DOCSLIB.ORG

Russia and the New Cold War. Current State and Possible Evolution

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Russia and the New Cold War. Current State and Possible Evolution Russia and the New Cold War. Current State and Possible Evolution. The event will be held on Tuesday, November 5th, starting with 10.00, at The National Military Club, Alba Iulia Hall, 3rd floor, Constantin Mille Street Entrance. Event Agenda: 10.00-11.30 Panel I. Perspectives on the foreign and security policy of Russia. Possible future actions of Putin's regime. 10.00-10.10 Opening remarks by Ambassador Sergiu Celac, the Honorary Chairman of New Strategy Center, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Romania • Contribution of Mr. Andrey Nikolayevich Illarionov, senior fellow in the Center for Global Liberty and Prosperity at the Cato Institute in Washington, former economic policy advisor to the President of Russia, Vladimir Putin. 10.50-11:30 Open Discussion 11:30-11:50 Coffee break 11:50 – 13:00 Panel II - The economic and social situation in Russia and the effects of the sanctions Chair: Ambassador Lazăr Comănescu, Member of the Scientific Council of New Strategy Center, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Romania • Contribution of Mr. Andrey Nikolayevich Illarionov, senior fellow in the Center for Global Liberty and Prosperity at the Cato Institute in Washington, former economic policy advisor to the President of Russia, Vladimir Putin 12:30-13:00 Open Discussion Andrey Nikolayevich Illarionov is a Russian economist and former economic policy advisor to the President of Russia, Vladimir Putin. He works as a senior fellow in the Center for Global Liberty and Prosperity at the Cato Institute in Washington, DC. Illarionov was born on 16 September 1961, in Sestroretsk, Leningrad Oblast, now a municipal town of Saint Petersburg. He then went on to study economics at the Leningrad State University, graduating in 1983, and receiving a Ph.D. in economics in 1987. From 1983 to 1984, and again from 1988 to 1990 Illarionov taught for the International Economic Relations Department of Leningrad State University. From 1990 to 1992 he was senior researcher at the Regional Economic Research Department of the Saint Petersburg State University of Economics and Finance. From 1992 he became part-time economic adviser to the Russian Deputy Prime Minister and Acting Prime Minister Yegor Gaidar and (until 1993) the first deputy head of the Economic Reform Centre of the Russian Government. From 1993 to 1994 Illarionov was the head of the Analysis and Planning Group of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers and the Government of Russia, Viktor Chernomyrdin, after which he went on to become the vice-president of the Leontyev International Social and Economic Research Centre, and director of the Moscow division. He has created the Institute for Economic Analysis and was its director from 1994 to 2000. Illarionov had called for a sharp devaluation of the Russian ruble before the August 1998 financial meltdown to prevent it. On 12 April 2000, Illarionov assumed the office of Vladimir Putin's senior economic adviser within the Russian presidential administration and in May 2000 he became the personal representative of the Russian president (sherpa) in the G8. He played an important role in introducing the low 13% flat income tax in Russia, in repaying the Russian foreign debt, in creation the petroleum revenues-based Stabilization Fund of the Russian Federation and in bringing Russia's full-fledged membership in the political G8. On 3 January 2005 Illarionov resigned from his position as presidential representative to the G8. On 27 December 2005, Illarionov offered his resignation in protest against the government course, saying that Russia was no longer politically free, but ran by an authoritarian elite. "It is one thing to work in a country that is partly free. It is another thing when the political system has changed, and the country has stopped being free and democratic," he said. In October 2006, Illarionov was appointed senior researcher of the Center for Global Liberty and Prosperity of the US libertarian think tank Cato Institute in Washington, DC. On 14 April 2007, and 9 June 2007, Illarionov took part in opposition Dissenters' Marches in Moscow and Saint Petersburg, respectively. Illarionov is one of the 34 first signatories of the online anti-Putin manifesto "Putin must go", published on 10 March 2010. .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • UK Wants to De-Escalate Tensions with Iran: Hunt
    BUSINESS | Page 1 QATAR | Page 20 Local banking sector benefi ts from Qatar’s economic growth: UDC signs QR1.2bn deals QIIB chief for 3 projects at Pearl-Qatar published in QATAR since 1978 SUNDAY Vol. XXXX No. 11251 July 21, 2019 Dhul-Qa’da 18, 1440 AH GULF TIMES www. gulf-times.com 2 Riyals Korean PM visits National Museum In brief QATAR | Offi cial UK wants to de-escalate Amir congratulates Colombian president His Highness the Amir Sheikh tensions with Iran: Hunt Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, His Highness the Deputy Amir Sheikh Abdullah bin Hamad al-Thani and British-flagged Stena Impero was seized after the tanker HE the Prime Minister and Interior Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin was involved in an accident; the ship must go through a Nasser bin Khalifa al-Thani sent yesterday cables of congratulations legal process before it could be released: Tehran to Colombian President Ivan Duque on the anniversary of his country’s AFP “Our priority continues to be to disappointment” by phone to his Independent Day. London fi nd a way to de-escalate the situa- Iranian counterpart Zarif. Britain tion,” he said. also summoned the Iranian charge QATAR | Health Hunt said the Stena Impero must d’aff aires in London. HMC’s newest hospital ondon wants to de-escalate be released, and Britain was “very A spokesman for Iran’s Revolution- starts surgical services South Korean Prime Minister Lee Nak-yeon and his accompanying delegation tensions with Tehran, Foreign concerned” about the safety of the 23 ary Guards, Brigadier-General Rame- visited the National Museum of Qatar yesterday.
    [Show full text]
  • A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
    The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER
    [Show full text]
  • Russia and Arms Control: Are There Opportunities for the Obama Administration?
    RUSSIA AND ARMS CONTROL: ARE THERE OPPORTUNITIES FOR THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION? Stephen J. Blank March 2009 Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Authors of Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) publication enjoy full academic freedom, provided they do not disclose classified information, jeopardize operations security, or misrepresent official U.S. policy. Such academic freedom empowers them to offer new and sometimes controversial perspectives in the interest of furthering debate on key issues. This report is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. ***** This publication is subject to Title 17, United States Code, Sections 101 and 105. It is in the public domain and may not be copyrighted. ***** Comments pertaining to this report are invited and should be forwarded to: Director, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 122 Forbes Ave, Carlisle, PA 17013-5244. ***** All Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) publications are available on the SSI homepage for electronic dissemination. Hard copies of this report also may be ordered from our homepage. SSI’s homepage address is: www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil. ***** The Strategic Studies Institute publishes a monthly e-mail newsletter to update the national security community on the research of our analysts, recent and forthcoming publications, and upcoming conferences sponsored by the Institute. Each newsletter also provides a strategic commentary by one of our research analysts.
    [Show full text]
  • MEMO 98 – Media Monitoring Findings, Final Summary Report 2 Dr
    MEMO 98 – Media Monitoring Findings, Final Summary Report 2 Dr. Susanne Spahn - Thüringen – eine Region mit starken Bindungen zu Russland 47 Alan Posener - Wenn die AfD klingt wie die antiimperialistischen Linken, Welt 73 Boris Schumatsky - Ein Schweizer ist Putins fleißigster Internetkrieger, Die Welt 78 Boris Schumatsky – The Epoch Times 83 Democracy Digest - Ways to neutralize Russia’s disinformation (at least partially) 93 Henk Van Ess & Jane Lytvynenko - This Russian Hacker Says His Twitter Bots Are Spreading 97 Messages To Help Germany’s Far Right Party In The Election, Buzzfeed Henk Van Ess - Anleitung: Tipps um Fake Tweets zu entlarven, ZDF 102 Konstantin von Hammerstein, Roman Höfner and Marcel Rosenbach - March of the Trolls: 120 Right-Wing Activists Take Aim at German Election, Spiegel Online Nikolai Klimeniouk – Einmal Speck und Diesel, FAZ 127 Nikolai Klimeniouk - Eine Minderheit, die keine sein will, Welt 128 GERMANY Parliamentary Elections | 24 September 2017 Media Monitoring Findings FINAL Summary Report (8 July - 22 September 2017) 24 November 2017 MEMO 98 Martinengova 8, 811 02 Bratislava, Slovakia | www.memo98.sk, [email protected], +421 903 581 591 2 MEMO 98 1. INTRODUCTION MEMO 98, in cooperation with Internews Ukraine, monitored five Russian-speaking channels and three other outlets prior to the 24 September 2017 parliamentary elections in Germany.1 The monitoring was carried out in three different periods between 8 July and 22 September 2017. The methodology included quantitative and qualitative analysis developed by MEMO 98 that conducted similar projects in more than 50 countries over the course oF twenty years since 1998. Given its comprehensive and content-oriented approach, the methodology was specially designed to provide in-depth Feedback on pluralism in media reporting, including coverage of chosen subjects and topics.
    [Show full text]
  • Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War
    Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War TARAS KUZIO This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War TARAS KUZIO ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2020 ISBN 978-1-910814-55-0 This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share — copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt — remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials/scholarly use. Production: Michael Tang Cover Image: Triff/Shutterstock A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Frostpolitik'? Merkel, Putin and German Foreign Policy Towards Russia
    From Ostpolitik to ‘frostpolitik’? Merkel, Putin and German foreign policy towards Russia TUOMAS FORSBERG* Germany’s relationship with Russia is widely considered to be of fundamental importance to European security and the whole constitution of the West since the Second World War. Whereas some tend to judge Germany’s reliability as a partner to the United States—and its so-called Westbindung in general—against its dealings with Russia, others focus on Germany’s leadership of European foreign policy, while still others see the Russo-German relationship as an overall barometer of conflict and cooperation in Europe.1 How Germany chooses to approach Russia and how it deals with the crisis in Ukraine, in particular, are questions that lie at the crux of several possible visions for the future European order. Ostpolitik is a term that was coined to describe West Germany’s cooperative approach to the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries, initiated by Chan- cellor Willy Brandt in 1969. As formulated by Brandt’s political secretary, Egon Bahr, the key idea of the ‘new eastern policy’ was to achieve positive ‘change through rapprochement’ (Wandel durch Annäherung). In the Cold War context, the primary example of Ostpolitik was West Germany’s willingness to engage with the Soviet Union through energy cooperation including gas supply, but also pipeline and nuclear projects.2 Yet at the same time West Germany participated in the western sanctions regime concerning technology transfer to the Soviet Union and its allies, and accepted the deployment of American nuclear missiles on its soil as a response * This work was partly supported by the Academy of Finland Centre of Excellence for Choices of Russian Modernisation (grant number 250691).
    [Show full text]
  • R Ussian O Utlook
    Spring 2011 Nyetizdat: How the Internet Is Building Civil Society in Russia By Leon Aron In the past decade, Russia has experienced explosive growth in the spread of the Internet and its applica- tions. As in other authoritarian regimes, where the national media are state controlled, censored, or self- censored, the Russian “net” has become “a shelter in the world of censorship.”1 In this “shelter” capacity, “Ru.net,” as it is known in Russia, is reminiscent of samizdat (literally, “self-publishing”), an under- ground network of banned fiction and nonfiction copied and clandestinely disseminated in the Soviet Union in the 1960s and 1970s. Samizdat was central to preserving at least a trickle of uncensored infor- mation during the bleakest years of the Brezhnev “stagnation,” and in doing so paved the way for pere- stroika and glasnost. In breaking outside the perimeter of officially sanctioned public debate, Ru.net harks back to its legendary predecessor. It thus may be named nyetizdat, since in Russian “no” and “net” have Russian Outlook Russian an identical spelling and sound.2 Growing daily in penetration and sophistication, nyetizdat is a major and evolving factor in Russian politics today and, even more so, tomorrow. f course, just as today’s authoritarian Russia Ois not the totalitarian Soviet Union of the 1970s, so too does nyetizdat differ from samizdat, Key points in this Outlook: not only in its medium but also in the regime’s • Russia can be divided into two nations: the management of it. Unlike the producers and con- “television nation” and the “Internet nation.” sumers of nyetizdat, those caught publishing, dis- Although most Russians still get their daily seminating, and reading samizdat could be fired from their jobs and expelled from colleges; at news from television, the minority who rely worst they were sent to prisons and camps.
    [Show full text]
  • Art and Protest in Putin's Russia
    Art and Protest in Putin’s Russia The Pussy Riot protest and the subsequent heavy-handed treatment of the protes- tors grabbed headlines, but this was not an isolated instance of art being noticeably critical of the regime. As this book, based on extensive original research, shows, there has been gradually emerging over recent decades a signifi cant counter- culture in the art world which satirises and ridicules the regime and the values it represents, at the same time putting forward, through art, alternative values. The book traces the development of art and protest in recent decades, discusses how art of this kind engages in political and social protest, and provides many illustrations as examples of art as protest. The book concludes by discussing how important art has been in facilitating new social values and in prompting political protests. Lena Jonson is Senior Research Fellow and Head of the Russia Research Program at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Stockholm. Routledge Contemporary Russia and Eastern Europe Series 1 Liberal Nationalism in Central 8 The Development of Capitalism Europe in Russia Stefan Auer Simon Clarke 2 Civil-Military Relations in 9 Russian Television Today Russia and Eastern Europe Primetime drama and comedy David J. Betz David MacFadyen 3 The Extreme Nationalist Threat 10 The Rebuilding of Greater in Russia Russia The growing influence of Putin’s foreign policy towards the Western Rightist ideas CIS countries Thomas Parland Bertil Nygren 4 Economic Development in 11 A Russian Factory Enters
    [Show full text]
  • Demokrácia – Piacgazdaság – Hatalommegosztás Democracy
    Demokrácia – Piacgazdaság – Hatalommegosztás Democracy – Market Economy – Separation of Powers Demokrácia Piacgazdaság Hatalommegosztás Szerkesztette Smuk Péter Gondolat Kiadó Budapest, 2017 Democracy Market Economy Separation of Powers Edited by Péter Smuk Gondolat Kiadó Budapest, 2017 A kötet A közpénzügyek alkotmányos értékei – demokrácia, piacgazdaság, hatékonyság és hatalommegosztás című kutatási projekt keretén belül, a Pallas Athéné Domus Animae Alapítvány támogatásával jelent meg. This volume has been published in the framework of the research project entitled Constitutional Values of Public Finances – Democracy, Market Economy, Efficiency and Division of Powers and supported by the Pallas Athéné Domus Animae Foundation. Angol nyelvi lektor – English language proofreader Ruthner Gábor, Szalay Orsolya © Szerzők, szerkesztők, 2017 – Authors, editors, 2017 Minden jog fenntartva. Bármilyen másolás, sokszorosítás, illetve adatfeldolgozó rendszerben való tárolás a szerző és a kiadó előzetes írásbeli hozzájárulásához van kötve. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher. www.gondolatkiado.hu facebook.com/gondolat A kiadásért felel - Editor in Charge: Bácskai István A kötetet tervezte - The book designed by: Lipót Éva ISBN 978 963 693 843 7 ISSN 2416-1500 TARtaLOM Előszó 7 I. RÉSZ 9 STUmpf ISTVÁN A tulajdonkorlátozás alkotmánybírósági megítélése.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Public Opinion 2012 2013
    LEVADA ANALYTICAL CENTER «FROM OPINION TOWARD UNDERSTANDING » RUSSIAN PUBLIC OPINION 20122013 ANNUAL Moscow 2013 THE ANALYTICAL CENTRE OF YURY LEVADA (“LEVADACENTER”) Russian Public Opinion – 20122013. M.: LevadaCenter, 2013. – 205 pp. This twelfth edition of the annual “Russia Public Opinion 20122013” continues a series of publications which present the main findings of sociopolitical and socioeconomic research conducted on the basis of mass surveys. Published materials that previously appeared in periodicals are available on our web pages. Compiler and person responsible for the edition N. Zorkaya Formatting, layout –E. Tsvetkova Involved in preparation of materials N. Bondarenko, L. Gudkov, M. Krasilnikova, M. Plotko. © LevadaCenter, 2013 2 CONTENTS Page Preface .....................................................................................................5 1. Public opinion about the year 2012 ...................................................6 2. Public sentiments, expectations........................................................13 3. State and society.................................................................................18 3.1. Russian identity...........................................................................18 3.2. Russian prospects ......................................................................22 3.3. Russia and democracy ...............................................................26 3.4. Society .........................................................................................28 3.5.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin's Russia
    PUTIN’S RUSSIA HOW IT ROSE, HOW IT IS MAINTAINED, AND HOW IT MIGHT END Mikhail Dmitriev, Evgeny Gontmakher, Lev Gudkov, Sergei Guriev, Boris Makarenko, Alexey Malashenko, Dmitry Oreshkin, Kirill Rogov, and Natalia Zubarevich Edited by Leon Aron AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Putin’s Russia How It Rose, How It Is Maintained, and How It Might End Mikhail Dmitriev, Evgeny Gontmakher, Lev Gudkov, Sergei Guriev, Boris Makarenko, Alexey Malashenko, Dmitry Oreshkin, Kirill Rogov, and Natalia Zubarevich Edited by Leon Aron May 2015 American Enterprise Institute © 2015 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org Contents Introduction 1 PART I POLITICAL ECONOMY, POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY, AND THE POLITICS OF FEDERALISM 7 Political Origins and Implications of the Economic Crisis in Russia 8 Sergei Guriev Four Russias and a New Political Reality 22 Natalia Zubarevich Russian Federalism: Reality of Myth? 36 Evgeny Gontmakher PART II REGIME, IDEOLOGY, PUBLIC OPINION, AND LEGITIMACY 51 Resources of Putin’s Conservatism 52
    [Show full text]
  • The New Politics of Russia: Interpreting Change
    The new politics of Russia The new politics of Russia Interpreting change ANDREW MONAGHAN Manchester University Press Copyright © Andrew Monaghan 2016 The right of Andrew Monaghan to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Published by Manchester University Press Altrincham Street, Manchester M1 7JA www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data applied for ISBN 978 1 784 99404 4 hardback ISBN 978 1 784 99405 1 paperback ISBN 978 1 784 99763 2 open access First published 2016 An electronic version of this book is also available under a Creative Commons (CC-BY-NC-ND) licence. The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Typeset by Out of House Publishing ‘We’ve moved on’, Senior British official, 2011. ‘I don’t understand why you don’t understand’, Senior Russian official in discussion with Western officials, 2009. ‘We often come up against the failure to understand our position and sometimes even an unwillingness to understand’, Vladimir Putin, ‘Direct line with Vladimir Putin’, 17 April 2014. http://en.kremlin.ru/ events/president/news/20796. ‘One of the biggest delusions of the West has been that Russians are white. If we were black or blue, or dots, the West couldn’t mis- understand Russians so much.
    [Show full text]