Cárceles, María. La Corte de Carlos III el Noble, rey de Navarra: Espacio doméstico y escenario del poder, 1376-1415. Pamplona: EUNSA. Ediciones Universidad de Navarra, S.A., 2006: 146- 148, 370-371, 435-436. 110. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 78, n..4-5, II, 20 de Diciembre de 1395.-Estella.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 419

Originals.indd 419 08/06/2009 8:18:20 h 111 is de Cirauqui . Igualmente, en consideración a María Xeméniz de Mendívil, ama de la reina de

g l 112

n Inglaterra , por su servicio a ésta y a su padre Carlos II, y queriendo sostenerla en su vejez, se le

E asigna toda la pecha y renta ordinaria de pan del lugar de Oricin (pecha de la Valdorba) que suman in

113

n 8 cahíces y 3 robos de trigo y otros tantos de avena . Y Martín Lópiz de Muga, vecino de San

t t e Vicente de la Sonsierra, que tuvo encargada la guarda del castillo de Buradón, recibe 10 cahíces de i r trigo anuales en recompensa por su condición de anciano114. W

t El caso de María Xeméniz de Mendívil es muy particular porque esta anciana, una vez que

no abandona sus ocupaciones en la corte como aya de las infantas Juana y María, hermanas de Carlos

s III, es acogida por sus familiares, pero asimismo, recibe una pensión y una casa de manos del rey e x t para que pueda vivir en ella115. T t h e

f 4.6 Asistencia de cofradías o

a l Para no llegar a este estado, se contemplaba habitualmente una última posibilidad, que fue in g i ganando adeptos a lo largo de toda la Edad Media, dada su asequibilidad económica y las gratifica- r

O ciones sociales y espirituales que se recibían a cambio del pago de un entrático no muy elevado. Era el ingreso en una cofradía, que se encargaba de proteger a todos los hermanos que la conformaban, tanto en la enfermedad como en la pobreza y la vejez116, ya que los principios de caridad que se estipulaban en sus estatutos definían una igualdad de condiciones para todos sus miembros que afianzaban unos profundos lazos de solidaridad y mutuo auxilio117, evitando así el desamparo de cualquiera de sus integrantes ante cualquier problema que se le pudiera presentar en la vida.

111. La primera paga comenzaría en la próxima fiesta de Santa María de Agosto. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 85, n. 8, 22 de Enero de 1400.-Olite. 112. Juana, infanta de Navarra, hija de Carlos II de Evreux y hermana de Carlos III. Casada en segundas nupcias con Enrique IV de Lancaster, rey de Inglaterra. 113. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 116, n. 73, III, 23 de Junio de 1417.-Olite. 114. AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 70, n. 36, 3 de Agosto de 1394.-Pamplona. Igualmente Carlos III concede a Per Ibáñez de Arraztia, alcalde de la Corte, una pensión anual de 100 francos de oro del cuño de Francia para sostenimiento de su vejez. (AGN, Comptos, Documentos, c. 77, n. 33, 30 de Agosto de 1399.-Estella). 115. La infantas María y Juana, hijas de Carlos II “el Malo” y hermanas Carlos III “el Noble”. María, la benjamina, casada con Alfonso, conde de Denia y Juana, casada en primeras nupcias con Juan IV de Monfort, duque de Bretaña y en segundas con Enrique IV de Lancaster, rey de Inglaterra. “Carlos III concede a María Xeméniz de Mendívil, además de 5 cahices de trigo y una casa y jardín que le concedió en el lugar de Tiebas, la pecha pleiteada del lugar de Muru de Artederreta (Muruarte de Reta), en atención a los servicios prestados a las infantas María y Juana, duquesa de Bretaña, hermanas del rey, a la segunda de las cuales crió, y a las infantas, hijas del rey, ya que, a causa de su vejez, ha tenido que ir a vivir entre los suyos”. (Castro, José Ramón. Catálogo de Comptos. Documentos. XX, n. 877); AGN, Comptos, Do- cumentos, c. 70, n. 37, 12 de Junio de 1394.-Pamplona. 116. También lo afirma García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 305; Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 119, 121. 117. ...establecemos en esta manera uera karidat, que Dios es confraternidat, por ont conuiene que ayamos entre nos uerdadera fe, pura e firme a Dios, a los confrades amor, por la qual (sic) nos podamos ser saluos por siempre, et ser librados en el día del iudicio. De la qual amor el bienauenturado Sant Iohan apóstol et euangelista fauló e dixo: Dios es karidat e qui [finca en karidat, finca] en Dios, et Dios en él. En esto apareció la karidat de Dios en nos, porque enuió el su fillo engendrado en el mundo (para) que nos(otros) uiuamos por Él, en que esto es karidat, no assí como nos(otros) amamos a Dios, mas como Él primeramente nos amó a nos(otros), e enuió su fillo en el mundo por redemptón (sic) de nuestros pecados. Ordenanzas de la Cofradía del Corpus Christi o del Santísimo Sacramento, primera mitad del siglo XIV. En Silanes Susaeta, Gregorio. “La cofradía del Santísimo Sacramento de Tudela”. Cuadernos de Etnología y Etnografía de Navarra, 71 (1998): 53-58.

420 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 420 08/06/2009 8:18:21 h

Establecemos que si confradre ca fuere en (...) pobredat o sel cayere casa o sel quemare por occasión, o si quiere is 118 yr en peregrinación [a Roma o a Iherusalem] o a otro [sanctuario] quel ayudemos todos . g l n E

119 in Sin embargo, algunos tipos de cofradías, ofrecían mayor número de servicios que otras . Así, n una cofradía religiosa tenía la licencia y la obligación de atender a todos sus miembros en los t t e i

últimos momentos de sus vidas así como de procurar la salud de sus almas tras la muerte, sufra- r

gando los funerales y aniversarios de aquellos hermanos que no tuviesen los medios económicos W t necesarios120, tal y como lo establecían los estatutos fundacionales de la Cofradía de Santa María no

de Eunate, s e x t

Ittem hordenaron que quando algun confrade fuere finado, que los mayorales vayan ante [de la] noche a de- T

mandar a los cabezaleros o herederos si tienen manera de fazer el entierro, et si no tubiere manera de fazer o t h e

no quisieren fazer, los mayorales deuen drezar e los comfrades deuen escottar la espenssa; ett si los mayorales, o f o

solamente el que sera de la parte donde el muerto sera, non viniere antte noche, paguen de calonia cada veinte s 121

sueldos, que asi lo dize el Preuilexio, ett de la pena sea a la merzed del capitol . a l in g i

la cofradía de Santa María Mayor de San Cernin de Pamplona, r O Item statuerunt quod unusquisque confrater det in morte sua viginti et quatuor libras de cera pro faciendis candelis; et decem libras turonensium parvorum ad faciendum septenarium, si potest. Et si per impotentiam haec facere nequiverit, suam impotentiam ostendat sercesé priori, vel mayoralibus dictae confratriae; et capitulum teneatur dare candelas. Et dicti confratres de bursis propriis dictum septenarium facere tenenantur pro anima diciti confratris defuncti. Et si praedicta calumniose vel et contumaciter pro communi dare noluerit, nec nos ei servitium seu septenarium faciamus122.

o la de Santo Tomás Apóstol de Pamplona:

118. Ordenanzas de la Cofradía del Corpus Christi o del Santísimo Sacramento, primera mitad del siglo XIV. (Silanes Susaeta, Gregorio. “La cofradía del Santísimo Sacramento de Tudela”…: 53-58). 119. Igualmente lo corroboran García de Cortázar, José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 305, donde habla de cofradías religiosas y profesionales; Benítez Bolorinos, Manuel. Las cofradías medievales en el reino de Valencia (1329-1458). Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 1998: 38-40. 120. Así lo indica también Orlandis, José. “‘Traditio corporis et animae’”…: 262-263. Labor que también era compartida por las cofradías profesionales. Igualmente, Benítez Bolorinos, Manuel. Las cofradías medievales en el reino de Valencia…: 185, 192, nota 22, donde recoge los ejemplos de las cofradías de çabaters (año 1329), Santa Catalina (1329), aluders i pergaminers (1329), pellicers (1330 y 1392) y tinters del drap de lana (1417) entre otras, cuyos cofrades se encargaban de proveer de sepultura y entierro a los compañeros que no tuviesen medios para hacerlo. 121. 1.1.15. [Muerte de Cofrades. Pago de gastos funerarios]. Ordenanzas Antiguas de Eunate, fechadas en 25 de Oc- tubre de 1487 (Jimeno Jurío, José Mª. “Eunate y su cofradía. Ordenanzas antiguas”. Príncipe de Viana, 58/210 (1997): 87-117). Ya en 1156 los estatutos de la cofradía de Santa Eulalia del Campo recogían esta obligación fraternal. (Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 118). 122. Primitivas Constituciones de la “Cofradía de Santa María Mayor de San Cernin” o de “Oculi Mei”, año 1229, cap. 9. Esta transcripción se corresponde con la que realizó Albizu (Albizu, Juan, “Primitivas constituciones de la Cofradía Mayor de San Cernin que después se llamó de Oculi Mei”, Boletín de la Comisión de Monumentos Históricos de Navarra (1926): 7-12). También existe otra posterior: García Larragueta, Santos. Archivo Parroquial de San Cernin. Colección Diplomática hasta 1400. Pamplona: Diputación Foral de Navarra-Institución Príncipe de Viana, 1976: 26-31, n. 2. 123. Ordenanzas de la Cofradía de Santo Tomás Apóstol, 8 de Diciembre de 1430. (Núñez de Cepeda Ortega, Marcelo. Los antiguos gremios y cofradías de Pamplona. Pamplona: Imprenta Diocesana, 1948: 69).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 421

Originals.indd 421 08/06/2009 8:18:22 h

is La labor asistencial se ampliaba en ocasiones, a otras personas ajenas a la cofradía, como va-

g l 124

n gabundos o gentes de viaje que morían en la ciudad . Esta tarea fue incorporada más tarde a las

E ordenaciones de algunos municipios, constituyendo así una red de asistencia más extensa que in

n podían disfrutar todos sus convecinos en caso de penuria económica. La ampliación de estas mer-

t t e cedes encargadas de velar por el bienestar espiritual y fìsico de sus habitantes, llegó a aplicarse, i r incluso, a forasteros sin fortuna a los que se proveía de todo lo necesario para que sus cuerpos W

t fuesen enterrados cristianamente: no

s [I]tem si conteçiere que en alguna delas ditas vezindades finare alguna persona forestera o dela villa que no

e x t ouiere dineros nin otros bienes pora con que sea fecho enterrorio ordenamos que en tal caso por Reuerençia de

T dios et intuytu de piedat los vezinos dela tal vezindat le deuan ordenar suplir et fornir de mortalla çera et otras 125

t h e cosas pora lenterrorrio ata L. ss. et fuessa .

f o

s Por otra parte, en una cofradía de tipo gremial los compañeros no sólo garantizaban el manteni-

a l miento de los que habían caído en pobreza o enfermedad sino que, además, ampliaban sus funcio- in

g 126 i nes a labores como el mantenimiento de los cofrades ancianos o imposibilitados . Sin embargo, es r

O de destacar que la asistencia a ancianos sólo aparece mencionada en los estatutos fundacionales de forma expresa a partir del siglo XIV, aunque es posible que esta obligación también fuese aplicada antes de este período, pero no se hiciese pública hasta que la actitud hacia la vejez cambió y se transformó en una obligación de la comunidad al completo.

Algunas cofradías gremiales iban más lejos llegando a encargarse de velar por el mantenimiento de la viuda y los hijos del cofrade fallecido.

124. En las cofradías valencianas de corders, San Pedro y esparters (1392) se contemplaba dar sepultura a cualquier pobre que lo requiriese y se obligaba a todos los cofrades a asistir al sepelio como si de un hermano más se tratase (Benítez Bolorinos, Manuel. Las cofradías medievales en el reino de Valencia...: 187). 125. [6] Ordenança sobre el sacar el dia de Sant Steban bayles y enterradores y como se tenia antigoamente el concejo. Año 1412. (Ciérvide Martinena, Ricardo. Registro del Concejo de Olite (1224-1537). [Notas y texto paleográfico]. Pamplona: Diputación Foral de Navarra-Institución Príncipe de Viana-CSIC, 1974: 257-258). 126. Igualmente se encuentra este servicio en las ordenanzas parroquiales de Sevilla de mitades del XIV que cita Gar- cía de Cortázar José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 305. Asimismo recoge un texto en el que se muestra cómo la cofradía de pescadores de Bermeo, en sus ordenanzas de 1353, se comprometía a crear un fondo de ayuda para pobres y ancianos (García de Cortázar José Ángel. “El ritmo del individuo”…: 305); Manuel Benítez también presenta casos similares en cofradías profesionales valencianas como las de argenters (1392) o la de San Nicolás de Alicante (1402), en las cuales se socorría a los cofrades que, por causa de la vejez, no podían trabajar y, por tanto, lograr su sustento. En la de macips del pes real de Valencia (1392), incluso, se distribuía 8 dineros por jornada a cada hermano. (Benítez Bolorinos, Manuel. Las cofradías medievales en el reino de Valencia ...:185 [nota 25], 193). 127. Ordenanzas de la cofradía de Santo Thomás apóstol, hechas por los carpinteros de Pamplona y confirmadas por el rey en el año de 1430 (8 de Diciembre de 1430) (Núñez de Cepeda Ortega, Marcelo. Los antiguos gremios ...: 61-67). Asimismo lo hacían los marinos de Deva en 1448, que mantenían a sus compañeros cofrades cuando habían llegado a la vejez y ya no podían salir de pesca: Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 1209.

422 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 422 08/06/2009 8:18:23 h

en los casos peligrosos sin compañía de alguno de los otros maestros de la arte, e si no lo ficiere, pague, por cada is 128 vez, un florín de pena y todo lo que por la cura hobiere tomado . g l n E in

n t t e

5. Consideración social de los ancianos i r W

Como ya se ha visto al hablar de la cuestión de la esperanza de vida, en los procesos judiciales t

—que se ejercen sobre o contra determinadas sujetos— o bien en los testimonios comunitarios no

—que necesitan que los individuos de mayor edad rubriquen o recuerden acontecimientos suce- s didos en el seno de la comunidad— aparecen listados en los que se concreta la presencia de los e x t T miembros más ancianos de la misma como representantes de la memoria colectiva. Sus testimonios t h e

son decisivos y la edad avanzada de sus declarantes —sinónimo de sabiduría y honradez— refuerza f o

el valor de sus argumentos. Este vehículo de transmisión de los recuerdos colectivos es considera- s

do, por tanto, el más idóneo129. a l in g En otras circunstancias, tales como momentos clave de la vida comunitaria, también se requiere i r 130 su presencia. Por ello, el Fuero General de Navarra, prescribe la asistencia del echaun y echandra O de cada casa al velatorio de un hombre de rango, lo que podría interpretarse como la asistencia de los cabeza de familia, en representación de la totalidad de la comunidad si bien es de suponer que también aportarían un mayor empaque al funeral de un individuo —ya destacado del resto de sus convecinos por su propia condición— en la localidad,

Si muere ombre pobre quoal que hora moriere sotiérrenlo et si alguno richo ó emparentado muere de dia, véy- llelo de nuytes. De casa deven yr á la veylla o el echaiaun ó ela echandra, et si non venieren seyendo sano, deve calonia. Al alva, los varones pueden yr á sacar los ganados, et las echandras deven veyllar el cuerpo131.

tal y como se indica en las ordenanzas de Lizásoain

Otrossi hordenamos e mandamos que cada e quando finare algun honbre o muger habitante et morador en la dicha villa finare ante noche et en la noche estubiere sin enterrar el cuerpo en casa o en la yglesia que de cada casa sea tenido deyr a bellar sobre el dicho cuerpo uno o una de los echandros o chandras et que sean requeridos por el mayoral de la dicha villa en la noche tres vezes…132

y que podrían corresponder, como se verá a continuación, a ancianos133. Así en Arraiza se orde- naba igualmente la asistencia al cortejo y funerales de dos personas de cada casa, concretamente, las de mayor edad:

128. Primitivas constituciones de 1496 de la cofradía de San Cosme y San Damián, de médicos y boticarios, cap. 24. (Núñez de Cepeda Ortega, Marcelo. Los antiguos gremios…: 166-173). 129. Homet, Raquel. Los viejos y la vejez…: 81. 130. El amo y el ama (los mayores) de cada familia y propietarios de la casa. Véase la nota 133. 131. Fuero General de Navarra, Lib. III, Tit. XXI: De Sepulturas. Cap. I: “Cómo et en quoal hora deven soterrar los vezinos quoando ombre pobre muere, et quoando ombre rico muere cómo et quoales lo deven velar el fazer la fuesa, et que, et qui la deve goardar; et si dayno ninguno recebiere por non gardarla, qué calonia han, et si parientes fuera lo quieren levar al muerto, qué deven fazer”. (Fuero General de Navarra …: 149). 132. AGN, Comptos, Papeles Sueltos 1ª Serie, leg. 3, Privilegios y Ordenanzas Municipales, carp. 11, Cotos y Paramentos del lugar de Lizasoain, datados en 8 de Abril de 1545. (Citado por Idoate, Florencio. “A través de las ordenanzas viejas de Lizásoain y Ororbia”, Rincones de la Historia de Navarra. Pamplona: Gòmez, 1954: I, 357-362). 133. “Echaun, Echandra, segun el Diccionario del Sr. Baraibar significa el amo, ó la dueña de la casa; pero yo creo que en este caso el Fuero habla de personas que tenían en cada pueblo el cargo vecinal de velar á los difuntos”. En Yanguas

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 423

Originals.indd 423 08/06/2009 8:18:25 h

is ..mandamos que todas las vezes que alguno fuere defunto en el dicho pueblo asta en tanto que el cuerpo sea

g l enterrado de cada casa dos personas los mas ancianos no ayan de faltar al dicho enterrorio ni ayan de hazer n ausencia del pueblo (…) so pena de tres tarjas por cada uno que al contrario hiziere por cada vez…134 E in

t t e Igualmente, cuando fallecía un anciano, se le proporcionaba un trato diferenciado del resto de i r sus convecinos, instalándose un velatorio al que debería acudir un representante de cada casa del W

t pueblo, al igual que en el Fuero General se establecía en el caso de fallecimiento de un hombre de

no poder. Así lo precisan los reglamentos de Villava, por los cuales se establecía que a la muerte de un

s individuo de edad —si el cuerpo no era enterrado el mismo día del óbito— debería asistir una per- e x t sona por cada casa a velar el cuerpo; en el caso de que no se cumpliera esta disposición, se pagaría T una multa de 5 sueldos: t h e

f o

s Otrossi fue ordenado quando quiere que hubiere algun defuncto en la nostra villa que sea persona de edad e el

a l cuerpo no se enterrare aquel dia vaya por cada casa una persona a hazer la noche en la tal casa. E el que no

in fuere pague calonie cinco sueldos que se goarde si todos lo quieren135. g i r O

6. Consideraciones finales

Por todo ello, debe concluirse que la condición de los ancianos, sufrió una profunda transfor- mación desde la Alta Edad Media que les afectó positivamente. Así, durante una primera etapa la indefinición del viejo como individuo y como ente social con características propias fue la nota predominante. Sin embargo, en algunos sectores privilegiados como la nobleza cortesana o el clero regular la actitud hacia la ancianidad fue bien diferente. Su función como consejeros en el primer caso y como cabezas de la comunidad en el segundo fueron determinantes de cara a lo que más tarde ocurriría, ya que se imponía el sentido más provechoso de su condición, el de sabios, receptores de la experiencia personal y comunitaria que ejercían labores de asesoramiento sobre la colectividad a la que pertenecían. La Baja Edad Media estuvo fuertemente influenciada por la convulsión social provocada por las crisis demográficas que condujeron a un cambio mental muy beneficioso para este grupo. Las epidemias de peste negra afectaron a las estructuras sociales reduciendo el número de individuos jóvenes y aumentado la proporción de hombres maduros y ancianos, que asumieron las labores de gobierno y organización de la comunidad. Estos personajes contribuyeron por una parte, cimentando un nuevo concepto de sociedad en la que ahora ellos detentaban el poder y, por otra, a la regeneración demográfica con nuevos matrimonios. Las familias integraron, de esta manera, a sus mayores en su vida cotidiana, produciéndose una convivencia de varias generaciones en un mismo núcleo familiar que llevó a crear nuevos instrumentos para el cuidado de los progenitores. Estos lazos de parentesco favorecieron la sensibilidad de la sociedad hacia este

Miranda, José. Diccionario de los Fueros del Reino de Navarra y de las Leyes vigentes promulgadas hasta las Cortes de los años 1817 y 1818 inclusive. Pamplona: Diputación Foral de Navarra-Institución Príncipe de Viana, 1964: 37-38, nota 30. 134. AGN, Comptos, Papeles Sueltos 1ª Serie, leg. 3, Privilegios y Ordenanzas Municipales, carp. 13, Ordenanzas confirmadas por la corte, para el gobierno de los vecinos del lugar de Arraiza, asistencia a los divinos oficios, entierros, conservación de los montes, goce de sus términos y otras cosas, datadas en el siglo XVI. (Citado por Idoate, Florencio. “A través de las ordenanzas viejas de Lizásoain y Ororbia”…: 361). 135. AGN, Comptos, Papeles Sueltos 1ª Serie, leg. 2, Privilegios y Ordenanzas Municipales y de Médicos, y de Plantacio- nes de Olivos, carp. 29 bis, Ordenanzas de la Villa de Villava, 18 de Enero de 1539.-Pamplona.

424 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 424 08/06/2009 8:18:26 h

colectivo, que adquirió unas connotaciones mucho más convenientes que las que se les habían is g l

adjudicado durante la etapa altomedieval, según lo indica la escasa documentación conocida para n

esta época. El papel de consejeros y guías del que disfrutaban unos pocos en el período anterior se E in

amplió a un mayor porcentaje de individuos. n

Esta sensibilización social hacia la vejez condujo igualmente a que se tomasen medidas de so- t t e i corro y protección hacia los sujetos menos privilegiados. Algunas de ellas ya se habían practicado r W

desde el alto medievo, como las oblaciones en centros monásticos u órdenes militares. Sin embar- t

go, el auge de los centros urbanos y con ellos de una nueva religiosidad vertebrada en torno a las no

órdenes mendicantes provocó que las formas de asistencia a ancianos cambiaran sustancialmente. s Así pues, el cuidado de los mayores no recaerá en exclusiva sobre los familiares, sino que también e x t T se encargarán de ellos los hospitales de las ciudades —bien de tipo laico o bien dirigidos por órde- t h e

nes y cofradías religiosas— que se dedicaban a labores de beneficencia y asilo. Al mismo tiempo, las f o

cofradías serán las encargadas de proteger a sus propios miembros en casos de pobreza o de vejez, s

labor de la que, paralelamente, se va haciendo cargo el municipio, cubriendo el auxilio a todos sus a l in g habitantes, pero también a personas de paso que no tienen medios de subsistencia. La calidad de i r

los ancianos es tan valorada que hasta los mismos reyes velan por sus servidores creando un siste- O ma de pensiones que, en el caso de Navarra, será extremadamente eficaz gracias a la maquinaria fiscal de Comptos y a las reducidas dimensiones del reino. Monarcas como Carlos III, demuestran su prodigalidad hacia sus vasallos, estableciendo diferentes sistemas de ayuda ante casos de pobreza o de enfermedad, que se materializaban por vía de limosnas —puntuales o periódicas—, pensiones alimenticias, monetarias o mixtas, además de regalos para sus asistentes más queridos. Por todo lo expuesto, debe afirmarse que los ancianos adquieren una mejor calidad de vida conforme avanzan las centurias medievales, ya que este colectivo obtiene una entidad que no había logrado hasta el momento. La propia sociedad será la que tome conciencia de la importancia de este grupo y la que creará los medios necesarios para ejercer el socorro sobre sus mayores, conscientes del valor de su experiencia para el beneficio de toda la comunidad. Finalmente, hay que señalar que, conforme avanzan los siglos de la Baja Edad Media, y au- menta la esperanza de vida, llegar a la ancianidad era cada vez más frecuente. Morir de una forma natural, principalmente de vejez, equivale a tener tiempo para preparar la muerte con serenidad y templanza, tal como exigían los manuales de Bien Morir. Por ello, el individuo que podía morir con tranquilidad “en la cama”, a una edad avanzada, rodeado de sus familiares, amigos y seres queridos y habiendo recibido los santos sacramentos podía considerarse extremadamente afortunado. Por- que había logrado superar todos los peligros y trabajos que la vida le había dispuesto en su camino y había cumplido con el ritual cristiano de Buena Muerte, todo lo cual le permitiría traspasar, con tranquilidad de espíritu y de conciencia, a la Vida Eterna.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 396-425. ISSN 1888-3931 425

Originals.indd 425 08/06/2009 8:18:27 h

is La Edad Media en el cine de Estados Unidos g l n E in

n Ju a n An t o n i o Ba r r i o ni v e r si d a d d e l i c a n t e t t e U A i r W t no

s Re s u m e n e x t T El cine es en la actualidad uno de los medios de entretenimiento y difusión de conocimientos t h e

f más extendidos en el mundo. En estos momentos algo más de 3.300 millones de personas habitan o

s en espacios urbanos. Todas estas personas desde la edad infantil son potenciales consumidores de

a l películas. Desde cualquier disciplina científica no se puede obviar la importancia y trascendencia in g i que ha adquirido el séptimo arte como vehículo de transmisión de conocimientos y saberes. La r

O Edad Media es un periodo histórico que el cine ha recreado desde sus orígenes y lo sigue haciendo en las recientes películas de carácter épico. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo realizar una aproximación a la visión de la Edad Media proyectada desde el cine realizado en los Estados Unidos de América.

1. La pedagogía de la imagen y el cine

La utilización de la imagen como documento histórico, especialmente en soportes como la fotografía o el cine, es una de las recientes novedades en el campo de la historiografía. Por este motivo, cada vez más a menudo se están empleando distintos tipos de documentación. Junto a los textos literarios y los testimonios orales, también las imágenes ocupan un lugar destacado1. En los albores del siglo XXI, la mayor parte de la población del planeta, que tiene acceso a medios audiovisuales, dedica más tiempo a mirar la televisión o el cine, que a leer libros. En América cifras presentadas a principios de los años noventa, calculaban que se hacía cincuenta veces más uso del medio audiovisual que de la lectura de libros2. En 2008 estas cifras se han tenido que incrementar de forma considerable, ya que en los últimos quince años el auge de los medios audiovisuales ha sido espectacular en todo el planeta. El uso de la fotografía y el cine tienen un extraordinario valor para ampliar esferas de conocimiento de la Historia Contemporánea en campos como la Historia de las mentalidades, la Historia de la vida cotidiana, la Historia de la cultura material, etc. Evocando la situación historiográfica de una fecha relativamente reciente como 1976 Jon Solomon planteaba que “Cuando comencé la primera versión de este libro, en 1976, había escaso interés por el género de películas que lla- mo, irónica e intencionadamente “antiguas”3. Una de las pruebas palmarias de estos cambios es la creación de líneas de investigación centradas en la Historia del Cine, con especialistas adscritos a las áreas de conocimiento de Historia del Arte, Comunicación Audiovisual y publicidad o Historia

426 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 426 08/06/2009 8:18:28 h

Contemporánea y que en numerosas universidades están introduciendo en los planes de estudios is g l

asignaturas específicas dedicadas al estudio de la Historia del cine y al análisis de la Historia con- n

temporánea a través de la visión del cine. E in

Es un avance considerable en comparación con el panorama que presentaba la Historia del n

cine en nuestras universidades en las últimas décadas. Aunque todavía queda mucho camino por t t e i recorrer. Por una parte creo que se debe ampliar el horizonte de estos estudios, trabajos e investi- r W

gaciones al conocimiento de la visión del medioevo desde el cine, el objetivo del presente artículo. t

También considero que es necesario introducir en las asignaturas específicas del área de Historia no

medieval, conocimientos, temas, clases prácticas, conferencias o seminarios relacionadas con el s estudio de la visión de la Edad Media a través del cine4. e x t T Hay que considerar la influencia que ha podido ejercer el Séptimo arte en el siglo XX como me- t h e

dio de transmisión de conocimientos para millares de millones de individuos en todo el mundo. Un f o

conocido e importante político español reconocía en sus memorias que “El cine fue la universidad s

de la vida”5. Para escritores e intelectuales de la talla de Gore Vidal, “el cine va moldeando nuestro a l in g carácter ya desde la infancia” y esta tesis ha sido objeto central de conferencias que ha impartido i r 6 sobre el papel del cine en la sociedad . El autor de Juliano el apostata confiesa en sus memorias O que “era más bien un niño solitario y no buscaba ningún tipo de compañía aparte de los libros, las películas y mi propia imaginación”7. Dada la importante posición que Gore Vidal ha desempeñado en la cultura y en la política norteamericana, su reflexión adquiere una extraordinaria importancia y nos permite plantear como hipótesis el papel que ha desempeñado el cine en Estados Unidos a partir de la primera guerra mundial, como vehiculo de acercamiento cultural e histórico a Europa y tras la finalización de dicho conflicto bélico, la capacidad que ha tenido Estados Unidos como primera potencia mundial emergente para hacer llegar su propia cultura a través del cine al viejo, culto y caduco continente europeo. Planteamos, por tanto, la europeización de Estados Unidos y la americanización de Europa a través del cine como potentísimo vehículo de divulgación y entretenimiento de masas en el periodo posterior a la segunda guerra mundial y con el efecto de rearme ideológico desarrollado durante la guerra fría. Hasta el estallido de la primera guerra mundial la política internacional se había decidido por un grupo reducido de potencias europeas y bajo planteamientos eurocentristas8.Desde el siglo XI una parte de la política internacional se va a fraguar a partir de los intereses de las clases dirigen-

4. En los dos últimos años se han organizado interesantes seminarios y cursos sobre la relación entre el mundo medieval y el cine. Verbigracia el “IV Foro Medieval. Edad Media Made in USA”, celebrado en Cortegana, del 11 al 13 de agosto 2006 y con sesiones específicas dedicadas al cine. El curso “La Edad Media en el Cine”, del 25 de octubre de 2006 al 13 de diciembre de 2006 celebrado en la Universidad de Murcia y “La Edad Media vista por el Cine. X Curso de Historia y Cultura Medieval”, celebrado en Albarracín del 20 al 22 de Septiembre 2007. 5. Guerra González, Alfonso. Cuando el tiempo nos alcanza. Memorias (1940-1982). Madrid: Espasa, 2004: 67. 6. Vidal, Gore. Una memoria. Barcelona: DeBolsillo, 2006: 31. 7. Vidal, Gore. Una memoria...: 33. 8. Elizalde Pérez-Grueso, María Dolores. “Los años previos a la Gran Guerra, 1870-1914: consolidaciones nacionales, rivalidades imperialistas y reparto del mundo en zonas de influencia”, Europa y Estados Unidos. Una historia de la relación atlántica en los últimos cien años, José María Beneyto Pérez, Ricardo M. Martín de la Guardia, Guillermo A. Pérez Sánchez, dirs. Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, Instituto de Estudios Europeos de la Universidad San Pablo-Ceu, 2005: 33.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 427

Originals.indd 427 08/06/2009 8:18:29 h 9 10 is tes europeas , de las aristocracias europeas que se lanzaron a la conquista territorial, religiosa, g l

n económica y cultural del continente europeo. Desde la expansión occidental iniciada a partir del

E siglo XI y hasta el epilogo de la segunda guerra mundial los gobernantes europeos han mantenido in

n conflictos bélicos fuera de las fronteras naturales de Europa en un proceso de ampliación territorial

t t e de la sociedad occidental que no finalizó hasta el final de la segunda guerra mundial, con la perdida i r de las últimas colonias que todavía poseían algunas naciones europeas fuera de los margenes de W

t las fronteras nacionales europeas.

no Hasta el inicio del siglo XX con la primera guerra mundial, la vieja europea seguía anclada a sus

s viejas colonias africanas y asiáticas, mientras que la oligarquía anglosajona-protestante de Estados e x t Unidos había diseñado con la doctrina Monroe la política panamericanista de Estados Unidos como T potencia dirigente del continente americano. t h e

f Los Estados Unidos de América vigorizado en el continente americano y Europa narcotizada por o

s los efluvios de las esencias y los ensueños de sus viejas e inabarcables colonias.

a l Hasta 1917 Estados Unidos se había aislado de los problemas del viejo continente, de la “suicida in g i vieja Europa” de la que habían huido no hacía tan poco los primero colonos de la nueva nación. r

O Hasta este año la doctrina ideada por el Secretario de Estado Quincy Adams bajo la presidencia de James Monroe, estipulaba que Estados Unidos rechazaba la presencia de las potencias europeas en cualquier territorio del hemisferio Americano, a la vez que se comprometía a no inmiscuirse en la política europea y mucho menos en sus guerras. El presidente Wilson abrogó esta doctrina en 1917 con la participación por primera vez de los ejércitos de Estados Unidos en el continente europeo. Tropas de Estados Unidos siguen todavía asentadas en territorio europeo11. La entrada de Estados Unidos en Europa para combatir en la primera guerra mundial y el papel desempeñado por la potencia norteamericana al fin del segundo gran conflicto internacional del siglo XX, suponía para Estados Unidos la apertura hacia Europa y para el caduco y rancio continente el inició de su postrera americanización. El fin del colonialismo y la nueva posición de Estados Unidos como potencia hegemónica mundial después de 1945 suponía un cambio brusco en el liderazgo del mundo, que ponía fin a un liderazgo europeo fraguado en la plenitud del medioevo y consolidado y ampliado en los siglos posteriores. En las dos primeras décadas del siglo XX la primacía en los mercados internacionales del cinematógrafo correspondía a Francia, Italia y Dinamarca. El auge de la industria del cine en Estados Unidos se iniciaría tras el final de la primera guerra mundial con un gran despegue en su industria cinematográfica y se consolidaría definitivamente al final de la segunda guerra mundial12. No olvidemos que la Historia del siglo XX arranca verdaderamente en la primera guerra, mundial 13con los profundos cambios que produjo el fin de las beligerancias entre las gradnes potencias. Las consecuencias de este conflicto, marcan el arranque de una nueva etapa social y cultural, que coincide plenamente con el origen y consolidación del cine como espectáculo de masas.

9. Bartlett, Robert. La formación de Europa. Conquista, colonización y cambio cultural, 950-1350. Valencia-Granada: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Valencia-Universidad de Granada, 2003. 10. Sobre el concepto de grupo dirigente en la Edad Media en el occidente europeo: Morsel, Joseph. L’aristocratie médié- vale. Ve-XVe siècle. Paris: Armand Colin, 2004. 11. Vidal, Gore. Una memoria...: 75. 12. Talens, Jenaro; Zunzunegui, Santos, coords. Historia General del Cine. I. Orígenes del Cine. Madrid: Cátedra, 1998: 211. 13. Elizalde Pérez-Grueso, María Dolores. “Los años previos a la Gran Guerra...:17.

428 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 428 08/06/2009 8:18:30 h

En este sentido el interés del medievalista por el cine producido en Estados Unidos, se puede is g l

centrar en la aproximación a un medio audiovisual, que tiene una gran utilidad como herramienta n

didáctica en el aula, pero también como vía de reflexión sobre los cauces que han llevado a diferen- E in

tes generaciones en el siglo XX a fraguar una imagen más o menos estereotipada de la Edad Media. n

Me parece exagerada la opinión de Stuart Airlie cuando afirma que Movies“ can be dangerous for t t e i medievalists”14. Esa frase podía haber sido certera a principios del siglo XX, pero en la actualidad no r W

creo que los especialistas en Historia Medieval encontremos “peligrosas” las películas ambientadas t

en la Edad Media. no

En una reciente obra Jacques Heers mostraba de forma rigurosa, certera y en ocasiones jocosa s la visión falsa y ambigua que se había transmitido sobre el periodo comprendido entre los siglos V e x t T y XV, desde el renacimiento hasta el siglo XIX e incluso hasta una parte del siglo XX, analizando t h e

diversos textos elaborados en los últimos quinientos años, sobre ciertos prejuicios e ideas este- f o

reotipadas acerca del feudalismo, la iglesia, el campesinado o la propia Edad Media como periodo s

histórico, descubriendo y revisando las diferentes leyendas negras que se han ido tejiendo en los a l in

15 g últimos quinientos años sobre el Medioevo . i r

Al igual que sucedió con la leyenda negra hispánica, toda esta literatura permitió consolidar en O el occidente europeo una visión peyorativa y negativa sobre la Edad Media reflejada en esa frase “Los siglos oscuros”, que todavía podemos ver incluida en algún que otro manual, obra literaria, etc. ambientada en la Edad Media y especialmente en la prensa. Una de las formas más comunes y trilladas de iniciar una película ambientada en la Edad Media es con una voz en off que sobre una imagen dramática recuerda al espectador que la acción se va a ubicar en los siglos oscuros propios de la Edad Media. Lo que en líneas generales ha marcado una diferencia entre la visión del medioevo que se ha proyectado desde Estados Unidos y la que se ha generado en el cine europeo, es que en el primer caso nos topamos con la visión más idealizada, limpia, luminosa, colorista y utópica del mundo medieval, frente a la oscura, fría, cruda, y realista recreación que ha realizado Europa de su propia Historia medieval. En los albores del siglo XXI es el momento de plantear un análisis sobre la visión que el cine de Estados Unidos ha transmitido de la Edad Media y la influencia que ha podido tener de divulgación histórica y de colonización cultural reciproca entre el viejo y el nuevo mundo. Una imagen de la Edad Media, reflejada en centenares de películas, que con mayor o menor impacto en el público, han forjado representaciones muy nítidas acerca de lo que podía haber sido la Edad Media y de lo que para millones de personas en el mundo son aspectos intrínsecamente relacionados con su visión personal del medioevo. Dado que los Estados Unidos de América es el país que porcentual- mente más filmes ha producido ambientados en la Edad Media, y que son los que más público atraen a las sales de cine, consideró necesaria una reflexión sobre la imagen del mundo medieval proyectada por el cine de Estados Unidos. Recurriendo a un tópico como el Far West, es muy difícil concebir una visión diferente que la reflejada por el western cinematográfico sobre la Historia de los Estados Unidos en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, en las películas de maestros como John Ford, Anthony Mann, Howard Hawks,

14. Airlie, Stuart. “Strange eventful histories: the Middle Ages in the cinema”, The Medieval World, Peter Linehan, Janet L. Nelson, eds. London: Routledge, 2001: 163. 15. Heers, Jacques. La invención de la Edad Media. Barcelona: Crítica, 1995.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 429

Originals.indd 429 08/06/2009 8:18:31 h

is Otto Preminger, etc. Pero es la obligación de los Historiadores especialistas en el periodo, negar esa g l

n imagen falsa del Oeste americano y reivindicar una revisión seria y rigurosa de la Historia de Estados

E Unidos en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, lo que no va a impedir que sigamos emocionándonos con in

n el visionado de estos maravillosos filmes.

t t e Reflexionar en torno a la visión de la Edad Media a través del cine norteamericano, me lleva i r a plantearme una cuestión ¿En que medida ha podido influir el cine directa o indirectamente en W

t varias generaciones de estudiantes y profesionales de la Historia en el aprendizaje de su disciplina?.

no Estoy convencido que hay una influencia, que no creo que se pueda mensurar. La propia evolución

s cultural del siglo XX, ha provocado un necesario cambio en todos los niveles de la enseñanza y de e x t la escritura de la Historia. En 1920 la Academia Holandesa solicitó a un historiador tan prestigioso T como Johan Huizinga una asesoría sobre el valor de un proyecto de archivo de documentales t h e

f cinematográficos. Huizinga se mostró contrario al proyecto alegando que el cine no realizaba o

s ninguna contribución seria al conocimiento de la Historia. La respuesta del sabio holandés fue la

a l que correspondía con un periodo de infancia del cine y todavía poco apreciado por los intelectuales in g i de la época. r

O En los albores del siglo XXI el cine ha adquirido su mayoría de edad, y sus valores artísticos y pedagógicos son reconocidos universalmente, siendo habitual encontrar en libros rigurosos de investigación histórica referencias al Séptimo arte16.

2. Los géneros. El cine histórico en estados unidos

El cine, tanto en su concepción artística como en su análisis crítico, se ha organizado práctica- mente desde sus orígenes en géneros y en estas pautas fue decisiva la aportación realizada por el cine norteamericano especialmente por los dictados de las “majors”, las grandes compañías que se especializaban cada una de ellas en un genero específico. La elaboración histórica de cualquiera de ellos, se trate de un western, un musical o un thriller, se basa en la repetición de unos determinados esquemas compositivos, de unas tipologías temáticas y de personajes o, incluso, de unas determinadas características técnicas —por ejemplo, el blanco y negro, la presencia más o menos constante de ambientes claustrofóbicos y los fuertes contrastes en la iluminación en el cine negro, así como los espacios abiertos, el caballo, el revólver, el duelo o la cantina, como marco escenográfico y como elementos propios de un western. Incluso los actores, actrices y directores de una compañía permitían plantear proyectos en torno a un género concreto, ajustados a las características visuales de sus estrellas. La compañía Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer utilizó a su estrella Robert Taylor para producir tres películas ambientadas en la Edad Media, Ivanhoe (1952), Knights of the Round Table (1953) y Quentin Durward (1955), las tres filmadas por Richard Thorpe utilizando la nueva técnicas del CinemaScope. Otras compañías como la Warner Bros que contaban con actores como Humphrey Bogart utilizaban su perfil para realizar excelentes filmes policiacos o de cine negro, mientras que la Universal Pictures se orientaba hacia el cine de terror y con Boris Karloff en Frankestein (1931) y Bela Lugosi en Dracula (1931), realizó alguna de las obras cumbres del genero.

16. Barlett, Robert. La formación de Europa...: 89.

430 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 430 08/06/2009 8:18:32 h

Cuando nos acercamos a un film que se nos presenta ya encuadrado o que decidimos enmarcar is g l

dentro de una de dichas categorías de género, es posible seguir los pasos que descubran una lógica n

inscrita de antemano en el film17. E in

La Historia sobre el cine histórico es muy reciente en nuestro país. Algunos pioneros como Mar- n

co Ferro llevan trabajando en Francia desde los años sesenta, ante el estupor y la incomprensión t t e i de compañeros y colegas. En todo caso la labor de este historiador ha terminado cuajando y han r W

surgido diversas escuelas en Europa y América que reivindican la utilización del cine como fuente t

de conocimiento y de divulgación de la Historia. Una tarea similar a la que ha realizado Ferro en no

Europa ha sido llevada a cabo en Estados Unidos por Robert A. Rosentone, uno de los padres de la s escuela norteamericana. e x t T Es necesario valorar someramente los diferentes enfoques de ambos a la hora de abordar el film t h e

como documento histórico. Mientras que autores prestigiosos como Marco Ferro desde la Historia f o

y Pierre Sorlin desde la Sociología plantean en sus obras el análisis de la visión de la historia a tra- s

vés del cine, mientras que Rosenstone hace hincapié sobre todo en como las películas explican y a l in g se relacionan con la Historia. i r

Desde estos planteamientos contamos con tres vías desde el campo de la Historia para acercar- O nos al cine: 1) El cine como fuente de investigación del pasado. Documentación-investigación. 2) El cine como vía de estudio y conocimiento del pasado, en sus niveles más avanzados, didác- ticos así cómo de divulgación histórica. Enseñanza. 2.a. La época retratada en la película. 2.b. Periodo en él que se rodo la película. 3) El cine como vehículo para reconstruir la Historia. Escritura alternativa. Creación. Cine de autor. Podemos intentar realizar una definición sencilla: un film histórico será aquél que sitúasu acción en un pasado identificable respecto a la contemporaneidad de su producción. Esa identifi- cación pasará por la acumulación de detalles o indicaciones históricas capaces de otorgar verosimilitud al discurso audiovisual y de hacerlo trabajar en favor de un cierto sentido histórico. En el cine histórico nos movemos entre la descripción del pasado y su explicación o interpretación. En función de la propuesta realzada se puede quedar en una mera visualización (a veces sólo esceno- gráfica) del pasado o una restitución en su totalidad significativa18. ¿Qué entendemos por programa histórico? Manuel Palacio, en su excelente artículo sobre “La Historia en la Televisión”, respondía a esta cuestión: “De nuevo, lo mejor será no perderse en debates y seguir los cánones más frecuentados por la dialéctica entre presente y pasado, contemporaneidad e Historia. Programa histórico será en estas páginas aquel cuyo contenido se desarrolla cuanto menos diez años antes que el tiempo de su emisión. No haremos distinciones entre programas que se basan en una adaptación literaria (por ej. Fortunata y Jacinta o La Regenta) y otros que parten de un tema original (por ej. Los desastres de la Guerra).En otras palabras, el espectador se encuentra frente a una determinada escenografía (ambiente, vestuarios, mobiliario, arquitectura, urbanismo, etc) que fija su percepción de la obra como un discurso histórico o, más apropiada-

17. Carmona, Ramón. Cómo se comenta un texto fílmico. Madrid: Cátedra, 1993: 54. 18. Monterde, José Enrique. “Historia y Cine. Notas introductorias”. Cuadernos de la Academia, 6 (Septiembre-1999)(Fic- ciones Históricas, José Enrique Monterde, dir. Madrid: Academia de las Artes y las Ciencias Cinematográficas de España, 1999): 11.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 431

Originals.indd 431 08/06/2009 8:18:33 h

is mente, como una narración que habla “del pasado”, con independencia que en el origen se trate

g l 19

n de un texto literario .

E A través de Enrique Monterde podemos matizar un poco más esa definición. El cine histórico in

n se caracteriza no tanto porque el objeto de su discurso —bajo la forma de una representación—

t t e pertenezca al pasado, como por el hecho de que, para acceder a él, haya que transitar otra forma i r de representación que conocemos con el nombre de Historia. Esto significa que la legalización del W

t cine histórico es extracinematográfica, depende incluso de los modelos historiográficos desde los

no que se interrogue al film en cuanto trabajo historizador. En esa línea se hacen pertinentes diversas

s cuestiones relativas a la naturaleza de los hechos históricos seleccionados, al desarrollo que expe- e x t rimentan en el film, a la jerarquización bajo la que se nos presentan, etc. Pero en todo caso, en la T medida en que se da esa representación (fílmica) de otra representación (histórica) siempre podrá t h e 20 f quedar un margen, un espacio, para el trabajo de producción de sentido histórico . o

s También resulta interesante la reflexión que realizó Tarkovsky en relación a su excelente pe-

a l lícula “Andrei Rublev”, ambientada en el siglo XV, sobre la que decía: “No entiendo las películas in g i históricas que no son pertinentes en el presente. Para mí lo más importante es utilizar material r 21 O histórico para expresar las ideas del hombre y para crear personajes contemporáneos” . Esta idea nos puede llevar a plantearnos que las películas históricas pueden tratar de como somos en realidad, más de como éramos. Con filmes como Espartaco, se explica la situación política de EEUU en los años 50 y anticipa la situación de principios de los años sesenta, en que se luchaba por los derechos humanos y se denunciaba la corrupción de sus políticos y del gobierno norteamericano. Es imposible observar el tratamiento dado por Hollywood al mundo antiguo en títulos como Quo Vadis)? (1951), Ben-Hur (1959) y Spartacus (1960), sin compararlos con nazis y comunistas22. En el contexto internacional actual una película como Kingdom of heaven, planteó en el momento de su estreno, una justificación a la invasión de Irak por la administración norteamericana y realizó un paralelismo entre la supuesta colaboración entre los ejércitos cruzados y la población autóctona y la ayuda que el ejército de Estados Unidos iba a prestar a la población de Irak tras la conquista de dicho país. Juan Francisco González en una obra reciente ha realizado una clasificación del cine épico, catalogando como históricas a aquellas películas que responden a una concepción de la Historia basada en determinados personajes o hechos históricos, y ofrecen una visión propia de dicho hecho o personaje: no importa tanto la fidelidad estricta a los hechos tal como realmente acontecieron, sino más bien la perspectiva que el director nos ofrece a través de determinados hechos y personajes23. Ahora bien y sin cuestionar esta definición, con este criterio podemos situar a una buena parte de la producción cinematográfica dentro del cine histórico. Prácticamente la mayor parte de las pe- lículas ambientadas antes de la caída del muro de Berlín, nos situarían en un contexto histórico, la conquista del oeste americano, la depresión americana, el New Deal de Roosvelt, la segunda guerra mundial, la guerra fría, la guerra de Vietnam, etc.

19. Palacio, Manuel. “La Historia en la televisión”. Cuadernos de la Academia, 6 (Septiembre-1999) (Ficciones Históricas, José Enrique Monterde, dir. Madrid: Academia de las Artes y las Ciencias Cinematográficas de España, 1999): 139. 20. Monterde, José Enrique. “Historia y Cine...”: 11. 21. Kobal, John. Las 100 mejores películas. Madrid: Alianza, 2003: 85-86. 22. Wyke, Maria. Projecting the past: Ancient Rome, Cinema, and History. New York: Routledge, 1997, citado por Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo...: 16. 23. González, Juan Francisco. Aprender a ver cine. Madrid: Rialp, 2002: 35.

432 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 432 08/06/2009 8:18:34 h

Por ello otros autores, prefieren mantener la estructura básica de los géneros y situar exclusi- is g l

vamente dentro del género épico a aquellas películas que intencionadamente tienen un trasfondo n

histórico o se sitúan en escenarios históricos perfectamente entendibles para cualquier espectador. E in

De esta forma, podemos catalogar The Searchers (Centauros del Desierto) de John Ford como n

western y no como una película histórica, ya que aunque aparecen referencias históricas, el fin de t t e i la guerra en Estados Unidos, el conflicto con los indios, etc., la película es un western puro, ya que r W

lo histórico es secundario, mientras que la epopeya de Ethan Edwards, un individuo y su peripecia t

personal en el Oeste Americano es el eje de la película. no

El nacimiento del cine épico en Estados Unidos estuvo condicionado por las circunstancias pre- s vias y posteriores a la primera guerra mundial. Antes del estallido del conflicto bélico que provocó e x t T la primera intervención militar de Estados Unidos en Europa, las primeras grandes producciones t h e

épicas se rodaron en el viejo continente y se puede considerar la primera obra destacada del cine f o 24 épico la realizada en Italia en 1908 “Gli ultimi giorni di Pompeii” de Luigi Maggi , en el contexto de la s

Edad de Oro del cine italiano, destacando producciones como Cabiria (1914) dirigida por Giovanni a l in g Pastrone y una de las grandes películas épicas del periodo silente. Es la primera gran película épica i r

y que con sus impresionantes efectos visuales, su iluminación y el colosalismo de sus escenas con O numerosos extras, impresionaron profundamente en la época a espectadores y cineastas e influyeron notablemente en pioneros del género como Grifith sobre todo en una de sus grandes películas “Intolerancia” (1916). El extraordinario éxito de estas superproducciones italianas eclipsó al cine épico francés, que hasta 1914 había sido muy prolífico. Algo similar sucedió con el cine histórico inglés. La primera guerra mundial interrumpió esta trayectoria dorada en Italia, mientras que las grandes superproducciones se siguieron realizando en EEUU a pesar del fracaso comercial de alguna de sus grandes obras como la citada Intolerancia rodada durante la primera guerra mundial. Prácticamente la primera guerra mundial acabó con las expectativas de la creación de una pode- rosa industria cinematográfica en Europa, especialmente en países como Italia, con obras asocia- das al cine épico y a las grandes superproducciones o “colosales”. Tras este declive, interrumpido brevemente por un renacer del cine italiano en los años veinte, el cine épico tuvo su desarrollo con la incorporación primero del sonido y después del color en la industria norteamericana. En los años treinta se va a producir un primer apogeo del cine épico en Hollywood, siendo The Crusades (1935) de Cecil B. De Mille la primera gran película sonora ambientada en la Edad Media, seguida tres años después por uno de los grandes clásicos del cine épico The adventures of Robin Hood (1938) de Michael Curtiz y William Keighley, primera gran superproducción rodada en Technicolor, con el protagonismo de Errol Flynn, un reparto de lujo y la evocadora música de Erich Wolfgang Korn- gold. Resultando una muy buena película de aventuras y romances ambientada en uno de los escenarios más característicos del cine de temática medieval, el bosque de Sherwood. Tanto en Caribia como en Intolerancia se apuntan algunas de las grandes características del género, superproducciones épicas en todos los aspectos, colosalismo, nueva estructura narrativa, efectos especiales espectaculares, escenas con miles de extras. Tras estos pioneros vendrán los directores que echaran los cimientos del genero de forma definitiva como Cecil B. de Mille que con sus películas ambientadas en la Antigüedad y en el mundo me-

24. Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo...: 24.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 433

Originals.indd 433 08/06/2009 8:18:35 h

is dieval, lo situaran como uno de los grandes directores del cine épico y especialmente del “Colosal”,

g l 25

n consiguiendo con producciones como Samson and Delilah (1949) revigorizar el género “antiguo”

E Cecil B. de Mille con una concepción industrial y de espectáculo en sus producciones, buscando in

n éxitos espectaculares en taquilla, utilizaba argumentos históricos sobre bases sólidas, para después

t t e en la elaboración del guión, situar en el centro de su Historia las tramas amorosas, las intrigas, la i r violencia, las pasiones, etc., en un coctel que a los historiadores nos puede parecer indigesto, ex- W

t plosivo, histriónico, e incluso disparatado, pero que supo calar hondo en millones de espectadores

no durante varías generaciones, incluso décadas después de la realización de una película como es el

s caso de Ten Commandments (1956) (Los Diez Mandamientos). En Cleopatra (1934) se interesa por e x t los romances de la emperatriz egipcia, soslayando cualquier otra cuestión. En The Crusades (1935) T auténtico sainete que utiliza como pretexto las Cruzadas para presentarnos un espectáculo de t h e 26 f amor, pasiones, violencia y lucha santa y justa contra el Islam . o

s De esta forma y con el renacer del cine épico en los años cincuenta se va a producir el apogeo

a l del genero épico, en una tendencia en la que hay que destacar la competencia con la televisión in g i que producía perdidas millonarias a los estudios de Hollywood y obligaba a ofrecer productos más r

O espectaculares, lo que llevo a la utilización y el triunfo de la pantalla panorámica, utilizada abun- dantemente en las películas épicas ambientadas en la Antigüedad y la Edad Media, siendo The Robe (1953) el primer film en CinemaScope. El éxito financiero, de público y de premios de la Academia de Ben-Hur (1959) nos lleva a la cima del cine épico. En esta obra de William Wyler, se utilizó un texto literario de 1880 que como rezaba en la propaganda promocional “es una Historia que ha conmovido a una generación de lectores tras otra”. La película incluye tres elementos básicos del cine épico, violencia, acción y amor y en este caso con el atractivo especial de la aparición de Jesu- cristo. Estas eran algunas de las claves del éxito de las superproducciones colosales de una “Major” como la Metro Goldwyn Mayer. Posteriormente y a partir de los años sesenta Spartacus (1960) marco una gran diferencia con respecto a las anteriores películas épicas mostrando una “sensibilidad moderna” tal y como ha sido definida por los críticos especialistas. Se trata de una de las mejores películas épicas y que aporta significativas novedades, como la de no incluir la cuestión religiosa, no tiene mártir religioso. Los problemas suscitados durante el rodaje y los elevados costes de Cleopatra (1963), significan prácti- camente el acta de defunción del cine épico colosal, de las grandes superproducciones. Antes de producirse el actual renacer del cine épico, las producciones épicas se refugiaron en el medio televisivo, donde encontraron más posibilidades financieras y técnicas, amén de un público ávido de contemplar estas recreaciones históricas en las pantallas de su televisor. Algunos de los ejemplos más destacados para el mundo antiguo son Jesus of Nazareth (1977) de Franco Zefirelli o I Claudius (1976) de Herbert Wisse. Para la época contemporánea fue un gran éxito la serie Roots (1977). De la época medieval podemos destacar entre las numerosas producciones realizadas, The Ad- ventures of Robin Hood (1955), The Legend of Robin Hood (1968), Marco Polo (1982), Ivanhoe (1982), Robin of Sherwood (1984), Arthur the King (1985), Joan of Arc (1991), Charlemagne, le prince à cheval (1993), Cadfael (1994), Guinevere (1994), Desideria e ĺ annello del drago (1994), Ivanhoe (1997), Il

25. Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo...: 31. 26. En The Crusades la larga lista de personajes históricos incluye a Saladino, Felipe de Francia, Ricardo Corazón de León, Sancho de Navarra, Berengaria de Navarra y la mención a Barbarroja. Además de apariciones tan espectaculares como una monja con su hábito completo en un mercado de esclavos islámico.

434 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 434 08/06/2009 8:18:36 h

cuore e la spada (Tristan e Isolda) (1998), Merlin (1998), Dark Ages (1999), Attila (2001), The Mists is g l

of Avalon (2001), Princess of Thieves (2001), Merlin and the Queen (2004), Robin Hood (2006) y n

en nuestro país y Pedro I el Cruel (1988) y Réquiem por Granada (1990). Esta pequeña muestra del E in

potencial televisivo requiere de un análisis especifico de la visión del mundo medieval en las pro- n 27

ducciones televisivas . t t e i En la actualidad el éxito de producciones como Titanic (1997), Braveheart (1995), Gladiator r W

(2000), King Arthur (2004) o Kingdom of Heaven (2005), Alatriste (2006), The Last Legion (2007) o t

Beowulf (2007), han provocado el resurgir de las producciones épicas en formato de superproduc- no

ción o “colosal”, dado que la introducción de las nuevas tecnologías en la industria del cine, han s abaratado considerablemente los astronómicos costes de producción de estos filmes. e x t T Podemos concluir afirmando que el cine histórico ha encontrado en algunos temas dotados de t h e

atractivo cultural, histórico y popular a la vez, un filón que ha sabido explotar dentro de un estilo f o

artístico en el que ha primado especialmente el espectáculo colorista y de masas por encima de un s

análisis riguroso. En la actualidad para la mayoría de la población, la principal fuente de conoci- a l in

28 g miento histórico es el medio audiovisual, el cine y la televisión . De esta forma la antigüedad en i r

general, pero muy especialmente los temas bíblicos, Roma y la Edad Media han sido los escenarios O históricos que recreados por la industria del cine han transportado bajo una óptica muy peculiar a millones de espectadores de todo el mundo a las calles de Roma, al Egipto de los faraones, a la tierra Santa ocupada por los cruzados o a los escenarios de la vida y pasión de Cristo. En esta inspiración han sido fundamentales, sobre todo en el cine de Hollywood, las obras literarias que habían tenido previamente un gran éxito popular, lo que a ojos de los magnates de la Industria prometía una afluencia masiva de espectadores a ver estas películas sobre historias que como decía la propaganda de la época habían leído generación tras generación de lectores. Por tanto, es indudable que la transmisión del conocimiento general de la Historia y de fenóme- nos históricos muy señalados, viene condicionada por las imágenes recibidas a través del lenguaje cinematográfico por millones de espectadores de todo el mundo.

3. La Edad Media en el cine de Estados Unidos

La Edad Media ha estado presente en el Séptimo Arte, prácticamente desde el nacimiento de esta nueva forma de expresión artística tan popular y que ha sido capaz de llegar a miles de millones de espectadores en todo el mundo. Al poco de dar sus primeros balbuceos el cine, se realizó la hasta ahora conocida como primera producción cinematográfica ambientada en la Edad Media la obra “Joan of Arc” de Alfred Clark, realizada en 1895 en Estados Unidos y cinco años después “Jeanne d’Arc” de Georges Méliès, realizada en Francia en 1900 por uno de los pioneros del cine y uno de los primeros que intuyeron las enormes posibilidades del séptimo arte como espectáculo de entretenimiento de masas. Esta elección inicial de la heroína nacional francesa del siglo XV para realizar las primeras películas ambientadas en el medioevo, resulto ser muy acertada ya que desde aquella fecha se han rodado dieciocho filmes y se ha anunciado el estreno deJoan of Arc: The Virgin Warrior, de Ronald F. Maxwell. Un número realmente muy elevado para un único personaje de la

27. Un trabajo excelente y que puede servir de modelo lo podemos encontrar en Palacio, Manuel. “La Historia en la televisión”. Cuadernos de la Academia, 6 (Septiembre-1999) (Ficciones Históricas, José Enrique Monterde, dir. Madrid: Aca- demia de las Artes y las Ciencias Cinematográficas de España, 1999): 137-150. 28. Rosenstone, Robert A. El pasado en imágenes: El desafío del cine a nuestra idea de la Historia. Barcelona: Ariel, 1997: 29.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 435

Originals.indd 435 08/06/2009 8:18:37 h

is Edad Media y desde un punto exclusivamente historiográfico, secundario y no de los más impor- g l

n tantes. Algunos de los más destacados personajes de la Historia Medieval o hechos históricos de

E gran relevancia apenas han tenido proyección en el cine. in

n La importancia del mundo medieval en el cine se puede confirmar al comprobar la existencia de 29

t t e más de 500 títulos de filmes en nuestro último catalogo sobre cine medieval todavía inédito . No i r se han incluido aquellas producciones que por diferentes motivos adolecían de una clara intencio- W

t nalidad de reflejar con mayor o menor verosimilitud un pasado histórico identificable. En nuestra

no definición anterior de cine histórico aludíamos a “indicaciones históricas capaces de otorgar ve-

s rosimilitud al discurso audiovisual y de hacerlo trabajar en favor de un cierto sentido histórico”. e x t Sobre este concepto hemos excluido las producciones animadas, las astracanadas cómicas alejadas T de toda historicidad, verbigracia títulos como Robin Hood: Men in Tights (1993) del Mel Brooks, o las t h e

f socorridas películas que una y otra vez utilizan como hilo conductor y con numerosas variaciones o

s el relato de Mark Twain A Connecticut Yankee At King Arthur’s Court. En fechas recientes tenemos dos

a l ejemplos que aportan la novedad de utilizar conocidos actores afro-americanos populares por su in

g 30 i vis cómica como protagonistas principales de la trama. A Knight in Camelot (1998) protagonizada r 31 O por Woopi Goldberg o Black Knight (2001) con el popular actor Martin Lawrence. Este tipo de anacronismos son frecuentes en el cine, con el atractivo ineludible que supone mezclar épocas y personajes en un mismo espacio y tiempo, verbigracia las manidas maquinas del tiempo. Otro tipo de alusiones habituales se encuentran en los cientos de filmes que ocurren en la época actual y presentan historias nuevas pero hacen referencia a tiempos históricos pasados como la antigüedad32 o la Edad Media. En títulos rodados entre 1986 y 2000 Jon Solomon ha localizado alrededor de 300 referencias de este tipo33. Aunque suelen resultar vulgares y ramplones, hay excepciones en las que la combinación de tiempos actuales con épocas remotas puede generar momentos de gran belleza intelectual y estética como en The time bandits (1981) o The fischer king (1991) ambas de Terry Gilliam o pueden resultar hilarantes como Les visiteurs (1993) de Jean-Marie Poiré. Tampoco hemos considerado las producciones realizadas exclusivamente para la televisión, como algunas excelentes y bien documentadas series de televisión que merecerían un estudio

29. Versión actualizada a febrero de 2008. Se trata de una base de datos en formato Acces donde he ido recogiendo a través de diversas fuentes de información, una relación de filmes ambientados en la Edad Media. He incluido como datos básicos de información el nombre del director, el título, el año de producción, el país productor y he asignado a cada obra una temática concreta, verbigracia Bizancio, Ciclo Artúrico, Cruzadas, San Francisco, Juana de Arco, etc. La selección de los títulos para incluir en el catalogo ha sido compleja, ya que no existe una única fuente de información que recopile con criterios rigurosos estas obras. Un punto de arranque ha sido el excelente apéndice recogido en la obra de Attolini, Vito. Immagini del Medioevo nel cinema. Bari: Dedalo, 1993. Pero al ser insuficiente y no actualizada la infor- mación recogida en esta obra, he tenido que ampliar la búsqueda en otras referencias bibliográficas y especialmente en las bases de datos que se pueden encontrar en Internet. La parte más compleja ha sido la recopilación de títulos de la época silente, ya que de algunas obras apenas se conservan datos fragmentarios sobre el director o el título de la obra. En todo caso esta base de datos en proceso de elaboración, ya que su presentación definitiva requiere del visionado de algunas obras en los fondos de las filmotecas nacionales correspondientes. Al no existir ninguna línea de investigación en Historia Medieval sobre las películas ambientadas en la Edad Media, no se ha desarrollado en España un estudio sistemático y serio sobre estas cuestiones. 30. Un error informático traslada a la protagonista a la época medieval, a la corte del rey Arturo en Camelot, teniendo que desempeñar la protagonista el papel de Morgana. 31. El protagonista empleado de un parque temático medieval, por un accidente fortuito es trasladado al siglo XIV al castillo y la corte de un rey medieval. 32. Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo...: 39. 33. Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo...: 39.

436 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 436 08/06/2009 8:18:38 h

monográfico por sus peculiaridades de estilo, lenguaje e intencionalidad y que las alejan del estilo is

34 g l

propio de las producciones cinematográficas . n

Conviene aclarar los criterios aplicados en este trabajo y en la base de datos aludida para aplicar E in

el criterio de filme ambientado en época medieval. Primero la cuestión cronológica. Para el espacio n

Occidental y Oriental cristiano y el Islámico, básicamente el mundo islámico, la Europa cristiana t t e i y el mundo eslavo-bizantino, se ha seguido la cronología básica de la Edad Media, siglos V-XV35. r W

Para el mundo asiático y especialmente la representación del feudalismo japonés en el cine, nos ha t

llevado en este caso a ampliar el espectro cronológico hasta la creación del Shogunato Tokugawa a no

principios del siglo XVII y que puso fin al periodo de guerras internas entre los barones o señores s de la guerra feudales japoneses. e x t T Una de las primeras valoraciones positivas que conviene realizar sobre el papel de La Edad t h e

Media en el cine, es la de reivindicar la importancia que ha tenido este tiempo histórico para las f o

representaciones cinematográficas. Frente a un genero consolidado como el “Peplum” (películas s

de toga y sandalia) o cine de Romanos36 y cuyos argumentos principales se sitúan en la Historia a l in

37 g de Roma, el Antiguo Testamento y la pasión de Cristo , se ha podido pensar que este importante i r

modelo de producciones colosales situadas en la Antigüedad y basadas mayoritariamente en refe- O rencias bíblicas, habían eclipsado a otras épocas históricas como la Edad Media. Los datos ofrecidos por Jon Solomon, que alude a “aproximadamente 400 filmes situados en el mundo antiguo” nos permiten afirmar con rotundidad una paridad entre el número de filmes situados en la Antigüedad y en el mundo medieval. Frente a esta hegemonía historiográfica y de la crítica cinematográfica sobre la relevancia del cine de “romanos”, hay que reivindicar el papel desempeñado en el cine norteamericano por las películas ambientadas en la Edad Media. Este artículo pretende demostrar dicha importancia y especialmente analizar aquellos temas que más han sido mostrados en el cine realizado en Estados Unidos y que en definitiva han terminado reconstruyendo una cierta “estética medieval” de Hollywood, una cierta forma de representar la Edad Media que indudablemente ha calado profundamente en millones de individuos que visionaron estos filmes en el siglo XX. Sobre los parámetros cronológicos apuntados, también podemos plantear una gran división en espacios históricos medievales y su representación en el cine. El mundo islámico no ha tenido una abundante representación, siendo de escasa calidad salvo algunas obras muy concretas y ha sido observado desde la visión del exotismo, la sensualidad y del misterio oriental con escasos o nulos acercamientos rigurosos y con el interés de poder proyectar efectos especiales en una de las obras cumbres de la literatura universal y fantástica Las mil y una noches38. Una de las primeras películas

34. Verbigracia la excelente serie Cadfael (1994) interpretada por el conocido actor Derek Jacobi que alcanzo la populari- dad internacional por su interpretación del emperador romano Claudio. La Historia de las series de televisión en España se puede encontrar en el excelente trabajo de Palacio, Manuel. “La Historia en la televisión...”: 137-150. 35. Para las películas sobre el occidente medieval, no hemos considerado las posteriores a 1492 y las relacionadas con Cristóbal Colón, ya que el descubrimiento de América queda fuera del marco del mundo medieval. 36. Para conocer el impacto del cine de romanos realizado en España: Aguilar, Carlos. “Romanos en España”. Cuadernos de la Academia, 6 (Septiembre-1999) (Ficciones Históricas, José Enrique Monterde, dir. Madrid: Academia de las Artes y las Ciencias Cinematográficas de España, 1999): 205-214. 37. Solomon, Jon. Peplum. El mundo antiguo...: 24. 38. Rubiera Mata, María Jesús. “Las Mil y una Noches y el cine”, Relaciones entre el cine y la literatura: un lenguaje común: 1er seminario, Juan A. Ríos Carratalá, John D. Sanderson, eds. Alicante: Secretariado de Publicaciones. Universidad de Alicante, 1996: 91-94; Bernabé Pons, Luis F. “La narración y el cine como vida: Pier Paolo Pasolini y Las Mil y una Noches”, Relaciones entre el cine y la literatura: un lenguaje común: 1er seminario, Juan A. Ríos Carratalá, John D. Sanderson, eds. Alicante: Secretariado de Publicaciones. Universidad de Alicante, 1996: 81-90.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 437

Originals.indd 437 08/06/2009 8:18:39 h

is que realizaron una destacada aportación al cine fantástico gracias a sus espectaculares efectos espe- g l

n ciales fue The 7th Voyage of Sinbad (Nathan Juran, 1958) y con la realización de los efectos especiales

E a cargo del gran especialista Ray Harry Hausen. in

n El espacio japonés ha tenido una importante aportación en calidad cinematográfica en las obras

t t e de un autor tan significativo como Akira Kurosawa. El mundo occidental cristiano ha sido el más i r representado, posiblemente porque la sociedad occidental es la que más relación ha establecido W

t entre la Edad Media y su propia Historia. El mundo Bizantino ha quedado representado especial-

no mente en un escaso número de películas soviéticas sobre la época medieval, pero con un gran

s impacto en la Historia del cine. e x t El hecho de que la Edad Media como periodo histórico sea una “invención” Occidental justi- T fica el extraordinario interés de la sociedad occidental por el Medioevo. Atracción que no deja de t h e

f incrementarse al menos en la vertiente más lúdica y menos rigurosa, en publicaciones masivas o

s de novelas y obras de divulgación, rutas turísticas, producciones televisivas y cinematográficas,

a l documentales, así como aspectos de los siglos medievales a los que se les ha dotado de un misterio in g i atávico y que siguen cautivando la imaginación de millones de individuos, como el santo grial, las r

O cruzadas, los cátaros, el rey Arturo, el grial, los templarios, las reliquias, los milagros, los santos medievales, etc. De hecho una buena parte esta mitología medieval ha cuajado en una serie de temas estrellas trasladados al cine como el ciclo artúrico, los caballeros medievales, las cruzadas, santos medievales como Juana de Arco y Francisco de Asís, etc. Uno de los argumentos que ha atraído constantemente tanto a productores, directores, guionistas y a los propios espectadores es esa visión estereotipada de la Edad Media, que sitúa el periodo histórico transcurrido entre la caída del Imperio Romano y el Mundo Moderno del Renacimiento, la Imprenta, el Descubrimiento de América, etc., en un largo periodo oscuro que se nutre de la recreación que desde finales del siglo XVIII y durante todo el siglo XIX realizaron escritores, filóso- fos, políticos, etc., que cargaron las tintas sobre un periodo que consideraron tenebroso, oscuro, de tinieblas, superstición, etc.. Fue sobre todo esa imaginación gótica y romántica del siglo XIX, la que ha alimentado la cultura popular decimonónica, pero que ha servido para seguir desarrollando una idea superficial y banal sobre el Medioevo que todavía sigue vigente en algunos ámbitos culturales, como el propio cine o cierta literatura poco rigurosa. Sobre esa idea de que el milenio transcurrido entre la Antigüedad y el Renacimiento fue una atroz pesadilla, se puede citar como ejemplo que en la película de Quentin Tarantino Pulp Fiction un gángster colérico le susurra amenazante a un enemigo “te voy a joder en ‘plan medieval’”39. Como afirma Vito Attolini, el Medioevo ofrecía a los espectadores la posibilidad de adentrarse desde las comodidades que ofrecía la sociedad del siglo XX, en una época no moderna, no eléctrica, sin automóviles, sin ferrocarriles, sin nada centralizado. Los nombres de los Nibelungos, de Robin Hood, el rey Arturo, Juana de Arco, las cruzadas, o elementos tan proclives a la imaginación gótica y romántica como el bosque, la peste, las ballestas, las brumas, las lanzas, los escudos, las gestas, los torneos, el santo grial, los caballeros de la mesa redonda, etc., contemplado desde las salas de cine40. Los productores han sabido encontrar en los temas más sugerentes del medioevo un atractivo para fascinar a millones de personas por una película de “estética medieval”. El reciente éxito comercial de una película ambientada en la Edad Media como Braveheart, amen del enorme

39. O’shea, Stephen. Los Cátaros. La Herejía Perfecta. Barcelona: Ediciones B, 2002: 25. 40. Attolini, Vito. Immagini del medioevo...: 6-7.

438 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 438 08/06/2009 8:18:40 h

impacto que ha tenido un film de tipo histórico como Gladiator, son factores que debemos valo- is g l

rar para poder entender este repentino renacimiento del cine épico o colosal, sin olvidar el papel n

fundamental desempeñado por las nuevas tecnologías aplicadas al rodaje de superproducciones, E in

abaratando los hasta hace poco elevadisimos e inafrontables gastos de la contratación de miles de n

extras para las escenas de acción, así como el también oneroso importe de la reconstrucción de t t e i castillos, el elevado presupuesto en pagar el coste de caballos y jinetes que forzosamente tienen que r W

participar en cualquier producción histórica ambientada en la Edad Media que se precie. El cine t

épico empezó a languidecer cuando se disparó el presupuesto de un gran colosal como Cleopatra no

de Mankiewiz, que a punto estuvo de llevar a la bancarrota a la Major que había asumido esta s empresa. Actualmente, rodar una película como Gladiator resulta rentable por todo lo mencionado e x t T anteriormente. t h e

Según Vito Attolini en las elecciones de los temas y personajes medievales que el cine ha llevado f o

a la pantalla, ha prevalecido el detalle, la “microHistoria”. El séptimo arte se ha preocupado menos s

de la “larga Historia”, de la Historia con mayúsculas, para concentrarse en un medioevo presentado a l in g como fondo, como tapiz, para convertirse en una Historia menor, en una microHistoria. i r

Un Medievo realista, corporal, típico del cine norteamericano frente al europeo basado en re- O latos literarios, frente a un cine profundamente religioso y espiritual propio del cine nórdico, que tiene su máxima expresión en Ingmar Bergman. También podemos observar ciertas dualidades características del cine de época medieval, un medioevo bárbaro frente a un medioevo heroico, y una dimensión fantástica frente a una dimensión realista41. Creo que una de las claves para entender el cine ambientado en la Edad Media y producido en Estados Unidos, es que en líneas generales nos encontramos con una recreación de parte de una época histórica, de una parte de sus personajes, de sus relatos, de sus acontecimientos, con el objetivo de crear una “estética medieval cinematográfica” atractiva para el público. Por tanto, unos fines muy lejanos de la reconstrucción histórica, ideal al que aspiraríamos los medievalistas a la hora de plantear la realización de una película ubicada en la Edad Media. Dado que ciertos temas han atraído la atención, tanto de los productores cinematográficos como del público aficionado al cine, voy a realizar una breve exposición y análisis de algunas de las cuestiones o personajes de la época medieval, que con más interés han sido trasladados al cine producido en Estados Unidos.

3.1 El Colossal de Hollywood. Historias de armas y aventuras

En el cine de Hollywood ambientado en la Edad Media, predominan una serie de ideas básicas que por la acostumbrada hegemonía del cine norteamericano, son las que han dado forma a la idea general o común que se tiene sobre el cine medieval en el mundo. Son historias de armas y de amor. Estas películas norteamericanas han terminado creando el prototipo de “película de ambiente medieval”, con un modelo de superproducción Kolossal, destinada a la más vasta circulación internacional, verbigracia la conocida recreación de la figura de

41.Un ejemplo de esta dimensión realista y rigurosa, aunque poco cinematográfica se puede encontrar en The Message —Mahoma, el mensajero de Díos— (Moustapha Akkad, 1976). Para un análisis más amplio: Barrio Barrio, Juan An- tonio. “El nacimiento del Islam a través de Mahoma, El mensajero de Dios”, Historia y Cine, José Uroz, ed. Alicante: Servicio de Publicaciones. Universidad de Alicante, 1999: 101-117.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 439

Originals.indd 439 08/06/2009 8:18:41 h 42 is Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar realizada por Hollywood . Braveheart, aunque es una película con un cierto g l

n aire de nacionalismo escocés, y que tuvo su influencia indirecta en el Referéndum Escocés cele-

E brado poco después del estreno de la película, es una película de producción USA, con una estrella in

n prototípica de Hollywood, dirigiendo y protagonizando la película.

t t e En estas superproducciones, de armas y amor, como la citada Braveheart, subordinadas al i r máximo espectáculo, se justifica que prevalezca la imaginación sobre la erudición, la fantasía sobre

W 43

t la realidad . Las fuentes principales sobre la que están inspirados estos filmes en su mayor parte,

no proceden de la literatura caballeresca, directa o indirectamente. Algunas directamente de leyendas

s o mitos de la literatura medieval y otras como Ivanhoe de Richard Thorpe, de novelas del siglo XIX e x t inspiradas en la literatura medieval caballeresca44. T Desglosando el listado de películas ambientadas en la Edad Media los principales temas aborda- t h e

f dos por las producciones norteamericanas van desde el ciclo artúrico, las cruzadas, los bárbaros o o

s invasores con especial protagonismo en los vikingos y los mongoles, el mundo islámico, los grandes

a l personajes de la religiosidad popular medieval como Juana de Arco, el teatro de Sheaskepeare o la in g i Europa feudal ambientada en Francia. Pero el tema estrella del cine estadounidense, son los filmes r

O ambientados en la Inglaterra medieval y relacionada con el mundo normando-sajón y en segundo plano y en relación a lo anterior el protagonismo de los espacios o personajes de la Escocia medieval, verbigracia Braveheart o Quentin Durward. Ha sido la recreación de la Inglaterra medieval lo que más ha atraído a los guionistas y los productores de Hollywood. En un largo recorrido histórico que iría de la época del rey Arturo en el siglo V hasta las peripecias de un joven escocés en la corte de Borgoña en 1465. Del siglo V al siglo XV supone recorrer toda la Edad Media, pero sin prestar atención a la cronología, a las peculiaridades de las diferentes etapas históricas que jalonan los mil años de la Edad Media. Junto a estas grandes temáticas se realizaron películas que afrontaban escenarios menores para el cine de Hollywood como la Italia medieval recreada en el conocido personaje de Marco Polo o la reconquista española en la persona del Cid. La principal reflexión que podemos extraer de esta enumeración es que si sumamos las películas centradas en la época del rey Arturo y las producciones ubicadas en el mundo normando-anglo-sajón y escoces, amén de la representación de las obras de Sheaskepeare observamos una clara predilección por el mundo medieval inglés y que supone para el publico de Estados Unidos su recreación del mundo medieval. La elección del medioevo por la industria cinematográfica de Estados Unidos puede parecer ex- traña. Pero no lo es ya que Estados Unidos al carecer de una Historia Medieval propia, ha evocado a partir del cine su inexistente Historia Medieval, centrada prácticamente en un ideal de caballería, que no es ajena en absoluto, a su propia cultura45, que a través de la literatura inglesa había nutrido tantos personajes y romances históricos que habían contribuido a difundir en los Estados Unidos el

42. Barrio Barrio, Juan Antonio. “El Cid de Anthony Mann. A través del cine histórico y la Edad Media”, Historia y Cine...: 131-152. 43. Para un análisis mas extenso de la película: Hughes, Brian. “De Wallace a Braveheart: antecedentes históricos de un mito”, Historia y Cine, José Uroz, ed. Alicante: Servicio de Publicaciones. Universidad de Alicante, 1999: 119-130. 44. Aprovecho para mencionar a escritores cuya obra ha tenido una enorme difusión a través del cine como es el caso de Robert Louis Stevenson. Obras como La Isla del Tesoro o El Misterioso caso del Dr Jekyll y Mr. Hyde han sido llevados al cine de forma recurrente. Sobre la Edad Media una novela de Stevenson ambientada en la Guerra de las Dos Rosas La Flecha Negra fue llevada al cine en 1948 por el director Gordon Douglas, en un filme menor, prácticamente de serie B, como la mayor parte de la producción de este interesante director, que forma parte del grueso de los llamados “artesanos”. 45. Aunque para ser precisos, tendríamos que decir que es un espíritu mucho más propio y cercano a la cultura del Sur de EEUU que a la cultura del Norte o del Oeste Americano.

440 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 440 08/06/2009 8:18:42 h

culto a los héroes medievales y a su propio código de honor y ubicando a Inglaterra como principal is g l

escenario de esta recreación de una imaginaria “Historia medieval norteamericana”. n

La forma en que Hollywood, tradujo este mundo de la caballería al cine, según Vito Attolini, E in

fue a través de un figurativismo incierto pero generoso con las fuentes icónicas del pasado me- n

diante una gran libertad inventiva, educada con un gusto que anticipaba el postmodernismo de los t t e i ochenta, mediante una imaginería con una suerte de prerrafaelismo filtrado a través de las páginas r

46 W

patinadas de la Revista de Moda Vogue . t

En los años cincuenta una de las grandes compañías como la Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer a través no

de una trilogía rodada por Richard Thorpe e interpretada por Robert Taylor, llevo a la máxima s expresión este ideario, con las películas Ivanhoe (1952), Knights on the round table (1953) y Quentin e x t T Durward (1955)47. La primera y la última inspiradas en sendas obras de Walter Scot y la centrada t h e

en Arturo en la obra de Sir Thomas Malory. f o

Con esta trilogía de Thorpe, el resultado final es que el mundo medieval, a través de la ins- s

piración directa de la literatura Romántica del siglo XIX e indirecta de la literatura caballeresca, a l in g queda arrinconado en un segundo plano, un fondo, un marco, en el que desarrollar un “mundo i r

de aventuras” en primer plano y como argumento principal de estas películas y como gancho y O modelo más accesible para el público de todas las latitudes. El epitome de este modelo es la segunda película Knights on the round table (1953) —“Los caballeros de la mesa redonda”— que ha sido ya referente indiscutible para todas las producciones caballerescas, incluso su reverso burlesco en el film de los Monthy Python, Monty Python and The Holy Grial (1975). En esta trilogía caballeresca medieval se perfilan algunos de los rasgos más característicos y genuinos del cine norteamericano. El perfil heroico e individualista de su protagonista principal, que debe enfrentarse en solitario a todas las adversidades y rivales posibles. Como afirma el conocido politólogo neoconversador norteamericano Robert Kagan “...tal como proclaman los europeos, los estadounidenses todavía se ven a sí mismo en términos heroicos, como Gary Cooper en Solo ante el peligro. Ellos defenderán a la gente del pueblo, tanto si la gente se lo pide como si no”48 En esta conocidísima película, High Noon (1952) de de Fred Zinnemann, el Sheriff Will Kane se ve obligado a enfrentarse a unos forajidos que amenazan a su pueblo sin que ninguno de los vecinos haga nada por ayudarle. En el excelente guión de este filme obra de Carl Foreman se encuentra la mejor expresión de los temores que azotaban al pueblo norteamericano en plena guerra fría, la posibilidad de tener que defender a otros, los europeos, frente al peligro soviético, incluso ante la posible falta de voluntad y colaboración de los propios defendidos, la Europa occidental. Sobre este argumento podemos recordar numerosas producciones norteamericanas realizadas durante la guerra fría, en la que la trama es heroica, individual y con poca ayuda para el sufrido y atormenta- do paladín de las buenas y justas causas. Existe otra interpretación tradicional de esta película y es

46. Attolini, Vito. Immagini del medioevo nel cinema...: 20. 47. Comedia clásica de capa y espada ambientada en la Europa del siglo XV y basada en una novela de Sir Walter Scott. Quentin Durward se convierte en el peón de una lucha a muerte por el poder entre dos hermanos sin escrúpulos, el Rey Luis XI y el Duque de Borgoña. La película arranca en 1465. Aparecen abundantes armas de pólvora. Al principio se alude al fin de una época y el inició de una nueva, el fin de los ideales caballerescos, y la emergencia de la pólvora, el engaño, la astucia y el triunfo de la alta diplomacia. Cortes Cancillerescas como las de Borgoña, con un claro aire renacentista. Aunque la película arranca en 1465 y se alude al Duque de Bogoña Carlos el Temerario, este personaje en realidad no fue Duque hasta 1467. 48. Kagan, Robert. Poder y debilidad: Estados Unidos y Europa en el nuevo orden mundial. Madrid: Taurus, 2003.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 441

Originals.indd 441 08/06/2009 8:18:43 h

is la de verla como un reflejo del clima de terror que se respiraba en Hollywood en el contexto de la

g l 49

n caza de brujas iniciada por el Senador de Wisconsin Joseph McCarthy .

E La última reflexión que podemos destacar sobre la visión de la Edad Media a través del cine rea- in

n lizado en Estados Unidos, es que la élite anglosajona dominante y hegemónica en Estados Unidos

t t e ha elegido como modelo histórico propio con el que sentirse identificado y proyectar la visión de su i r propia Historia nacional, la Historia del occidente europeo cristiano. Por un lado Estados Unidos se W

t incluye en esa larga Historia que calificamos de la civilización occidental. El prestigioso periodista

no Timothy Garton Ash desempolvando un viejo ejemplar de 1951 de la revista Life, en plena guerra

s fría, nos recuerda esta visión común sobre la Historia de la civilización occidental. En una “Historia e x t ilustrada del Hombre occidental” se narraba esta prodigiosa evolución que se había iniciado el año T 800 d.C. con una nueva criatura concebida para la brillante misión de “crear para el mundo una t h e

f nueva civilización”. Este hombre de piel blanca, miembros fuertes y corazón valiente, firme en la o

s convicción en la eterna salvación de su alma, empezó afanándose por alcanzar su propia libertad,

a l primero en su persona, después en su mente y espíritu y finalmente extendiéndola a los demás. En in g i este relato la evolución del hombre occidental iba “desde su aparición en la Edad Media hasta su r 50 O posición contemporánea de liderazgo de los Estados Unidos de América” . Esta visión tan simple, ramplona, ingenua y optimista del hombre y de la civilización occidental, escrita a principios de la década de 1950, es un resumen de la visión eurocentrista de la Historia que se había convertido en una nueva concepción de la Historia Universal regida por un Occidente liberador, que en plena guerra fría era liderado por Estados Unidos. En esta ideología y filosofía de la Historia Universal, encontramos el sustrato histórico e ideológico de las películas de aventuras ambientadas en la Edad Media y producidas en Estados Unidos. En estos filmes el héroe representa el paradigma de las virtudes prístinas del hombre occidental. El caballero medieval que combate en las cruzadas, el héroe cruzado que acude a liberar tierra santa en la película Kingdom of Heaven, es el antepasado de su natural continuador, el soldado y héroe norteamericano que combate contra los rivales de occidente, soviéticos, vietnamitas y en la actualidad los islamitas en Irak. Otra característica interesante de estas producciones caballerescas de Hollywood es que han contado con una impronta femenina acentuada, tanto por el papel que juegan las mujeres en el filme, como por la elección de actrices con una “acentuada femineidad” como Elizabeth Taylor, Ava Gardner, Joan Fontaine, Deborah Kerr o Sophia Loren. De esta forma el binomio armas-amor, aventura-amor queda perfectamente complementado recayendo en el personaje masculino (ej. El Cid) la tarea aventura y guerrera, y concentrándose el personaje femenino en la peripecia ro- mántica o amorosa, en ocasiones prácticamente en solitario como la mencionada El Cid, en la que Sophia Loren en el papel de doña Jimena recorre en soledad su periplo vital amoroso, mientras su marido Charlton Heston (Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar), se dedica a las aventuras y la guerra hasta el último de sus días. En las primeras películas ambientadas en la Edad Media producidas a principios del siglo XXI, vemos como las heroínas medievales se han adaptado al rol femenino propio de la moderna sociedad occidental actual. Si en las décadas gloriosas de los años cincuenta y sesenta del siglo pasado actrices como Elizabeth Taylor, Ava Gardner, Joan Fontaine, Deborah Kerr o Sophia Loren, creaban personajes de heroínas medievales con una elevada carga de femineidad y asumiendo sin

49. Sand, Sholmo. El siglo XX en pantalla. Barcelona: Crítica, 2004: 368. 50. Garton Ash, Timothy. Mundo libre. Europa y Estados Unidos ante la crisis de Occidente. Barcelona: Tusquets, 2005: 20.

442 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 442 08/06/2009 8:18:44 h

problemas su rol pasivo de mujeres románticas y enamoradas que esperaban cosiendo la llegada is g l

del guerrero. En el cine presente son jóvenes actrices como Keira Knightley, las que se adaptan n

al prototipo que espera el público medio de una mujer del siglo XXI, tanto en sus características E in

físicas, con un perfil cercano a la anorexia y con un atuendo y actitud diametralmente opuesto al n

de las grandes actrices de la época dorada del cine, con una interpretación de Ginebra pensada más t t e i para complacer al público juvenil actual que como una reinterpretación histórica del personaje, r W

presentado el filme a una Ginebra guerrera, combativa y luchadora y poco preocupada en los lan- t

ces amorosos y románticos. En la misma línea ha sido la recreación del personaje femenino en la no

película “The Last Legión” a cargo de la actriz Aishwarya Rai, con un papel también de guerrera. s e x t T 3.2. La recreación de una Edad Media cinematográfica propia: la predilección por la t h e

Inglaterra Medieval. Robin Hood y el bosque de Sherwood f o

En Inglaterra durante el reinado de Ricardo I “Corazón de León” (1189-1199), uno de los reyes a l in g medievales más famosos del celuloide, parece ser que existió un bandido benefactor al que todos i r

conocían como Robin Hood, aunque su auténtico nombre era Robert Fizooth, conde de Hunting- O ton. Las primeras referencias documentadas del personaje, se sitúan en torno a 1370 con la primera aparición del nombre Robin Hood, en el famoso poema de William Langland Piers Plowman (1370)51. Posteriormente en la Crónica de John Stow The Chronicles of England (1580), se realiza una descripción del bandido bastante favorable. Evidentemente una mención realizada trescientos años después se puede poner en duda, ya que el propio Stow utilizo como fuente de información leyendas populares, ya que desde mediados del siglo XV se conoce la existencia de baladas populares inspiradas en las gestas de Robin Hood. Pero en todo caso, hemos de reconocer que nos movemos ante un personaje que fluctúa entre la leyenda y la realidad del reinado de Ricardo I, que a pesar de su brevedad, diez años, ha dejado numerosas leyendas y mitos que han alimentado la literatura romántica y el cine. De los numerosos escenarios cinematográficos de los que nos hemos ido enamorando a lo largo de nuestras vidas, uno de ellos es el bosque de Sherwood, y Robin Hood y Lady Marian pueden ser incluidos en la nómina de personajes cinematográficos más queridos en todo el mundo. Hollywood encontró en la Inglaterra Medieval y en Robin Hood uno de sus arquetipos histó- ricos más recurrentes, ya que combinando los ingredientes de reinado legendario, injusticias, rey bueno, soberano tirano y añadiendo la habitual dosis de fantasía e imaginación de los productores norteamericanos, podía resultar un producto muy asequible e interesante para la mayoría del pú- blico, ya que todos estos materiales fílmicos son los habituales del llamado cine de aventuras que tantos éxitos ha dado a la industria cinematográfica. Sobre estas bases se estrenó en 1938 una de las más populares y conocidas películas de la His- toria de la cine y la que más han admirado generación tras generación de espectadores sobre el mítico héroe medieval. Se trata de The Adventures of Robin Hood (1938), de Michael Curtiz y William

51. En la quinta parte de la obra un clérigo que es la personificación de la pereza afirma: “soy incapaz de recordar el Padrenuestro pero si me acuerdo de la leyenda de Robin Hood.(“I kan noght parfitly my Paternoster as the preest it syngeth, But I kan rymes of Robyn Hood...” ). Referencia tomada de Langland, William. “The vision of Piers Plowman-Part 05”. Oldpoetry. Social Design, Inc. 22 de diciembre de 2007 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 443

Originals.indd 443 08/06/2009 8:18:45 h 52 is Keighley, protagonizada por Errol Flynn y Olivia de Havilland . Esta película no es la primera g l

n sobre Robin Hood, ya que anteriormente se habían rodado dos versiones mudas y una película

E animada, todas ellas en Estados Unidos. in

n Pero tanto esta película como la mayor parte de las realizadas sobre Robin Hood, no se han

t t e basado en las fuentes documentales más antiguas sobre el personaje, sino que como suele ser i r habitual en la mayoría de películas de trasfondo histórico y especialmente en las ambientadas en W

t la Edad Media los guionistas recurren a fuentes literarias decimonónicas. Este es el caso indirecto

no del Ivanhoe de Walter Scott, obra de gran éxito y en la que aparece el personaje de Robin Hood, y

s que además ha inspirado directamente a la película del mismo nombre. El Ivanhoe (1819) de Wal- e x t ter Scott reserva muchas páginas a Robin Hood, aunque moviéndose siempre en el terreno de la T leyenda. Hay que recordar que Scott nacido en 1771 en Edimburgo, se interesó a finales del siglo t h e

f XVIII por las leyendas y baladas de la frontera angloescocesa. Leyendas que ha escuchado desde o

s niño y, que sin duda, inspiraron algunos de sus personajes de sus obras literarias.

a l La presencia de Robin Hood en la obra mencionada se incrementa al final de la obra con la in g i llegada de Ricardo Corazón de León a tierras inglesas, y un momento clave y muy cinematográfico r

O es que cuando Robin le dice al rey:

No me llaméis ya Locksley, señor. Dadme el nombre que, según creo, la fama ha dado harto a conocer por esos contornos para que no haya llegado a vuestros reales oídos. Yo soy Robin Hood, de la selva de Sherwood.

—¡ Rey de los bandidos y príncipe de la gente del bronce!... Tu nombre es conocido de todo el mundo y ha resonado hasta en Palestina. Tranquilízate, bravo Robín; nada de cuanto hayas hecho durante mi ausencia y en las revueltas que han seguido a ésta, redundará en tu perjuicio53.

En esta obra, Scott que abandonó sus tradicionales temas escoceses como en Rob Roy, sitúa en un escenario medieval, un enfrentamiento entre tiranos y liberadores que aprovecha para reflejar de forma discreta la lucha entre escoceses e ingleses, así los sajones que luchan por su liberación representan a los escoceses y los normandos tiranos representan a los ingleses de principios del siglo XIX. Otro aspecto interesante en las películas sobre Robin Hood o sobre el conflicto entre sajones y normandos, es que la mayor parte fueron realizadas en Estados Unidos, salvo alguna obra de calidad como la desmitificadora Robin y Marian (1976) de Richard Lester o en la más reciente Robin Hood (1991) de John Irvin, Gran Bretaña aparece como coproductora de una producción norteamericana. Película que a pesar de contener elementos interesantes, como la de subrayar la ascendencia aristocrática del personaje, quedo totalmente eclipsada por la obra del mismo año

52. La reciente aparición de una muy cuidada y excelente edición del filme en DVD, permite revalorizar la vigencia de esta película, al poder comprobar su calidad, la maravillosa fuerza cromática del Technicolor, amen de poder apreciar en los diversos documentales que se han incluido, las peculiaridades del rodaje, la importancia que tuvo esta obra al ser la primera gran superproducción rodada en Technicolor, y otra serie de datos que ayudan a entender más la trascendencia de esta obra. Llama poderosamente la atención la fuerza, el vigor y la belleza del color de la película y la capacidad del Technicolor para conservar más de 65 años después el color con toda su calidad. Otra curiosidad es comprobar como la localización del bosque de Sherwood se realizó en un enorme bosque propiedad de los estudios en California. Obvia- mente las especies vegetales de este bosque no podían ser las mismas que el bosque inglés del siglo XII donde discurre la peripecia vital de Robin Hood, pero realmente ¿esto importa mucho?. 53. Scott, Walter. Ivanhoe. Barcelona: Planeta, 1991: 472.

444 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 444 08/06/2009 8:18:46 h

titulada Robin Hood, Prince of Thieves (1991) de Kevin Reynolds, mucho más comercial e irreal pero is g l

con un ineludible gancho de taquilla por la espectacularidad de algunas escenas y por la presencia n

de una estrella como Kevin Costner al frente del reparto y un Morgan Freeman en un personaje E in

históricamente poco creíble. n

Del film de Irvin hay que destacar también la realización en clave realística, tanto en aspectos t t e i formales como el vestido, como en la preocupación por atender espacios más cotidianos y de la r W

vida de las gentes humildes, frente al predominio habitual de lo solemne y lo heroico. También se t

incide en el contraste que divide a los invasores normandos de los señores sajones, presentados no

como legítimos propietarios de la tierra. La mayor parte del filme se desarrolla en el bosque de s Sherwood, iconografía que resulta muy apropiada si se tiene en cuenta el significado que en el e x t T mundo medieval adquirió el bosque. t h e

Estableciendo una comparación con algunos de los escenarios más simbólicos del cine, encon- f o

tramos en el bosque de Sherwood el paradigma del espacio medieval llevado al cine, como en el s

western norteamericano puede serlo Monumental Valley. Lastima que Sherwood u otros paisajes a l in g medievales no hayan encontrado un John Ford, capaz de transferir su visión magistral. i r

La película de Reynolds, que no pretende en ningún momento el revisionismo profundo del O personaje, viene a ser una actualización o una rabiosa puesta al día de un personaje más cercano al héroe en la línea del que interpretara en los años treinta Errol Flynn. Actualización que cae en anacronismos evidentes, como Azim, el personaje musulmán de Morgan Freman, convertido al cristianismo y que viaja con Robín a Inglaterra, o el de la propia Marian, dotada de un toque “feminista” impropio del medioevo, o el propio y espectacular prologo, imaginario e inventado en el que vemos a un Robín apresado en el marco de las Cruzadas en una prisión musulmana en Jerusalén. Todo ello en aras de una mayor comercialidad del filme. En esta película encontramos otras referencias al Robín de Scott, ya que el personaje al llegar a Inglaterra, encuentra el castillo solariego de Locksley en ruinas. El nombre de Locksley esta tomado evidentemente de la obra de Scott. Todas estas simplificaciones y guiños responden a un proyecto de film destinado a millones de espectadores en todo el mundo y que, por desgracia, eclipso al mucho más interesante filme de John Irvin. De la clásica y mejor recreación de Robin Hood, la película Robín de los bosques se ha llegado a plantear por algunos autores, que la lucha entre sajones y normandos, enmascara una visión actualizada del peligro de los nazis, que en este obra estarían representados en los malvados normandos, que oprimen a los sajones que serán liberados por la acción conjunta de Robin Hood y Ricardo Corazón de León54. Según esta interpretación los normandos representan a los nazis, que en la película oprimen a los sajones cómo los nazis persiguen a los judíos, los proscritos sajones que son leales al encarcelado rey Ricardo Corazón de León, son la imagen de la resistencia en Europa al nazismo, mientras que las masas sajones nos muestran la pasividad mostrada por la mayor parte de la población europea ante el avance del nazismo en Alemania. En el panorama de las series producidas para televisión y ambientadas en la Edad Media, se vienen realizando con cierta frecuencia producciones basadas en el personaje de Robin Hood, que sirven para recuperar todo el oropel de tópicos sobre la Edad Media, el bosque de Sherwood, Ri- cardo Corazón de León, Juan sin Tierra, Normados versus Sajones, etc. El siglo XXI no nos depara

54. Alonso, Juan J.; Mastache, Enrique A.; Alonso, Jorge. La Edad Media en el Cine. Madrid: T&B Editores, 2007: 44.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 445

Originals.indd 445 08/06/2009 8:18:47 h

is a este respecto grandes novedades, ya que una de las primeras grandes series ambientadas en la

g l 55

n Edad Media que se ha producido en Gran Bretaña es “Robin Hood” (2006) y una de las últimas

E producciones cinematográficas de ambiente medieval que ha sido estrenada en 2007 —“The Last in

n Legion”— tiene como personaje a Merlín y la espada Excalibur en el contexto de la caída del Impe-

t t e rio Romano y las invasiones germánicas, en una película que emula la recreación, ambientación y i r escenarios presentados en el filmeKing Arthur (2004). W t no 4. Conclusiones s

e x t El panorama actual del cine producido en Estados Unidos y ambientado en la Edad Media no T presenta ninguna novedad, ni ninguna genialidad y originalidad sobre los filmes realizados en t h e

f las décadas anteriores o en la época dorada de Hollywood, verbigracia, algunos de los planos más o

s espectaculares de la batalla final en Kingdom of Heaven con el ataque artillero a la ciudad sitiada de

a l Jerusalén, son idénticos a los planos del asedio a la fortaleza en la película The War Lord (1965). La in

g 56 i única aportación a resaltar de Beowulf (2007) es convertir a un actor maduro , con barriga promi- r

O nente o “cervecera”, calificación acuñada en la prensa escrita, en un héroe musculoso y atlético gracias a la utilización de las nuevas tecnologías llevadas al cine. La frase “necesitamos héroes, ¿no?”, con que finaliza la mediocre The“ Last Legion”(2007), ilus- tra la falta de ideas del cine norteamericano en relación a las películas épicas y el grito de angustia, bien de la industria, bien de los guionistas, al tener que recurrir de forma socorrida a los mismos personajes, escenarios o tópicos históricos para poder completar una película de ambientación medieval. Nada nuevo, pues, ha ofrecido el cine producido en Estados Unidos y ambientado en la Edad Media, en los primeros años del siglo XXI. Dos películas que cerraron y abrieron, respectivamente el siglo XX y el siglo XXI y en las que, sin estar ambientadas en la Edad Media, se hablaba de forma inteligente de la Historia y de los historiadores, “Le déclin de l´empire américain” (1986), y “les invasions barbares” (2003) de Denys Arcand y ambientadas en la época en que fueron estrenadas, hablan más de la Historia y del pasado que muchos de los filmes que pretenden ubicarse en un remoto periodo de la Historia. En estas dos excelentes películas canadienses se habla de forma fluida del ser humano, de su dimensión histórica y también de su fugacidad y vulgaridad en el devenir cotidiano. Son historias de seres humanos de carne y hueso que como bien expresa en su último libro Robert Fossier57, respiran, comen, defecan y copulan. Humanidad y cotidianidad de la que carecen muchos de los acartonados personajes de algunas de las historias recreadas en las películas ambientadas en la Edad Media.

55. El País. 29-04-2007: 76. En España la serie ha sido estrenada el 4 de enero de 2008, deparando buenas audiencias para el canal privado español. En Gran Bretaña ha cosechado un extraordinario éxito con audiencias medias de siete millones de espectadores. 56. Ray Winstone nacido el 19 de febrero de 1957. 57. Fossier, Robert. Gente de la Edad Media. Madrid: Taurus, 2007.

446 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 446 08/06/2009 8:18:49 Apéndice 1. Listado de películas producidas en los Estados Unidos y ambientadas h is 58

en la Edad Media g l n

Joan of Arc (Alfred Clark, 1895). E in

Merlin the Magician (Frederick S. Armitage, 1899). n

Parsifal (Thomas A. Edison, 1904). t t e i Romeo and Juliet (J. Stuart Blackton, 1908). r W

Richard III (J. Stuart Blackton; William V. Ranous, 1908). t

Macbeth (J. Stuart Blackton, 1908). no

The Viking’s Daughter: The Story of the Ancient Norsemen (J. Stuart Blackton, 1908). s King Lear (J. Stuart Blackton, William V. Ranous, 1909). e x t T Justinian and Theodora (Otis Turner, 1910). t h e

Romeo and Juliet (Barry O'Neil, 1911). f o

Ivanhoe (Herbert Brenon, 1911). s

Richard III (F.R. Benson, 1911). a l in g The Knight Errant (Francis Bogs, 1911). i r

The Black Arrow (Oscar Apfel, 1911). O Lady Godiva (J. Stuart Blackton, 1911). Romeo and Julie (Barry ÓNeil, 1911). Aladdin Up-to-Date (J. Searle Dawley, 1912). Richard III (André Calmettes. James Keane, 1912). Robin Hood (Étienne Arnaud, Herbert Blaché, 1912). A Princess of Bagdad (Charles L. Gaskill, 1913). Robin Hood (Theodore Marston, 1913). Ivanhoe (Herbert Brenon, 1913). Ivanhoe (Leedham Bantock, 1913). The Oath of a Viking (J. Searle Dawley, 1914). Il Trovatore (Charles Simone, 1914). The Viking Queen (Walter Edwin. 1914). Romeo and Juliet (Francis X Bushman; John W. Noble, 1916). Macbeth (John Emerson, 1916). Romeo and Juliet (J. Gordon Edwards; Maxwell Karger, 1916). Romeo and Juliet (Francis X Bushman John W. Noble, 1916). King Lear (Ernest C. Warde, 1916). Joan The Woman (Cecil B. De Mille, 1917). Aladdin and the wonderful Lamp (Chester M. Franklin. Sidney Franklin, 1917). Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves (Chester M. Franklin; Sidney Franklin, 1918). Robin Hood (Allan Dwan, 1922). The Hunchback of Notre Dame (Wallace Worsley, 1923). The Thief of Bagdad (Raoul Walsh, 1924). Romeo and Juliet (Reggie Morris; Harry Sweet, 1924). Marco Visconti (Aldo De Benedetti, 1925).

58. Para las películas sobre el occidente medieval, no hemos considerado las posteriores a 1492 y las relacionadas con Cristóbal Colón, ya que el descubrimiento de América queda fuera del marco del mundo medieval.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 447

Originals.indd 447 08/06/2009 8:18:50 h

is LadyRobinHood (Ralph Ince, 1925). g l

n The Beloved Rogue (Alan Crosland, 1927).

E The Viking (Roy William Neil, 1928). in

n The Taming of the Shrew (Sam Taylor, 1929).

t t e The Crusades (Cecil B. De Mille, 1935). i r Romeo and Juliet (George Cukor, 1936). W

t Romeo and Juliet (George Cukor, 1936).

no The Adventures of Robin Hood (Michael Curtiz; William Keighley, 1938).

s The Adventures of Marco Polo (Archie Mayo, 1938). e x t If i Were King (Frank Lloyd, 1938). T Tower of London (Rowland V. Lee, 1939). t h e

f The Hunchback of Notre Dame (William Dieterle, 1939). o

s Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves (Arthur Lubin, 1942).

a l Arabian Nights (John Rawlins, 1942). in g i A Thousand and One Nights (Alfred E. Green, 1945) r

O The Bandit of Sherwood Forest (George Sherman; Henry Levin, 1946). Son of the Guardsman (Derwin Abrahams, 1946). Sinbad the Sailor (Richard Wallace, 1947). Macbeth (Orson Welles, 1947). Joan of Arc (Victor Fleming, 1948). The Black Arrow (Gordon Douglas, 1948). The Prince of Thieves (Howard Bretherton; Derwin Abrahams, 1948). Prince of Foxes (Henry King, 1949). Bride of Vengeance (Mitchell Leissen, 1949). The Adventures of Sir Galahad (Spencer Gordon Bennet, 1949). Rogues of Sherwood Forest (Gordon Douglas, 1950). The Black Rose (Henry Hathaway, 1950). The Flame and the Arrow (Jacques Tourneur, 1950). The Golden Horde (George Sherman, 1951). Tales of Robin Hood (James Tinling, 1951). Aladdin ahd his Lamp (Lew Landers, 1952). Son of Ali Baba (Kurt Neumann, 1952) Ivanhone (Richard Thorpe, 1952). Knights on the Round Table (Richard Thorpe, 1953). The Golden Blade (Nathan Juran, 1953). Siren of Bagdad (Richard Quine, 1953). Decameron Nights (Hugo Fregonese, 1953). Sign of the Pagan (Douglas Sirk, 1954). King Richard and the Crusaders (David Butler, 1954). Men of Sherwood Forest (Val Guest, 1954). The Black Shield of Falworth (Rudolph Maté, 1954). The Black Knight (Tay Garnett, 1954). Prince Valiant (Henry Hathaway, 1954). The Saracen Blade (William Castle, 1954).

448 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 448 08/06/2009 8:18:50 h

Lady Godiva (Arthur Lubin, 1955). is g l

The Dark Avenger (Henry Levin, 1955). n

The Adventures of Quentin Durward (Richard Thorpe, 1955). E in

Son of Sinbad (Ted Tetzlaff, 1955). n

Kismet (Vincente Minelli, 1955). t t e i The Conqueror (Dick Powell, 1956). r W

The Court Jetser (Norman Panama, 1956). t

The Vagabond King (Michael Curtiz, 1956). no

Saint Joan (Otto Preminger, 1957). s Omar Khayyam (William Dieterle, 1957). e x t T The Saga of the Viking Women and Their Voyage to the Waters of the Great Sea Serpent t h e

(Roger Corman, 1957). f o

Sabu and the Magic Ring (George Blair, 1957). s

The Vikings (Richard Fleischer, 1958). a l in g The 7th Voyage of Simbad (Nathan Juran, 1958). i r

Francis of Assisi (Michael Curtiz, 1961). O El Cid (Anthony Mann, 1961). Tower of London (Roger Corman, 1962). The Magic Sword (Bert I. Godon, 1962). Lancelot and Guinevere (Cornel Wilde, 1962). Taras Bulba (J. Lee Thompson, 1962). The Siege of the Saxons (Nathan Juranm, 1963). Captain Sinbad (Byron Haskin, 1963). The Castilian (Javier Setó, 1963. España). Becket (Peter Glenville, 1964). Hamlet (Bill Colleran. John Gielgud, 1964). Hamlet (Joseph Papp, 1964). The War Lord (Franklyn Schaffner, 1965). Gengis Khan (Henry Levin, 1965). The Sword of Ali Baba (Virgil W. Vogel, 1965). Camelot (Joshua Logan, 1967). A Walk With Love and Death (John Huston, 1969). Marco (Seymour Robie, 1973). The Golden Voyage of Sinbad (Gordon Hessler, 1974. Gran Bretaña). The Norseman (Charles B. Price, 1978). Dragonslayer (Matthew Robbins, 1981). The Sword and the Sorcerer (Albert Pyun, 1982). LadyHawke (Richard Donner, 1985). Arthur the King (Clive Donner, 1985). Lionheart (Franklin Schaffner, 1987). Discovering Hamlet (Mark Olshaker, 1990). Robin Hood, Prince of Thieves (Kevin Reynolds, 1991). Gengis Khan (Peter Duffield; Antonio Margheriti, 1992). The Hour of The Pig (Leslie Magahey, 1993).

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 449

Originals.indd 449 08/06/2009 8:18:51 h

is First Knight (Jerry Zucker, 1995). g l

n Braveheart (Mel Gibson, 1995).

E The Viking Sagas (Michael Chapman, 1995). in

n Green Eggs and Hamlet (Mike O’Neal, 1995).

t t e Robin Hood (Mike A. Martinez, 1998). i r Macbeth (Paul Winarski, 1998). W

t The Incredible Adventures of Marco Polo (George Erschbamer, 1998).

no The 13Th Warrior (Michael Crichton, 1999).

s A Knight’s Tale (Brian Helgeland, 2001). e x t King Arthur (Antoine Fuqua, 2004). T Ring of the Nibelungs (Uli Edel, 2004). t h e

f Soldier of God (David Hogan, 2005). o

s Kingdom of heaven (Ridley Scott, 2005).

a l Tristan e Isolda (Kevin Reynolds, 2006). in g i The Last Legion (Doug Lefler, 2007). r

O Beowulf (Robert Zemeckis, 2007). Joan of Arc: The Virgin Warrior (Ronald F. Maxwell, post-producción). * No han sido incluidas en este listado aquellas películas que por carecer del mínimo rigor his- tórico, presentan una Edad Media totalmente fantástica, imaginada y absolutamente inverosímil. La decisión de incluir algunas filmes que podrían encajar en esta definición ha sido en aras de su calidad cinematográfica o de su capacidad de reflexión histórica sobre el Medioevo. Es el caso de una excelente película como Excalibur de John Boorman.

Apéndice 2. Listado de la bibliografía más destacada sobre el tema

Airlie, Stuart. “Strange eventful histories: the Middle Ages in the cinema”, The Medieval World, Pe- ter Linehan, Janet L. Nelson, eds. London: Routledge, 2001: 163-183. Alonso, Juan J.; Mastache, Enrique A.; Alonso, Jorge. La Edad Media en el Cine. Madrid: T&B Edi- tores, 2007. Attolini, Vito. Immagini del Medioevo nel cinema. Bari: Dedalo, 1993. Attolini, Vito. “Un ‘Magnificat’ per Pupi Avati”.Quaderni Medievali, 36 (1993): 131-141. Attolini, Vito. “Cavalieri e cuori impavidi”. Quaderni Medievali, 41 (1996): 160-173. Attolini, Vito. “Le Crociate al cinema”. Quaderni Medievali, 47 (1999): 126-151. Attolini, Vito. “Giovanna d’Arco guerriera e santa”. Quaderni Medievali, 49 (2000): 81-92. Barrio Barrio, Juan Antonio. “El nacimiento del Islam a través de Mahoma, El mensajero de Dios”, His- toria y Cine, José Uroz, ed. Alicante: Publicaciones de la Universidad de Alicante, 1999: 101-117. Barrio Barrio, Juan Antonio. “El Cid de Anthony Mann. A través del cine histórico y la Edad Me- dia”, Historia y Cine, José Uroz, ed. Alicante: Publicaciones de la Universidad de Alicante, 1999: 131-152. Barrio Barrio, Juan Antonio. “Introducción al cine histórico: El Colosal”. Anuario de Estudios Medie- vales, 29 (1999): 35-57. Barrio Barrio, Juan Antonio. “La Edad Media en el cine del siglo XX”. Medievalismo, 15 (2005): 241-268. Bouza, Nuria; Pérez, Xavier. “Cinematografía y actividades didácticas. Casos concretos en geografía e Historia”. Íber, 11 (enero, 1997): 25-39.

450 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 450 08/06/2009 8:18:53 h

Bourget, Jean Loup. L’histoire au cinéma: le passé retrouvé. París: Gallimard, 1992. is g l

Burke, Peter. Visto y no visto. El uso de la imagen como documento histórico. Barcelona: Crítica, 2001. n

Caparros Lera, José María. Introducción a la Historia del Arte cinematográfico. Madrid: Rialp, 1990. E in

Caparros Lera, José María. 100 grandes directores de cine. Madrid: Alianza, 1994. n

Caparros Lera, José María. 100 películas sobre Historia Contemporánea. Madrid: Alianza, 1997. t t e i Carmona, Ramón. Cómo se comenta un texto fílmico. Madrid: Cátedra, 1993. r W

Casas, Quim. “El Kollossal americanos en Europa”. Dirigido, 240 (Noviembre, 1995): 46-61 t

Fernández-Sebastían, Javier. Cine e Historia en el aula. Madrid: Akal, 1989. no

Ferro, Marc. Historia Contemporánea y cine. Barcelona: Ariel, 1995. s Ferro, Marc. “Perspectivas en torno a las relaciones Historia-Cine”. Film-Historia, I/1 (1991): 3-12. e x t T Flores Auñón, Juan Carlos. El cine, otro medio didáctico. Introducción a una metodología para el uso del t h e

cine como fuente de las ciencias sociales. Madrid: Escuela Española, 1982. f o

García Fernández, Emilio C. Cine e Historia. Las imágenes de la Historia reciente. Madrid: Arco Libros, s

1998. a l in g Friera, Florencio. “La enseñanza de la historia de España en el siglo XX por medio de cuatro nove- i r

las y cuatro películas”. Íber, 11 (enero, 1997): 41-53. O González, Juan F. Aprender a ver cine. Madrid; Rialp, 2002. Gorgievski, Sandra. “The Arthurian legend in the cinema: myth or history ?”, The Middle Ages after the Middle Ages in the English-Speaking World, Marie-Françoise Alamichel, Derek Brewer, eds. Cambridge: Brever, 1997: 153-166. Gorgues, Ricard. “El cine en la clase de historia: un proyecto didáctico para la ESO y el bachillera- to”. Íber, 11 (enero, 1997): 71-80. Gubern, Román. Historia del cine. Barcelona: Lumen, 1989, 2 vols. Hughes, Brian. “De Wallace a Breaveheart: Antecedentes históricos de un mito”, Historia y Cine, José Uroz, ed. Alicante: Publicaciones de la Universidad de Alicante, 1999: 119-130. Isern, María Pilar. “El cine: entretenimineto y herramienta de aprendizaje”. Íber, 11 (enero, 1997): 15-24. Iversesn, Gummar. “Clear, from a distance: the image of the medieval period in recent Norwegian films”.Scandinavia: An International Journal of Scandinavian Studies, 39/1 (2000): 7-23. Lacy, Norris J. “Unteaching and teaching the Arthurian legend”. Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Teaching, 9/2 (2002): 35-44. Lagny, Michele. Cine e Historia: problemas y métodos en la investigación cinematográfica. Barcelona: Bosch, 1997. Losilla, Carlos. “El Kollossal de Hollywood. La industria como espectáculo”. Dirigido, 239 (Octubre 1995): 32-51. Lowe, Jeremy. “The cinematic consciousness of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight”. Exemplaria: A Journal of Theory in Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 13/1 (2001): 67-97. Martínez, Pilar. “El cine musical y su interdisciplinariedad con las ciencias socials”. Íber, 11 (enero, 1997): 53-70. Monterde, José Enrique. Cine, Historia y enseñanza. Barcelona: Laia, 1986. Monterde, José Enrique, dir. Ficciones Históricas: el cine histórico español. Madrid: Academia de las Artes y las Ciencias Cinematográficas de España, 1999 (Cuadernos de la Academia, 6 [1999]). Paden, William D. “Reconstructing the Middle Ages: the monk's sermon in the The Seventh Seal”, Medievalism in the Modern World: Essays in Honour of Leslie J. Worman. Making in the Middle Ages, 1, Richard J. Utz, Thomas Alan Shippey, eds. Turnhout: Brepols, 1998: 287-305.

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931 451

Originals.indd 451 08/06/2009 8:18:54 h

is Passek, Jean Loup, dir. Diccionario del Cine. Madrid: Rialp, 1991. g l

n Rosentone, Robert A. El pasado en imágenes: El desafío del cine a nuestra idea de la Historia. Barcelona:

E Ariel, 1997. in

n Selva, Marta; Solà, Anna. “Reflexiones alrededor del cine y la historia en la enseñanza”. Íber, 11

t t e (enero, 1997): 7-14. i r Sharp, Michael D. “Remaking medieval heroism: nationalism and sexuality in Braveheart”. Florile- W

t gium, 15 (1998): 251-266.

no Sorlin, Pierre. Sociología del cine. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1985.

s Sorlin, Pierre. Cines europeos, sociedades europeas.1939-1990. Barcelona: Paidós, 1996. e x t Truffaut, François. El cine según Hitchcock. Madrid: Alianza, 1998. T Uroz, José, ed. Historia y Cine. Alicante: Publicaciones de la Universidad de Alicante, 1999. t h e

f Wood, Michael. America in the Movies. Nueva York: Columbia University Press, 1975. o

s Woods, William F. “Cinematic medievalism: reflections on a film workshop”.Studies in Medieval and

a l Renaissance Teaching, 9/1 (2002): 81-93. in g i Zubiaur Carreño, Francisco Javier. “El Cine como fuente de la Historia”. Memoria y Civilización, 8 r

O (2005): 205-219.

452 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 426-452. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 452 08/06/2009 8:18:54 h

Medieval Internet: recerca, coneixement is g l

i joc, la nova màquina del temps n E in

Al b e r t Si e rra t t e i De p a r t a m e n t d e Cu l t u r a i Mi t j a ns d e Comuni c a c i ó . Ge n e r a l i t a t d e Ca t a l un y a r W t no

s e x t Re s u m T t h e

En els últims 10 anys hem viscut una revolució en la comunicació amb l’aparició d’Internet. f o

Ara la difusió de qualsevol article, imatge, vídeo pot ser gratuïta i planetària amb la consegüent s

explosió dels continguts, també dels medievals. Manuscrits, peces de museu, imatges, activi- a l in g tats... tot pot ser difós per Internet, tot pot arribar a qualsevol ordinador del món. Trobarem i r

des de biblioteques en línia que ofereixen visions perfectes dels seus manuscrits fins a jocs que O ens permeten participar en batalles històriques. Un nou món de comunicacions que també ha posat en qüestió la manera acadèmica de cercar i fins i tot el sistema econòmic de les editorials científiques.

1. Un nou camí cap als temps medievals 1

Medieval Helpdesk:

—Hola, és vosté el germà Ansgar? —Ah, sí, hola.[...] —No he pogut fer res en tot el matí per culpa d’això. —Ja ho veig, d’acord, ho sento molt. Estem introduint aquest nou sistema i tothom vol ajuda im- mediata. Així doncs, no el pot fer servir? —Exacte, només està aquí tirat. —Ha provat a obrir-lo. —Obrir-lo? Si fos tan fàcil no hauria cridat al servei d’ajuda en línia, no? [...]Quan estàs acostumat a fer servir el rotlles de paper, costa un temps de canviar a passar les pàgines d’un... llebre. —Llibre.

1. Aquest article apareixerà primer en versió paper i posteriorment en versió electrònica. Conté desenes d’enllaços web, si esteu llegint aquest text en versió electrònica els enllaços corresponents són consultables des de les notes. Si esteu llegint aquest text en paper podeu accedir als enllaços d’aquest article a la web Delicious agrupats per l’etiqueta “medievalinternet”. Aquest és un mètode molt més ràpid i efectiu per navegar per les propostes que fem, però a més permet descobrir continguts associats a cadascuna d’elles i també veure què han considerat interessant altres persones que han seleccionat aquests mateixos continguts. Totes les webs que apareixen en aquestes notes han estat consultades entre el 15 de gener i el 15 de març de 2008. .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931 453

Originals.indd 453 08/06/2009 8:18:55 h 2 is Som immigrants digitals. Les dificultats que té el monjo Ansgar en aquest divertit vídeo són

g l 3

n les mateixes que hem tingut o encara tenim tots aquells que som immigrants digitals, tots aquells

E que hem anat a escola i a la Universitat en el segle XX, és a dir, que hem estudiat en llibres, escoltat in

n als professors, i escrit en ordinadors però encara pensant en que serem llegits en paper. Hem entrat

t t e al segle XXI i com al monjo Ansgar, ens han tret els rotlles de les mans i ara hem de treballar en i r una nova eina que té pàgines. Una eina que ens permet de sobte tenir sobre la taula manuscrits W

t que estan a l’altra banda del món, passejar-nos per l’interior d’una catedral que ja no existeix o

no mantenir una conversa simultània amb col·legues de tres universitats diferents.

s Què és Internet avui. Internet4 ha canviat radicalment com ens comuniquem, com inter- e x t canviem informació. Ara ho fem de forma global i instantània. Internet a més ha estat la base per T a l’expansió de les eines audiovisuals com a element d’expressió massiu i popular. La fotografia t h e

f i el vídeo són avui utilitzats i compartits en webs de difusió per milions de persones. Internet ha o

s trencat les barreres tradicionals de la publicació, una infraestructura imprescindible molt alta i les

a l dificultats de difusió més enllà de l’esfera local. Ara per fer una publicació electrònica pràcticament in g i no calen diners, el procés és immediat i la difusió, si es vol, és planetària. Qualsevol pot obrir un r

O blog o una web o una revista en línia i ser llegit per gent de tot el món. Qualsevol que tingui conei- xements d’un tema, per específic i minoritari que sigui, pot participar en un projecte col·laboratiu com ara una enciclopèdia en línia. Els conceptes de drets d’autor i de copyright de l’era del paper, basats en la despesa per poder publicar i el cobrament de l’objecte produït s’ensorren en un món on la informació és omnipresent i gratuïta. De l’Internet de webs estàtiques on cada pàgina recollia uns continguts de forma permanent s’ha passat a un entorn de webs que s’actualitzen de forma constant amb l’actualitat sobre cada tema, cada dia, cada hora i cada minut. Apareixen agregadors que cerquen informació de desenes de webs diferents i la presenten de forma personalitzada per a cada usuari segons els seus gustos i interessos5. Es creen noves maneres de cercar informació i per tant noves maneres d’investigar. Es formen grups de persones a Internet unides no per la proxi- mitat geogràfica ni lingüística, sinó per compartir un interès, professional o personal per un tema que consideren apassionant... Els estudis medievals. I els estudiosos de l’època medieval són per definició un d’aquests grups minoritaris, altament dispersos geogràficament que acabem de descriure. Però no només els estudiosos sinó també el seu propi objecte d’estudi es troba repartit per tot el món: els manuscrits, les obres d’art, els edificis... estan disseminats en infinitat d’ubicacions individuals, amb accessos fàcils, difícils o impossibles, amb horaris, kilòmetres i idiomes per frontera. La biblioteca, la universitat, el museu i l’arxiu han estat fins ara les quatre eines que han procurat accés a aquests preuats bens, que han construït ponts per arribar a aquests continguts i per tant alimentat aquests estudis. Ara totes quatre utilitzen un nou recurs universal que les uneix i que fa que l’estudiós, que l’investigador (però també l’amateur!) tingui un accés impensable fa només 10 anys a objectes, articles científics i manuscrits del món medieval. Recerca per als científics, coneixement profund o

2. NRK. “Medieval Helpdesk with English subtitles”. Youtube. 26 february 2007. 15 de gener de 2008 . 3. Prensky, Marc. “Digital Natives, Digital Immigrants”. Marc Prensky Home. 2001. 15 de gener de 2008 . 4. “Internet”. Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. 16 gener de 2008 ; “10 Years That Changed the World”. Wired. 16 de gener de 2008 . 5. Netvibes. 17 de gener de 2008 .

454 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 454 08/06/2009 8:18:56 h

generalista per a investigadors i amateurs, jocs i gadgets visuals per a tota mena de públics, això és is g l

el que ens ofereix avui Internet als apassionats del món medieval. n E in

2. El coneixement mundial sobre la taula n t t e i Els grans dipositaris. El llegat medieval està dipositat en una llarguíssima llista d’institu- r W

cions dispersa per tot el món. Museus, biblioteques i arxius d’Anglaterra, Estats Units, França, t

Itàlia, Espanya, Alemanya (o fins i tot Nova Zelanda) han conservat durant dècades o segles els no

testimonis d’una època. Molts d’ells han fet de forma continuada una tasca destacable de difusió s a partir d’investigacions, publicacions, seminaris o exposicions. Ara els més actius i inquiets estan e x t T aprofitant el camp de joc de la informació en línia per expandir-se en aquest nou entorn.Les t h e

antigues microfilmacions han deixat pas progressivament a les digitalitzacions. L’objectiu no ha f o

canviat, preservar l’original fràgil i oferir a l’investigador accés a la informació que conté gràcies s

a una còpia consultable. El potencial de la tecnologia digital i d’Internet però, han fet molt més a l in g fàcil i econòmica la reproducció i molt més potent la comunicació, amb la qual cosa el centre de i r

gravetat de l’operació s’ha anat desplaçant progressivament de la conservació cap a la difusió. Ara O una digitalització ja no pot ser vista com una finalitat en si mateixa, sinó com el primer pas d’una estratègia de publicació. Qui ja ha digitalitzat part del seu fons ha de centrar ara els seus esforços en la comunicació d’aquests continguts. Manuscrits. En el món de l’accés als manuscrits medievals tenim molts exemples d’institucions que posen a l’abast del públic els seus fons de forma parcial o total. La Universitat d’Oxford per exemple6 ofereix accés a 80 manuscrits amb un imatges de gran qualitat i alta resolució, que ens permeten resseguir cada detall dels fulls. El monestir de Sant Gallen a Suïssa també ens ensenya més d’un centenar de manuscrits en la seva biblioteca virtual7. Destaca especialment de la seva interfície la possibilitat de cercar dintre del text dels manuscrits per diferents criteris, un avenç en la cerca del qual parlarem més endavant. La Bibliothèque Nationale de France té en la seva base de manuscrits il·luminats Mandragore8 una eina molt tradicional però potentíssima mentre que a Colònia el fons de la biblioteca diocesana també és accessible9 amb una interfície ja una mica antiga però eficaç i un detall extrem en les imatges. També podem trobar projectes que recullen en una sola destinació materials de diferents procedències. Per exemple la web alemanya Manuscripta Mediaevalia10 ens ofereix accés a milers de manuscrits en llengua germànica. Les seves possibilitats de cerca són extraordinàries fins i tot amb cerca iconogràfica. Un projecte similar, però en aquest

6. Early Manuscripts at Oxford University. January 2001. Oxford University. 17 de febrer de 2008 ; La Bodleian Library, que forma part d’aquest projecte té però una web pròpia amb accés també als seus manuscrits: “Browse images of manuscripts”. Brodleian Library. University of Oxford. 17 de febrer de 2008 . 7. “Codices Electronici Sangallenses (CESG)-Virtual Library Sangallenses”. Codices Electronici Sangallenses. Universitas Friburgensis. 18 de gener de 2008 8. Mandragore, base des manuscrits enluminés de la B.n. F. Bibliothèque Nationale de France. 19 de gener de 2008 . 9. Codices Electronici Ecclesiae Coloniensis (CEEC). Universität zu Köln. 19 de gener de 2008 . 10. Manuscripta Mediaevalia. Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. 20 de gener de 2008. .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931 455

Originals.indd 455 08/06/2009 8:18:57 h 11 is cas en l’àmbit de les universitats americanes és el Digital Scriptorium liderat per la Columbia g l

n University que aplega manuscrits medievals i renaixentistes de les universitats de Berkeley,

E Columbia, etc. El British History Online 12 reuneix també nombrosíssims recursos arxivístics de in

n fonts diverses i destaca per la seva eficaç interfície i indexació que permet triar per territori i època

t t e el llistat de documentació requerida. i r Un cas molt especial és però el Hill Museum & Manuscript Library13. Van començar la seva tasca W

t de preservació de manuscrits propis i aliens fa quaranta anys amb la microfilmació i en l’actualitat

no han arribat a més d’un milió d’imatges entre microfilm i digital. Els seus fons cobreixen procedències

s europees però el que els fa diferents és sense dubte el projecte de preservació de manuscrits dels e x t primers temps cristians, amb exemples provinents de col·leccions sirianes, armènies, libaneses... T Deslocalització. Aquest últim cas exemplifica una de les característiques més importants del t h e

f que significa aquest nou món del coneixement. Un manuscrit a la British Library o a la Biblioteca o

s de la Universitat de Columbia abans de l’existència d’Internet tenia moltes probabilitats de ser

a l estudiat i conegut pel petit cercle d’estudiosos competents que hi tindrien interès. Catàlegs i pu- in g i blicacions especialitzades el donarien a conèixer en major o menor grau a la comunitat científica. r

O Però un manuscrit en una col·lecció del Líban difícilment tindria aquestes oportunitats d’influència mundial. A menys que un estudiós americà, alemany o francès el “descobrís” personalment i el publiqués en una revista científica acreditada. Avui qualsevol investigador del món pot “descobrir” sense sortir del seu despatx qualsevol manuscrit que estigui en línia per remota que sigui la ubica- ció de l’original. Ja no hi ha fronteres. Imperialisme cultural. Ara bé, aquest mateix cas també posa de relleu l’altra cara de la mateixa moneda. La difusió planetària d’aquest ignot manuscrit libanès no recau en les institucions que té properes sinó en algunes de les més potents del primer món. Qui ha tingut el poder en el món acadèmic del paper, l’està mantenint en el món d’Internet. Podrem veure nous actors, mo- destos però brillants, procedents de tots els racons del món, però els grans grups de poder sigui comunicatiu o acadèmic, si no ho fan molt malament, mantindran la seva posició privilegiada. I els més dinàmics aprofitaran les noves possibilitats de difusió planetària per ampliar encara més la seva hegemonia14. Espais tancats. Malgrat que una part del coneixement creat per les institucions està disponible de forma gratuïta i oberta a la xarxa, molt del contingut científic generat històricament segueix essent difícil de trobar, o les eines de cerca existents tenen un costos d’accés molt elevats que ge- neralment només poden assumir les biblioteques i encara així no totes. Un exemple ben clar són

11. Libraries Digital Program Division. Digital Scriptorium. Columbia University Libraries. 20 de gener de 2008 . 12. British History Online. University of London & History of Parliament Trust. 21 de gener de 2008 . 13. Hill Museum & Manuscript Library. “HMML Research Center”. Hill Museum & Manuscript Library. Saint John’s Uni- versity. 21 de gener de 2008 ; Hill Museum & Manuscript Library. “Welcome to Vivarium”. Vivarium, The onl-line digital collections of Saint John’s University and the College of Saint Benedict. Saint John’s University. 21 de gener de 2008 . 14. Un exemple evident, fóra dels estudis medievals, és el projecte Aluka, una web amb recursos acadèmics sobre Àfrica, on participen institucions africanes i de la resta del món, però que en realitat és un projecte liderat i pilotat des dels Estats Units: Aluka. June 2006. 21 de gener de 2008. .

456 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 456 08/06/2009 8:18:58 h 15 16 els excel·lents recursos bibliogràfics de Brepolis , el conegut Jstor o el més nou British Library is

17 g l

Direct . Google, el nou gegant de la informació, esta posant en qüestió aquest model econòmic n

amb dos productes, Google Scholar18 i Google Book Search19 que combinats ofereixen l’accés en E in

obert a parts molt importants de la recerca que fins fa poc només era accessible per aquests recursos n

de pagament. t t e i Música. La música també té el seu espai a Internet amb recursos com Cantus20 o el Digital r

21 W

Image Archive of Medieval Music . Aquest segon és un cas interessant pel seu objectiu, realment t

ambiciós, tenir tota la informació possible sobre tots els manuscrits de música medieval polifònica. no

La web inclou informació sobre “totes les fonts conegudes” i remarca que la base de dades és un s treball en curs. Aquest és un projecte perfectament adaptat a l’entorn de l’Internet actual, un re- e x t T curs que ho té tot (o que aspira a tenir-ho) sobre un tema concret i específic. No és amb múltiples t h e

webs generalistes iguals les unes a les altres que creix Internet, sinó amb multitud d’espais pro- f o

funds i tremendament focalitzats que no “s’acaben” sinó que són projectes amb permanència en el s

temps i en constant actualització. No només en la seva definició és un projecte modèlic. també és a l in g molt destacable la modernitat de la seva interfície de consulta de les imatges, que permet fer zooms i r

de forma molt fàcil, comparar la imatge normal amb vistes alternatives (amb llum ultraviolada o O millorada digitalment) afegir transcripcions o comentaris. És sense dubte un model a seguir. Un altre exemple d’aquest tipus de web sobre un tema específic pot ser la dedicada a recollir l’obra de Ramon Llull22 que té com a aspecte destacable el fet que inclou a més de l’obra la ubicació dels manuscrits i, això no és gaire corrent, informació sobre els seguidors de l’obra de Llull. Aquest en- focament de recollir no només l’obra sinó d’alguna manera la repercussió que ha generat i els estudiosos que giren al seu voltant és clarament un dels vectors d’expansió d’aquest tipus de recursos. Comunitats d’estudiosos. Perquè les webs sobre manuscrits o sobre música medieval estan invertint molt esforç en aconseguir oferir als investigadors accés directe als documents, però indi- vidualment. Cada investigador arriba a la web des del seu despatx sense contacte amb la resta, no hi ha espai per a l’intercanvi d’opinions, per a compartir la recerca23, i com veurem en els següents apartats d’aquest article, aquest està essent un dels trets definidors de la web actual, la creació d’espais virtuals on aquesta comunitat dispersa geogràficament i unida pel camp d’estudi es reuneix, discuteix, intercanvia informacions, troballes, problemes... de forma contínua, un autèntic congrés non-stop. Els amants de l’esquí la tenen, els fans de les pel·lícules de terror també... Bé, aquests

15.“ ‘Brepolis’: the hometown of Brepols’online publications”. Brepols Publishers Online. 22 de gener de 2008 . 16. JSTOR. Trusted archives for scholarship. 2000. 22 de gener de 2008 . 17. La British Library ha engegat un projecte similar amb: “British Library direct”. 23 de gener de 2008 . 18. “Google Acadèmic”. Google. 24 de gener de 2008 . 19. “Google Cerca de llibres”. Google. 24 de gener de 2008 . 20. Debra Lacoste. Cantus: a Database for Latin Ecclesiastical Chant. The Universtity of Webstern Ontario. 25 de gener de 2008 . 21. “Home”. Digital Image Archive of Medieval Music. University of London. 25 de gener de 2008 . 22. Bonner, Anthony, dir. “Obres de Ramon Llull”. Base de dades Ramon Llull-Llull DB. Centre de documentació Ramon Llull. Juliol 2001. Universitat de Barcelona. 25 de gener de 208 . 23. En la web de DIAMM com hem comentat hi ha la possibilitat d’afegir comentaris, per part de l’equip editor o per part d’usuaris. És una primera forma d’intercanvi: Digital Image Archive of Medieval Music. 25 de gener de 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931 457

Originals.indd 457 08/06/2009 8:18:59 h

is potser no són els exemples més propers a la comunitat de medievalistes. Però potser la comunitat

g l 24

n mèdica sí que és un model adequat... Més de 50.000 metges es connecten a la web Sermo per dis-

E cutir casos mèdics, recomanar tractaments o saber l’últim que s’ha publicat sobre un tema concret. in

n Un recurs que segur que es converteix en imprescindible per a qualsevol que el faci servir. Podem

t t e imaginar una web així per als medievalistes de tot el món? Jo crec que si. i r Llistats de recursos. I penso que és possible que en aquesta ”segona era” d’Internet que estem W

t vivint algú faci aquesta xarxa perquè durant la “primera era” d’Internet, quan calia fer webs que

no apleguessin recursos, en el camp medieval es van fer. I tenim per exemple el ORB. On-line Refe-

s rence Book for Medieval Studies25, que fa anys que no s’actualitza però segueix essent un recurs e x t generalista útil. Altres poden ser l’Internet Medieval Sourcebook26 Netserf 27 o The Labyrinth28, o T l’excel·lent (i aquest sí actualitzat!) en l’àmbit alemany Mediaevum.de29. I aquest últim exemple t h e

f ens demostra que ja estem ben a prop de bastir una comunitat virtual d’aquest tipus: ja té imple- o 30 s mentat un fòrum de discussió freqüentat especialment pels estudiants. D’aquí a una comunitat

a l realment vertebrada només hi ha un pas. in g i I els aficionats? Hem parlat de recerca, d’investigadors, de poder veure manuscrits amb de- r

O tall, però, i els milers d’aficionats al món medieval quins recursos tenen a l’abast? Si seguim en el camp dels manuscrits, una idea excel·lent és EyeWitness to History31 que ens proposa els relats dels testimonis de la història. Lamentablement el nombre de relats d’època medieval que recull és molt reduït però és un recurs amb un potencial altíssim de comunicació amb el públic menys expert. Cartes, relats, fins i tot fragments de judicis o altra documentació adequadament tractada té la immediatesa de la vida diària i del contacte humà i són autèntiques claus que ens obren les portes d’un viatge en el temps. Art. Mentre que els arxius i els centres de recerca han ofert tradicionalment els seus serveis de forma prioritària als investigadors, els museus s’han adreçat primordialment als amateurs, als amant de l’art. I en el nou món d’Internet la dinàmica no és diferent. Els museus més actius, grans i petits, tenen multitud de continguts dedicats als públic no especialista. El Metropolitan Museum de New York per exemple permet cercar a les seves amplíssimes bases tota mena d’objectes: pintures, orfebreria, escultures, instruments musicals, armes.. però potser la aplicació més interessant del

24. Sermo. Know more. Know earlier. 2008. 26 de gener de 2008 . 25. “Welcome to the new home of the ORB on the web”. The Orb: On-line Reference Book for Medieval Studies. April 2000. The College of Staten Island. 26 de gener de 2008 . 26. Halsall, Paul, ed. Internet Medieval Sourcebook. December 2006. Fordham University. 27 de gener de 2008 . 27. Harbin, Andrea R. Netserf. The internet connection for Medieval Resources. 2006. 27 de gener de 2008 . 28. Irvine, Martin; Everhart, Deborah, dirs. The Labyrinth. Resources for Medieval Studies. 2002. Georgetown University. 28 de gener de 2008 . 29. Glauch, Sonja; Hamm, Joachim; Rupp, Michael. “Welcome to the English Portal to the Pages of Mediaevum. De!”. Medieval Studies on the Internet Mediaevum. De. 2006. Wissenschaftliche Internetdienstleistungen Mediaevum. De GbR. 29 de gener de 2008 . 30. Glauch, Sonja; Hamm, Joachim; Rupp, Michael. “Unser Forum hat eine neue Software”.Mediävistik im Internet Mediaevum.de. 2007. Wissenschaftliche Internetdienstleistungen Mediaevum. De GbR. 2 de febrer de 2008. . 31. “The Middle Ages and Renaissance”. EyeWitness to History. History through the eyes of those who lived it. Ibis communications, Inc. 2 de febrer de 2008 .

458 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 458 08/06/2009 8:19:00 h 32 seu web és el Timeline of Art History que ens permet un accés geogràfic i històric a una exten- is g l

síssima sèrie d’articles sobre l’art medieval, entre d’altres. El més rellevant no és però la quantitat n

d’articles o la seva qualitat sinó l’adaptació que s’ha fet dels continguts a l’ecosistema i les possibi- E in

litats d’Internet. Cada mapa permet triar temps, cada temps un espai geogràfic, en cada descripció n

hi ha diferents objectes per triar, a cada objecte l’acompanyen un llistat de conceptes... Aquest t t e i recurs ens demostra que la forma de moure’s per la informació a Internet no té res a veure amb el r W

recorregut lineal de la publicació impresa; Internet és hipertextual, amb múltiples enllaços creuats t

que porten d’un concepte a un altre, d’un general a un específic, d’aquest a una imatge, d’aquesta no

a un vídeo i d’aquest a un altre concepte general. La cerca de la col·lecció del British Museum és s un altre exemple de sofisticació del cross-linking i de profunditat dels continguts33 i també ofereix e x t T la visualització de les seves dades (i d’altres partners) en una línia de temps34. t h e

Exposicions virtuals i monogràfics. Altres webs han dedicat els seus esforços a temes més f o

monogràfics, com ara edificis monumentals concrets o la versió virtual de determinades expo- s

sicions. En el cas de l’arquitectura, molts monuments francesos per exemple disposen de webs a l in

35 g d’aquest tipus, un exemple pot ser l’abadia de Sant Germain d’Auxerre , amb una navegació molt i r

més tradicional que els museus anglosaxons, però amb una remarcable profunditat de continguts, O o la dedicada a la vila de Saint Denis36 o a la ciutat de Carcassonne37 que fa ús d’algunes eines mul- timèdia. Si retornem als manuscrits, Incunabula38 és un altre exemple d’excel·lent exposició virtual amb multitud de continguts sobre un tema concret. La cerca transversal. Per sobre d’aquestes webs monogràfiques una nova tipologia s’està inici- ant, la dels agregadors globals de projectes. Aquests són especialment importants en el cas europeu, per la diversitat de nacions, idiomes i estàndards que hi trobem al llarg de tot el continent. L’esforç actual està en promoure la intercomunicació efectiva entre sistemes per tal que el lector des de qualsevol lloc del món i amb diferents idiomes accedeixi en una sola pantalla simultàniament al fons de totes les institucions implicades39. La European Library40 o el projecte Michael41 assagen

32. Montebello, Philippe de. “Europe, 1000-1400 A.D.”. Timeline of Art History. Metropolitan Museum of Art. 2 de febrer de 2008 . 33. “Introduction: Explore”. The British Museum. 2 febrer de 2008 . 34. World Timelines.org.uk. World cultures in British museums. 2005. The British Museum. 2 de febrer de 2008 . 35. Sapin, Christian, dir. L’abbaye de Saint-Germain d’Auxerre. Ministère de la Culture et de la Comunication. 2 de febrer de 2008 . 36. Wyss, Michaël; Meyer Rodrigues, Nicole. Saint-Denis, una ville au Moyen Âge. Ministère de la Culture et la Comunica- tion. 2 de febrer de 2008 . 37. Rouset, Valérie; Amiel Christiane; Piniès, Jean Pierre. La Cité de Carcassonne. Ministère de la Culture et de la Commu- nication. 2 de febrer de 2008 . 38. Dawn of Western Printing. Incunabula (Japanese). August 4, 2005. National Diet Library, Japan. 3 de febrer de 2008 . 39. “Information Society Activities> Overview”. Digital Libraries Initiative Homepage. Europe’s Information Society. 7 de febrer de 2008 ; “Welcome to Euro- pe’s digital library, museum and archive”. Europeana connecting cultural heritage. Koninklije Bibliotheek. 10 de febrer de 2008 . 40. “The european library searches the content of European national libraries”. The European Library. Koninklije Bibli- otheek. 21 de febrer de 2008 . 41. “Project Consortium”. Michael Multilingual inventory of Cultural Heritage in Europe. European Commission. 21 de febrer de 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931 459

Originals.indd 459 08/06/2009 8:19:01 h

is la difícil tasca d’establir cerques intel·ligents sobre els diferents catàlegs existents. Michael, per g l

n exemple, ens permet amb la seva cerca enllaçar amb més de 500 col·leccions digitals disponibles a

E Europa. És un primer pas, amb una integració mínima entre col·leccions però la seva utilitat com in

n a eina de descobriment i d’interconnexió es excel·lent . La màxima expressió d’aquest objectiu la 43

t t e podem trobar en el projecte Europeana que ha començat a funcionar a finals del 2008 sobre la i r base de la Biblioteca Europea. W t no 3. Nova vida, second life s

e x t Viure. Fins ara hem vist una llarga llista de webs que ens proposen aprendre del món medie- T val, de forma més científica, de forma més amena, però sempre en l’àmbit de l’estudi. Hi ha però t h e

f una altra manera d’apropar-se al món medieval. Viure’l. I aquí trobarem una sèrie de propostes o

s que, ara sí, fan servir intensivament els mitjans audiovisuals per atansar-nos al món medieval pel

a l sentiment i l’emoció. in g i Si comencem novament pels manuscrits, la British Library té l’honor de ser la institució que ha r

O aconseguit aproximar-se més a la ficció de que els llibres que consultem en línia els tenim efectivament al davant. El seu programa “Turning the Pages” 44 aconsegueix que passem les pàgines de forma gairebé natural, i fins i tot ens ofereix una lupa per mirar els detalls. És un autèntic plaer gairebé tàctil resseguir la Haggadah Daurada o encara més el Missal de Arburthnott en la versió 2.0 d’aquest programa. Vídeo. Si parlem d’audiovisuals, els documentals produïts per la televisió tenen ara nova vida a Internet. Batalles, formes de viure, les croades, pràcticament qualsevol dels documentals de primer nivell que s’han produït pels canals generalistes o temàtics anglòfons són localitzables en algun dels macro-contenidors de vídeos existents avui dia45. Si de viure el món medieval parlem un referent ineludible (i divertidíssim) són les “Medieval Lives” 46 de Terry Jones per la BBC. Jones, a més d’un dels integrants del grup còmic Monty Pyton és un apassionat de la història i la seva recreació de les vides medievals de cavallers, monjos i camperols estan plenes d’anècdotes i sorpreses a més de regalar-nos unes animacions de miniatures medievals totalment naïfs però encantadores. Una altra sèrie que recrea part de la vida medieval de forma especialment vívida és Weapons that made

42. “A modern pilgrimage through art”. Michael Multilingual inventory of Cultural Heritage in Europe. European Commissi- on. 21 de febrer de 2008 . 43. Cousins, Jill. Europeana. Connecting cultural heritage. The Koninklijke Bibliotheek. 22 de febrer de 2008.. 44. “Turning the pages”. Online Gallery. Turning the pages, leaf through our great books and magnify the details. The British Library. 22 de febrer de 2008 . 45. Ara per ara molts pocs canals televisius han engegat la transmissió via Internet a tot el món. Els qui han engegat reproductors web sofisticats, NBC i BBC per exemple, només permeten l’ús per als seus conciutadans. El motiués que l’estructura actual de negociació de drets dels programes televisius està plantejada exclusivament des del punt de vista de les emissions per cadenes tradicionals, és a dir per països i no hi ha cobertura legal adequada per a emissions mundials. Aquesta situació és insostenible perquè ja ara els usuaris passen per alt aquestes normatives descarregant els programes i oferint-los a la comunitat mundial de forma lliure en webs com la difunta Stage6, Veoh o Miro o xarxes P2P (eMule, etc). Qualsevol usuari europeu es pot baixar d’aquestes xarxes l’últim capítol d’una sèrie d’èxit (Lost, Heroes, House...) acabat d’emetre als USA i que teòricament no arribarà al seu país fins al cap d’uns mesos o fins i tot anys. La distribució legal i mundial de sèries i pel·lícules en línia és simplement un procés imparable que en només un parell d’anys ja estarà en marxa. 46. Es podien trobar a Stage6 però aquest portal va tancar. Ara es poden veure a Veoh. Terry Jones’ Medieval Lives: “Search results for: ‘medieval lies’”. Veoh. 23 de febrer de 2008 .

460 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 460 08/06/2009 8:19:02 h 47 Britain . Conduïda pel carismàtic Mike Loades repassa les armes que han estat importants en la is g l

història de la Gran Bretanya, l’escut, l’arc, la llança, l’espassa i l’armadura. La manera d’aproxi- n

mar-se al passat de Loades és extraordinària, no estudia la història d’aquests objectes o els episodis E in

històrics des d’un punt de vista acadèmic. Ben al contrari, s’enfronta als objectes com a usuari actiu n

d’aquestes armes (és entrenador de combat!) i les investiga minuciosament en la seva utilitat, vol t t e i saber-ne els materials i com es fabricaven, les virtuts i els defectes que aquests els conferien, com r W

s’usava en el camp de batalla mitjançant els antics tractats... Loades llença fletxes, destrossa escuts t

a cops de destral, lluita i cavalca. Però no és només una sèrie d’acció, aquest només és el primer no

pas per entendre l’eina i per extensió un fet històric determinat per la tecnologia de guerra. Engega s experiments amb armament real per entendre en quines condicions reals es van produir aquests e x t T esdeveniments històrics. Quin és l’efecte d’una fletxa en una armadura a 50 metres? Un petit bony t h e

a l’armadura. I a 15 metres? Un forat i potser la mort d’un cavaller. És fascinant veure la recreació f o

que fa de la batalla de Crécy amb l’enfrontament dels arquers anglesos amb tota la noblesa francesa s

a cavall. Quant va durar la càrrega dels francesos? Cavalca sobre el camp històric: només 40 segons. a l in g Quantes fletxes pogueren llençar els arquers en aquest temps? 12 cadascun: 90.000. Quantes van i r

matar cavallers? Molt poques, només les que es van llençar en els últims 10 segons. Però els cen- O tenars de primers cavalls eren vulnerables i probablement en ser abatuts en els últims metres van formar una barrera de cossos caiguts que va bloquejar la pròpia càrrega i va provocar la massacre de milers de nobles francesos a mans dels arquers anglesos. 40 segons. Només 40 segons i després una massacre. La reconstrucció que en fa exclusivament amb la companyia d’un historiador, el seu cavall i uns quants arquers literalment ens posa la història davant dels ulls i ens transporta al camp de batalla. Espais. Hem vist vides i accions recreades pels documentals ara accessibles a Internet però un dels llegats que ens fa més propers els temps passats és també l’arquitectura i els seus espais. Pas- sejar en “el món real” per un claustre d’un monestir romànic, o resseguir el deambulatori d’una catedral gòtica ens fa possible ben sovint aquest viatge en el temps. La transmissió d’aquestes sensacions, la divulgació dels espais de l’arquitectura a Internet té molts exemples, ja hem vist alguns monuments francesos i també el ministeri de cultura francès té bases de dades amb infor- mació científica i tècnica sobre la seva arquitectura48, però si parlem d’experimentar, de viure els espais, un dels millors mitjans és la fotografia panoràmica. Diferents webs ofereixen aquesta visió immersiva en edificis de tot tipus, evidentment també medievals. Arounder49, 360 Cities50, Vie- wat51 i Panoramas.dk52 en són els més destacats. Aquestes visites immersives també poden ser més complexes i no només fotogràfiques, generant digitalment una reconstrucció tridimensional que

47. “Weapons that made Britain”. Channel4. com. 23 de febrer de 2008 ; Es poden veure a Veoh: “Search results for: ‘weapons that made britain”. Veoh. 23 de febrer de 2008 . 48. “Présentation des bases Architecture et Patrimoine”. Architecture & Patrimoine. Ministère de la Culture et de la communication. 23 de febrer de 2008 . 49. Arounder. 23 de febrer de 2008 . 50. 360 cities. The world in virtual reality. 23 de febrer de 2008 . 51. Borràs Serret, Iban; Izquierdo Garay, Joan Carles, dirs. ViewAt.org. El mundo en panorámicas. 23 de febrer de 2008 . 52. Nyberg, Hans. Panoramas.dk. 23 de febrer de 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931 461

Originals.indd 461 08/06/2009 8:19:03 h 53 is es pot recórrer. ArsVirtual n’és un molt bon exemple, impulsat per la Fundación Telefónica ha g l

n creat més d’una dotzena de visites virtuals, moltes d’elles d’edificis medievals. Podem literalment

E volar per l’interior o al voltant d’aquests edificis i les visites estan acompanyades en tots els casos in

n de textos i imatges divulgatives. 54

t t e Un altre projecte molt interessant són les galeries d’edificis en 3D de Google Earth . Al voltant i r del popular programa de navegació geogràfica de Google s’ha desenvolupat una comunitat de W

t creadors, individuals i institucionals que hi van afegint dades de tota mena, en el nostre cas recons-

no truccions en 3D d’edificis medievals de tota Europa. Aquest és exemple perfecte del que vol dir el

s nou Internet, la web 2.0. Google no crea una galeria d’edificis en 3D, sinó que posa a l’abast del e x t públic de forma gratuïta una eina relativament senzilla de creació i són els usuaris de tot el món55 T els que de forma desinteressada, i en alguns casos amb una qualitat increïble, omplen la xarxa amb t h e 56 f les seves reconstruccions tridimensional de catedrals, castells i monestirs . o

s Jugar, jugar i jugar. No tot és coneixement o noves experiències, el joc pur també té el seu

a l espai. Internet és un immens camp de jocs de tota mena, de l’atzar a l’habilitat passant pels com- in g i plexes jocs de rol. Alguns són hereus dels jocs de taula i d’altres ja s’han desenvolupat de forma r

O autònoma a la xarxa. Hi ha centenars de propostes, des de les més infantils com les que podem trobar a la web anglesa ShowMe57 que ens mostra les produccions dels museus anglesos, fins a les més complexes d’estratègia i batalles. I si de jocs de guerra parlem, el més popular és ara mateix sense dubte Total War Medieval II, un joc que té una vida inusitada a Internet fins i tot amb un grup de Facebook i desenvolupadors que ofereixen pel seu compte ampliacions amb nous escenaris, guer- rers i batalles58. Total War té alguns aspectes molt interessants, com el seu afany de versemblança. El rigor històric amb que està construït és remarcable si tenim en compte que és un joc (aquí no hi ha dracs ni bruixes...) i una conseqüència d’aquesta aposta pel realisme. No només hi ha batalles, sinó que la lluita pel poder s’estén a la diplomàcia, a les aliances, a les relacions dels nobles amb l’església. No és un joc educatiu però segur que tots els seus jugadors ha aprés molt més del món medieval del que esperaven59.

53. “Portada”. ArsVirtual, espacio virtual para la difusión del patrimonio cultural. 2006. Fundación telefónica. 24 de febrer de 2008 . 54. “medieval- Búsqueda en Google Galería 3D”. Google Galeria 3D. Google. 24 de febrer de 2008 . 55. I si el que busquem són continguts generats pels usuaris podem fer una mirada a Flickr o YouTube i fer la cerca “medieval”. Trobarem centenars de milers de propostes, moltes sorprenents: “results for medieval search”. YouTube-broadcast Yourself. 24 de febrer de 2008 ; “Flickr: bús- queda: medieval”. Flickr. Yahoo company. 24 de febrer de 2008 . 56. Una nova web catalana, Patrimoni.gencat, utilitza tots aquests recursos visuals i 2.0 (vídeo, panoràmiques, reconstruccions 3D, etc.) per mostrar el patrimoni cultural català. Patrimoni.gencat. Generalitat de Catalunya. 25 de Març de 2008 . 57. Show Me. We show you wild/ cool/ crazy/fun/scary stuff from the UK’s museums and galleries. 24 hour museum. 25 de febrer de 2008 . 58. Medieval II Total War. Sega. 25 de febrer de 2008 ; “Medieval II: Total War”. Facebook. 25 de febrer de 2008. ; “Released: Gods & Fighting Men-Total War”. Total War center forums. 25 de febrer de 2008 . 59. Una petita mostra del diari de campanya extreta de la seva web: “It seems the prolonged siege of York had paid off, and the Rebels have crumbled to the might of my Army. With the village under my control, I am presented with options to occupy the settlement, sack it, or exterminate the entire populace. Occupying the settlement offers the most long-term financial gain, so seems ultimately like the most beneficial option. With the village captured, I now turn my attentions to Scotland and send a spy up to investigate.” O’Connell, Mark. “Campaign Journal-Part 1”. TotalWar. Sega. 25 de febrer de 2008 http://www.totalwar.com/index. html?page=/en/medieval2/gameinfo/campaignjournal.html&nav=/en/medieval2/1/4/.

462 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 462 08/06/2009 8:19:04 h 60 Mons virtuals. S’ha parlat molt en els últims dos anys de Second Life com a món virtual on is g l

aviat tots tindríem la nostra doble vida. Efectivament molts usuaris han decidit quin és el seu nou n

perfil en aquest nou món. Museus, governs i empreses han obert seus virtuals on han fet confe- E in

rències, trobades i fins i tot exposicions. Com tantes propostes d’Internet, després d’estar en boca n

de tothom durant un temps, sembla que ara la seva evolució s’ha estancat. Hi ha espais medievals t t e i també a Second Life? Home, alguna cosa hi ha, espais per a “tribus” autodenominades medievals r W

però que en realitat són poc més que quatre disfresses divertides. Si retornem al món dels jocs sí t

que trobarem diversos mons virtuals que reconstrueixen d’alguna manera l’època medieval. Entre no

aquests, un lloc destacat el mereix sense dubte RuneScape61. Plantejat com un joc de rol, cada s participant escull un personatge i guia les seves accions en un món comú per a tots ells plagat de e x t T castells, batalles i revoltes. El joc és desenvolupa en línia de forma simultània per a tots els partici- t h e

pants i la comunicació i cooperació entre els jugadors és essencial per “sobreviure”. I quan parlem f o

de jugadors no són uns pocs milers. Quan escric aquest article n’hi ha més de 180.000 jugant! s

Utopia62 és un altre d’aquests mons virtuals on submergir-se i en aquest el desenvolupament a l in g del joc fa honor al seu nom: “Benvinguts a Utopia, un món on la realitat i els somnis s’uneixen, un i r 63 món on el més baix dels pagesos pot esdevenir el més gran heroi.” El jugador, convertit en cava- O ller, ha de pilotar el seu regne. Un detall curiós d’aquest joc és que el seu temps és continu, com si fos real, no depèn de que el jugador hi sigui o no. Quan tornes a aquest món virtual després d’uns dies sense jugar has de preguntar als teus consellers quins han estat els esdeveniments transcorre- guts en la teva absència del regne. Caps de setmana al 1300. Però si de tenir una segona vida parlem, el referent no és només Second Life, sinó les vides alternatives que es poden posar en marxa en el nostre propi món. Els 30.000 membres de la Society for Creative Anacronism64 no fan mercats medievals, sinó que recreen batalles, poblats, tornejos... Cal veure les fotografies i els vídeos65 per creure-ho... Una autèntica comunitat humana que cada cap de setmana viatgen per tots els USA per viure en un temps diferent del seu.

60. Second Life. 27 de febrer de 2008 . 61. Runescape. 27 de febrer de 2008 . 62. Utopia. 27 de febrer de 2008 . 63. Welcome to Utopia, a world where reality and dreams come together, a world where the lowliest of peasants can become the world’s greatest heroes. A world unlike any other that you may have experienced now stands before you. Any peasant can become Lord of their own province, but only the greatest can survive. Being a leader in the world of Utopia will challenge your every skill and demand your careful attention. Without diplomacy and tact, you will never rise to the respect the people demand of you. You must decide when to be ruthless and when to be compassionate. Will you run an empire of might or magic? Perhaps one of cunning and betrayal? Alas, it is almost impossible to do them all. Every decision, every challenge will be yours and yours alone. Are you ready to be a Lord or Lady here in Utopia? If so, continue onwards... “A guide to Utopia: the age of the Schola. Chapter 1: the overviewr”. Utopia. 27 de febrer de 2008. 64. Society for Creative Anacronism. 28 de febrer de 2008 ; Scmid, Kendra. “Arts and Sciences Links for the society for creative anachronism”. Kingdom of Atlantia Arts and Sciences. 28 de febrer de 2008 . 65. Arguscaradoc. “SCA tv spot”. YouTube Broadcast Yourself. June 05, 2006. 28 de febrer de 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931 463

Originals.indd 463 08/06/2009 8:19:05 h 4. Nou sistema, nova societat is g l

n Hem vist fins ara un breu recull de quins recursos ens ofereix Internet respecte al món medie-

E val, des dels més científics fins als més lúdics. Però Internet és molt més que tot això, és l’eina que in

n està transformant la comunicació i en conseqüència la pròpia societat.

t t e Comunitat, nous actors i nous denominadors. Les barreres de la publicació han desapare- i r gut i ara tothom pot aportar continguts, siguin textos, fotografies o comentaris sobre una pel·lícula. W

t Els nous protagonistes són ara els milions de creadors que s’han incorporat en aquests anys. Des 66 no del programador que ofereix un “mod” per Total War , a l’animador de 26 anys que fa una petita

s obra d’art sobre el tapís de Bayeux67. Si els creadors són ara individuals i majoritàriament ho fan e x t sense remuneració, qui domina ara aquest món? Els nous gegants són els qui posen les plataformes T perquè això existeixi. Com Google. L’empresa que va néixer com un cercador ara és un dels actors t h e

f clau en aquest nou món. o

s Cercar i etiquetar. Perquè Google va engegar una nova manera de cercar absolutament re-

a l volucionària68. Ara ja no cerquem per temes generals i cada cop més específics, per ordre fins in g i arribar al contingut, sinó que cerquem per conceptes concrets, per paraules clau en tot el text r

O d’Internet i arribem als fragments concrets sense intermediació. Com cercarem quan tots els llibres i articles que ens interessen estiguin dintre del programa Google Book Search?69. Ja no buscarem llibres sobre determinats temes sinó que cercarem aquests temes directament a l’interior de tots els llibres. La forma d’investigar serà totalment diferent. Potser la nostra no, però sí la de les noves generacions. Nou ecosistema, nou econsistema. I també els sistemes econòmics de publicació. Al voltant de l’any 2000 es van general projectes multimilionaris basats sobre els antics esquemes de diners a canvi d’informació sobre un entorn que era radicalment diferent i els fracassos van ser especta- culars. Fathom70, una universitat en línia principalment finançat per la Columbia University71 al 2001 costava més de 17 milions de dòlars anuals i els ingressos eren de 700.000 dòlars. Molts altres

66. “Released: Gods & Fighting Men-Total War”. Total War center forums. 3 de març de 2008 . 67. Aviddavid. “YouTube- Bayeux Tapestry”. YouTube Broadcast Yourself. March 05, 2007. 4 de març de 2008 . 68. Imaginem que fa deu anys haguéssim demanat a un servei de documentació internacional que cerqués una notícia concreta a tots els diaris del món. No a 100 diaris de tot el món, sinó a 10.000 diaris de tot el món. Si hagués trigat un mes a respondre hauria estat un èxit. Però quin hauria estat el cost d’una cerca així? Ara repetim una cerca com aquesta cada dia desenes de vegades i n’obtenim la resposta en menys d’un segon i gratis. És tan fàcil fer una pregunta en qualsevol cercador d’Internet que no ens adonem de la tasca gegantina que representa respondre-la. Si escrivim “New Zealand Medieval Studies” a Google, el seu cercador repassarà totes les pàgines web que s’han escrit al món per trobar aquelles que continguin aquests conceptes, en trobarà més de 90.000 les llistarà i les ordenarà per la seva importància de forma que les més rellevants i utilitzades estiguin al principi. Tot això en 0,31 segons. I descobrirem que existeix ANZAMEMS i que a Nova Zelanda tenen una col·lecció notable de manuscrits medievals. 69. Google recerca de llibres. Google. 8 de març de 2008 . 70. “Welcome to the fathom archive”. Fathom: The Source for Online Learning. Fathom Knowledge Network. 9 de març de 2008. . 71. “Ann Kirschner on Marketing and Distribution of Online Learning”. Ubiquity. Association for Compunting Machi- nery. 9 de març de 2008 ; Arnone, Michael. “Report from Columbia University’s Senate Sharply Critizices Spending for Online Venture”. The Chronicle of Higher Education. Distance education. April 25, 2002. 26 de febrer de 2008 ; An- derson, Karen W. “Columbia’s Internet Concern Will Soon Go Out of Business”. New York Times. January 7, 2006. 10 de març de 2008 .

464 Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931

Originals.indd 464 08/06/2009 8:19:06 h 72 projectes d’educació en línia (o en la distribució de fotografies de museus, projecte Amico ) van is

73 74 g l

tancar amb pèrdues similars . Simplement els nous sistemes impliquen nous models econòmics . n

Google Scholar i Google Book Search com hem dit abans representen un perill imminent per a E in

repositoris de pagament com Jstor. Si per exemple busquem l’article “Grund to Hrof: Aspects of n

the Old English Semantics of Building and Architecture” a Google trobarem la seva entrada a Jstor, t t e i però haurem de pagar llicència per accedir-hi. Al British Library Direct també el trobarem i ens r W

demanaran un mínim de 13 lliures per baixar-nos l’article. Però si anem a Google Scholar, podrem t

llegir-ne directament 17 pàgines, mentre que altres 7 queden amagades per acord amb l’editorial. no

Si jo fos l’autor de l’article i podés triar, sense dubte voldria que el meu article estigués disponible a s Google Scholar des del primer dia de publicació, i sense restriccions... Si alguna cosa pot demanar e x t T un autor és visibilitat. És per això que cada cop més, també, els propis investigadors obren pàgines t h e

personals en les quals publiquen la versió electrònica dels seus articles, sigui en la versió final, o per f o

salvar possibles conflictes amb les revistes tradicionals que tenen els drets de publicació, publicant s

versions “esborrany” que com era previsible tenen poques diferencies amb la final. a l in g Internet a la mà. I la propera revolució que veurem és el trasllat d’Internet des de les pantalles i r

dels ordinadors a les pantalles dels telèfons. Serà un canvi ràpid i radical que ja ha començat amb O l’Iphone75, el primer dispositiu que realment posa Internet a la ma. El dispositiu76 de la imatge és només una imaginació d’un brillant dissenyador japonès, però està ben a prop de ser realitat, segur que menys de 10 anys. Serà el que faran servir els natius digitals. Ells són natius digitals. Aquest article ha començat recordant que qui l’escriu i molts dels que el llegiran som immigrants digitals. En canvi els alumnes de les escoles actuals no ho són, ells ja són natius digitals77, han nascut en aquest món i aprenen, parlen i es comporten de forma diferent a nosaltres. Per a ells la narrativa normal no és la lineal sinó la multilineal i entrellaçada. Per a ells l’expressió audiovisual és la norma. Per a ells les tasques són simultànies i no consecutives. Per a ells Internet es porta a sobre, com el telèfon. Però per a ells el món medieval pot ser un objecte de fascinació tan o més fort que per a nosaltres.

72. Amico. Art Museum Image Consortium enabling educational use of museum multimedia. 2005. Art Museum Network. 10 de març 2008 . 73. Carlson, Scott; Carnevale, Dan. “Debating the Demise of NYUonline” The Chronicle of Higher Education Distance education. December 14, 2001. 12 de març de 2008 . Jokivirta, Lisa. “Wath Went Wrong with Alllearn?”. University Business. 14 June 2006. 15 de març de 2008 . Hafner, Katie. “Lessons Learned At Dot-Com U”. The New York Times. May 2, 2002. 15 de març de 2008 . 74. La publicitat associada només és el més conegut. Per la resta: “Better than free”. Kevin Kelly. The Technium. January 31, 2008. 15 de març de 2008. . 75. “Iphone 3G”. Apple. 15 de març de 2008 . 76. Funamizu, Mac. “Future of Internet Search: mobile version”. Petitinvention. February 10, 2008. 15 de març de 2008 . 77. Prensky, Marc. “Digital Natives, Digital Immigrants”. Marc Prensky Home. 2001. 15 de gener de 2008 .

Im a g o Te m p o r i s . Me d i u m Ae v u m , II (2008): 453-465. ISSN 1888-3931 465

Originals.indd 465 08/06/2009 8:19:07 Originals.indd 466 08/06/2009 8:19:07 NORMS FOR PUBLICATION

1. Imago Temporis. Medium Aevum accepts proposals for the publication of completely original texts.

2. The proposed texts must be sent by ordinary post or e-mail to: ‘Espai, Poder i Cultura’ Consolidated Medieval Studies Research Group Universitat de Lleida, Plaça Víctor Siurana, 1 25003 Lleida (Catalonia) (Spain) [email protected]

3. The articles must be presented in computerised format, preferably in MS-Word. The text must be between 40,000 and 90,000 characters.

4. The cover page should carry only the title of the article and the author’s name, institutional affiliation, postal and e-mail addresses, and phone number.

5. All articles must be accompanied by a summary of 100-120 word (abstract) and five key words.

6. All texts received will be submitted to anonymous evaluation by two experts in the subject. In accordance with the latter’s written reports, the journal may reject these articles or submit any observations that are considered scientifically apt to the authors.

7. To facilitate the exchange of ideas, the articles shall be published in English, given that this is the common language of the international scientific community. At the same time, the original version of those texts written in another language shall also be included.

8. When articles are divided into chapters, all subdivisions should be indicated by the numerical series (1, 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 2, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3...). The second level title must be in italics.

9. Citations over three lines in length must have a blank line above and below, be written in a smaller font size and with be indented 1.5 cm from the left margin.

10. Citations in the same language as the text should not be written in italics.

Final.indd 469 08/06/2009 8:15:06 11. All notes must be at the foot of the page and with the note numbers in the text in superscript after the punctuation marks.

12. Citations included in the footnotes must comply with the following norms:

• A book: Author last name, first name. Book title. Place of publication: Publisher, Year of publication: volume, pages. Connel, William J. La città dei crucci. Fazioni e clienteli in uno stato reppubblicano del ‘400. Toscana: Nuova Toscana editrice, 2000: 24-25. Bisson, Thomas N. Fiscal accounts of Catalonia under the early count-kings (1151- 1213). Berkeley-Los Angeles-London: University of California Press, 1984: I, 125-129. • A chapter in a book: Author last name, first name. “Chapter of the book”, Book title, editor of the publication. Place of publication: Publisher, Year of publication: pages. Leroy, Beatrice. “Les juifs convertis dans les villes de Castille au XVe siècle”, La ville au Moyen Âge, Noël Coulete, Olivier Guyotjeannin, dirs. Paris: Éditions du CTHS, 1998: 365-378. Cursente, Benoît. “Les montagnes des médiévistes”, Montaignes médiévales. XXXIV e Congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l’Enseignement supérieur public (Chambéry, 23-25 mai 2003). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2004: 415-433. • An edition: Author last name, first name (if there is). Title, editor’s name. Place: Publisher, date of publication: pages. Homilies d’Organyà, ed. Joan Coromines. Barcelona: Fundació Revista de Catalunya, 1989: 38-40. Troyes, Chrétien de. Le chevalier de la charrette, ed. Catherine Croizy-Naquet. Paris: Honoré Champion, 2006: 70. Col·lecció diplomàtica de la casa del Temple de Barberà (945-1212), ed. Josep Maria Sans i Travé. Barcelona: Departament de Justícia de la Generalitat de Catalunya, 1997: 109 (nº 33). • An encyclopaedia or dictionary: Author of entry. “Title of entry.” Title of reference book. (Edition number). Place of publication: Publisher, Year of publication: volume, pages. Aarab, Rachib. “Islam”. Enciclopèdia de Barcelona. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2006: III, 94-95. • A periodical (magazine or journal): Author last name, first name. “Article title.” Title of periodical, Date of periodical (or, if a journal, volume number, followed by year in parentheses): Pages. Raxhon, Philippe. “Décrytage d’un manifeste d’historiens”. La Libre Belgique, 25 January 2006: 30. • A scientific article: Author last name, first name. “Article title”.Title of publication, number (year of publication): pages. Catalán, Diego. “La historiografía en verso y en prosa de Alfonso XI a la luz de nuevos textos. III: Prioridad de la Crónica respecto a la Gran Crónica”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 2 (1965): 257-299.

Final.indd 470 08/06/2009 8:15:06 • A website: Author of webpage. “Article Title.” Title of webpage. Date of publication. Institution associated with (if not cited earlier). Date of retrieval . Tambareau, Caroline. “Pierre Nora: la mémoire divise, l’histoire réunit”. Les Clionautes. 16 October 2005. Centre de Ressources Informatiques 74. 10 Au- gust 2006

13. When a work cited in a footnote is repeated, it can be abbreviated with the author and the beginning of the title, followed by an ellipsis and the corresponding page(s): Leroy, Beatrice. “Les juifs convertis”...: 367.

Final.indd 471 08/06/2009 8:15:06 The following institutions have given financial support to volume II of Imago Temporis. Medium Aevum:

Final.indd 472 08/06/2009 8:15:06 ORDERS

Name/Institution:

Address:

Country:

I wish to carry out scientific exchange and receive an annual copy of Imago Tem- poris. Medium Aevum in exchange for sending the annual edition(s) of:

………………………………………………………………………………...... …………………………………………………………………………….………………… ………………………………………………………………......

I wish to subscribe to Imago Temporis. Medium Aevum and authorise the Universitat de Lleida to charge annually € 50 to my account number: IBAN: SWIFF:

Each annual edition will be sent after reception of the subscription.

Send to the administration: ‘Espai, Poder i Cultura’ Consolidated Medieval Studies Research Group Universitat de Lleida Plaça Víctor Siurana, 1 25003 Lleida (Catalonia) (Spain) [email protected]

Final.indd 473 08/06/2009 8:15:06 Reti Medievali. On line Medieval Studies www.retimedievali.it

Reti Medievali was established in 1998 by a group of scholars of the Universities of Florence, Naples, Palermo, Venice and Verona, and started on line in May 2000. In 2001 more scholars from other Italian universities have joined the Editorial Board. Since 2004 a net of italian and foreign Corresponding Edi- tors contribute to extend the thematic and geographic range of our initiative. RM aims at establishing itself as an on-line community of medievalists, beyond specialistic fields, and aims at encouraging institutions and individual scholars in experimenting and exploring, through a common action, the potential of new communication technologies. RM proposes itself as a high-level scientific and informative web site and aims at offering texts, working tools and reflections on historiography in accordance with the present trends in Italian research and teaching practice. Texts and materials published by RM are peer-reviewed by the Editorial Board and by an independent Referee Board. RM has been published since 2002 by Firenze University Press and deposited in digital form at the Bib- lioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence RM is arranged in the following sections: RM Library broadcasts in the web electronic texts illustrating trends and problems in current medieval research, and proposes itself as a specialized electronic library, also informing about similar texts published in other web sites; RM Calendar offers an updated international monitoring of meetings, lectures and seminars as well as historical exhibitions in the field of medieval disciplines, and proposes itself as a long-lasting data bank; RM Teaching aims at being a mean of circulation of teaching material and experiences connected to the use of the web and of multi-medial techniques; RM E-Book is the first Italian collection of studies and texts issued in an integrated format (on-demand prints-on-paper and various electronic formats). RM Memory means to build up a sort of dictionary containing information on scholars and great works of the present and of the past as well as on today major historiographic questions. RM Repertory offers a critical and structural survey of basic resources for the great topics of medieval studies, informing on their availability on the web. RM Journal contains debates, essays, archives, hyper-textual experiences, surveys, materials, working- papers proposals, bibliographical and web sites updating.

Digital publication Editor-in-chief: Andrea Zorzi Licence by Cancelleria del Tribunale di Firenze n° 5542 - 27 december 2006 ISSN 1593-2214 E-mail: [email protected] © Copyright The property of RM is owned by Associazione culturale “Reti Medievali”

Final.indd 474 08/06/2009 8:15:06 The American Academy of Research Historians of Medieval Spain (AARHMS) was founded in 1974 by a group of historians who shared a common interest in medieval Iberia, and grew to become the largest professional association dedicated to this field. Members include scholars of the various cultures and societies associated with the peninsula, the extra- peninsular lands governed by its rulers, and the role of its inhabitants, both directly and indirectly, in the broader history of Europe and the Islamic world. It is an affiliated society of the American Historical Association and sponsors research presentations at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association, the International Medieval Congress at Kalamazoo, and in other regional and national settings. AARHMS is an international organization which welcomes scholars from across the globe, of all disciplines, from graduate students through to emeriti. Our mission is to provide a forum for contact, collaboration and scholarly debate.

Membership benefits include: * a subscription to our bi-annual newsletter, which includes book reviews, members' announcements, and calls for papers * participation in AARHMS-sponsored sessions at the International Congress on Medieval Studies at Kalamazoo, and the American Historical Association meeting * full access to the AARHMS website, including a members' discussion board and databases with members' contact information, current research projects, upcoming travel, and publications * a special subscription rate for the new Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies

Annual dues are only $15, or $38 for three years. Members can subscribe to the JMIS with a special limited-time one-year introductory rate of $25 in addition to their dues. Payment can be made via PayPal, credit card, bank transfer or check drawn on a U.S. account. Go to www.aarhms.org to join

AARHMS is a registered 501(c)(3) organization. Gifts and donations to AARHMS are tax-deductible in the United States; annual dues to AARHMS are tax-deductible as professional expenses.

Final.indd 475 08/06/2009 8:15:07